PROGRESS OF AFFAIRS IN GUATEMALA.
1541-1550.
MOURNING FOR ALVARADO—GRIEF OF DOÑA BEATRIZ—AN ANOMALOUS
GOVERNMENT—A FEMALE RULER—A BEAUTIFUL BUT TREACHEROUS
MOUNTAIN—A NIGHT OF HORRORS—DEATH OF DOÑA BEATRIZ—DESTRUCTION
OF SANTIAGO—A RUINED CITY—BURIAL OF THE DEAD—GLOOM OF
CONSCIENCE-STRICKEN SURVIVORS—JOINT GOVERNORS—REMOVAL
OF CITY RESOLVED UPON—A NEW SITE DISCUSSED—ANOTHER
SANTIAGO FOUNDED—MALDONADO APPOINTED GOVERNOR—ACTION OF
THE AUDIENCIA RELATIVE TO ENCOMIENDAS—CONTROVERSIES AND
RECRIMINATIONS—REMOVAL OF THE AUDIENCIA TO SANTIAGO—PRESIDENT
CERRATO OFFENDS THE SETTLERS—HIS MODE OF ACTION.
When the news of Alvarado's death arrived in Santiago[XVIII‑1] during
the last days of August 1541, demonstrations of sorrow were on every
side; the cathedral was draped in black,[XVIII‑2] and the city put on
habiliments of woe; for however bad the man there are few who do not
take pleasure in conventional mourning.
But the effect of the intelligence upon the adelantado's wife, Doña
Beatriz, was so severe as apparently to affect her reason. She beat
her face and tore her hair, weeping, screaming, and groaning in a very
ecstasy of grief. For days she neither ate nor slept, refusing all
consolation. She caused her house to be stained black, both inside
and out, and draped it in deepest mourning. All efforts to appease
her met with passionate outbursts expressed in language accounted
impious,[XVIII‑3] and she repulsed alike the appeals of friends and
the religious consolation offered by the priests—all of which was quite
pathetic on the part of the bereaved woman. Meantime funeral obsequies
were celebrated by Bishop Marroquin with all possible solemnity, prayers
being offered each day for the repose of the late conqueror's soul.
But while due observance of mourning was shown for the loss which
the colonists had sustained in Alvarado's death, it was necessary to
decide upon the important matter of the government of the province.
Francisco de la Cueva had been left lieutenant-governor, but although
this appointment was approved by the viceroy[XVIII‑4] and the cabildo
was ordered by him to recognize Cueva until his Majesty's wishes should
be known, the members took the matter into their own hands and elected
Doña Beatriz governor. This anomalous proceeding was discussed at a
special session, and the reasons assigned for taking such a step were
that it was deemed necessary for the peace, security, and interest of
the country. As soon as the decision was reached the cabildo went in
a body to the house of Doña Beatriz and tendered her the appointment.
Her violent grief for the loss of her lord did not prevent her from
assuming rulership according to the wish of the authorities. Thanking
the municipality for the honor, she accepted the position and promised
to serve his Majesty with zeal and devote herself to the welfare of the
province in the prescribed form of words. The ceremony of installation
immediately followed in the presence of the bishop and Francisco de la
Cueva, after which the widow of Alvarado took the oath in due form,
and thereupon appointed her brother, Francisco de la Cueva,[XVIII‑5]
lieutenant-governor, giving him full power to act for her in all matters
pertaining to the government, except the disposal of repartimientos
of Indians which might become vacant; this prerogative she reserved to
herself. Her brother's appointment was recognized by the cabildo on the
following day, Saturday the 10th of September.[XVIII‑6]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: DESTRUCTION OF SANTIAGO.]
But it was not fated that this unfortunate lady should long enjoy her
high position. Her doom with that of many others was sealed. The rains
during this year had been excessive, and from Thursday the 8th of
September until noon of the following Sunday it rained continuously,
while an unusually violent wind prevailed.[XVIII‑7] The reader is aware
that the city of Santiago was situated on the slope of the lofty volcan
de Agua.[XVIII‑8] This mountain is a beautifully symmetrical cone nearly
fifteen thousand feet above the sea, and in its enormous crater was a
small lake, which, owing to the heavy rainfall, had risen to the top
of the enclosing sides. On the 10th of September,[XVIII‑9] about two
hours after nightfall, a volcanic eruption dislodged an immense volume
of water, or the imprisoned lake burst its barrier. However that may
have been, at this fearful moment down came the impetuous flood upon
the doomed city, ten thousand feet below, and not more than a league
distant from the top, bringing great trees and masses of rock[XVIII‑10]
and hurling them upon the inhabitants. The wind and rain and darkness
rendered the disaster all the more appalling. Many were killed, not
knowing what had come upon them. There was no selection of victims;
Spanish colonist and Indian servant were stricken down, the gambler
at his dice and the worshipper kneeling at the shrine. In that night
of horror each, as he struggled solitary from the seething torrent,
might fancy himself the only survivor. Numbers perished, and many were
cast from its embrace upon firm ground, with mangled limbs and bodies
crushed.[XVIII‑11]
[Sidenote: DEATH OF DOÑA BEATRIZ.]
Doña Beatriz—truly La Sin Ventura, the hapless one, as she had
signed herself the day before—at the first alarm, gathering her maids
around her, hastened to the oratory. But of what avail was prayer?
The waters were upon them, and at the second outburst swept down
the chapel and buried beneath its ruins the lady-governor and her
handmaidens.[XVIII‑12] Before striking Alvarado's house the flood had
washed away two others with their occupants. There were in the dwelling
other members of the household, and among them Doña Leonor, the eldest
natural daughter of Alvarado. These Doña Beatriz sent for, but most
of them were carried away by the torrent, though Doña Leonor and some
others escaped. A large number of Indians of both sexes belonging to
the household were also drowned. Two chaplains who were in the house
were swept through a window and carried for some distance to the plaza
where they were rescued. Several attempts were made during the night to
reach Alvarado's house, but only one person, Francisco Cava, succeeded.
Doña Beatriz' apartment which she had left was the only portion of the
building left standing. Had she remained there, instead of rushing
to the church, she and those with her would have been saved. Many
supernatural horrors were reported to have occurred during the night,
the particulars of which are related by Bernal Diaz.
While this blow was falling upon Alvarado's house and household, his
kinsman Francisco de la Cueva was in extreme peril. At the first roar of
the descending flood, heard above the raging tempest, he imagined that
some violent disturbance had occurred in the town and rushed out lance
in hand, only to be driven back, however, by the avalanche of water.
Retiring with the Spaniards of his house to his study, he escaped the
danger, though that apartment was the only portion of the building left
standing.[XVIII‑13]
When day dawned the scene of desolation was heartrending. The water
had passed away, and on all sides the ruins of the city were exposed
to view. Most of the houses had been overthrown or swept away, and the
few which remained were so filled with mud that they were untenantable.
Whole families had perished.[XVIII‑14] The streets were choked up with
accumulated debris, trunks of mutilated trees, and huge rocks. Scattered
in all this wreck lay disfigured corpses and carcasses of drowned
cattle.[XVIII‑15]
[Sidenote: GATHERING UP THE DEAD.]
And now began the sad, sad search for the dead, followed by mournful
burial. Many of the lost were never found. The bodies of Doña Beatriz
and those who perished with her were recovered with one exception.
Her remains were interred with due solemnity near the high altar of
the cathedral,[XVIII‑16] and those of her companions in death were
reverently laid side by side in one common grave.[XVIII‑17] While the
last rites of the church were duly performed for the behoof of this
hapless lady, the stricken community regarded the catastrophe which
had befallen them as a manifestation of divine wrath; and though most
of the survivors looked upon it as a merited punishment for their own
sins, there were not wanting those who attributed the cause of God's
anger to the intemperate language made use of by Doña Beatriz in her
frenzied grief.[XVIII‑18] So much insane foolishness can be wrapped in
words of wisdom! The bishop endeavored to encourage his flock though in
such deep dejection. A penitential procession was held and the litany
chanted before the high altar. He enjoined them, moreover, to fast and
pray on Wednesdays, Fridays, and Saturdays. Further to cheer them he
recommended all mourning to be put aside.
Nevertheless the gloom which had fallen upon the community was not soon
dispelled, and at every threatening change of the sky the panic-stricken
settlers sought safety on the hills. A unanimous desire to abandon the
spot prevailed; many of the inhabitants left it and went to reside on
their farms,[XVIII‑19] while those who remained[XVIII‑20] expressed
their determination to go elsewhere. To arrest total abandonment
and dispersion the cabildo, on the 22d of October, issued a decree
prohibiting any citizen from leaving under a penalty of one hundred
pesos de oro.[XVIII‑21] And long after the capital had been removed
to another site, a penitential procession, attended by the civil
and ecclesiastical orders, left the new city at daybreak on each
anniversary and visited the former capital in mournful commemoration
of this calamity. Bearing crosses in their hands, chanting the litany,
and praying for the safety of their city, the people marched in all
humility to the former cathedral.[XVIII‑22] There mass was celebrated
and the graves of the dead were decorated, after which the procession
dispersed.[XVIII‑23]
[Sidenote: CUEVA AND MARROQUIN.]
The death of Doña Beatriz had left the province without a ruler. Cueva's
position at the head of the government was no longer recognized, and in
the crisis of affairs the cabildo met on the 16th and 17th of September,
and after some discussion elected Cueva and Bishop Marroquin joint
governors provisionally.[XVIII‑24]
The bishop in a letter addressed to the king, dated February 20, 1542,
informs his Majesty that in accepting the appointment he had not been
influenced by any desire of wealth, honor, or power but by the actual
state of affairs, and at the same time urgently brings before his
notice the necessity of his appointing a governor of great influence
and ability. He had previously suggested certain individuals,[XVIII‑25]
whom he deemed fully capable and worthy of filling the office. These
recommendations he now reiterates, holding himself responsible should
the king be pleased to act in accordance with his views. The bishop,
moreover, intimates that the municipal government had fallen into
unworthy hands, owing to the resignation or death of honorable regidores
who had been members of previous cabildos. The necessity of selecting
men of good judgment and zealous in the royal service, is pointed out,
and of such vital importance is the election of such men to the welfare
of the province, that Marroquin implores his Majesty to order that those
who had resigned should resume office.[XVIII‑26]
[Illustration: ANCIENT AND MODERN GUATEMALA.]
While describing the country as tranquil he pictures the colony as
almost in a state of dissolution. The late calamity had involved the
settlers in great poverty,[XVIII‑27] and the contrast between their
present condition and the state of prosperity to which they had arrived
under Alvarado's rule induced them to meditate leaving the province
altogether. To obviate this evil Marroquin distributed a portion of the
Indians which had belonged to the adelantado among a few of the most
deserving who were thus induced to remain.[XVIII‑28]
[Sidenote: THE NEW SANTIAGO CITY.]
After the election of the joint governors the important question
of removal was discussed by the authorities and citizens. That the
interests of the country demanded such a step was the almost unanimous
opinion,[XVIII‑29] and the selection of a new site at once occupied
general attention. On this matter opinions were more varied and several
localities were proposed. The argument in favor of the valley of
Tianguez in the plains of Chimaltenango was again revived and found
supporters, while by others the valley of Petapa or that of Mixco were
preferred. There were, however, objections to the removal of the city
to any great distance from its existing site. It was borne in mind
that the valley of Almolonga was already cultivated, and that in its
vicinity were cattle farms which owing to the prevailing poverty and
the necessities of the inhabitants should not be abandoned;[XVIII‑30]
and after a careful investigation of the advantages offered by different
localities,[XVIII‑31] those of the valley of Panchoy were considered to
be so superior that in cabildo held on the 22d of October it was ordered
that the future city should be there erected.[XVIII‑32]
At no greater distance therefore than half a league from the ruins of
Santiago, on the site occupied by the present Antigua Guatemala, the
Spaniards once more laid out a city. The customary assignment of lots
was made, town commons set apart, and the natives again made to toil in
the erection of buildings for their oppressors.[XVIII‑33] Nevertheless
the work did not progress with the rapidity which the authorities
seem at first to have expected,[XVIII‑34] and though during 1542 some
progress was made, even the house of the cabildo had not been completed
in April 1543. The exact date of the formal removal of the municipality
to the new city is not known,[XVIII‑35] but on the 10th of March 1543 a
session was held there.[XVIII‑36] On the 12th of June following the host
was transferred from the church of the ruined town in solemn procession,
attended by the civil authorities, and all the people present in the
city.
At a session held on the 21st of May 1543 a decree was passed
by the cabildo that the city should retain the title of the one
destroyed,[XVIII‑37] and the notaries were ordered to use in all
documents the heading Ciudad de Santiago and no other, under penalty of
a fine of ten pesos de oro. This decree was publicly proclaimed on the
13th of June following.[XVIII‑38]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: ALONSO DE MALDONADO.]
Meantime another change had taken place in the government. On the 2d
of March 1542 the viceroy of New Spain appointed the oidor Alonso de
Maldonado provisional ruler of Guatemala, pending instructions from
the crown, and on the 17th of May following the new governor presented
his commission to the cabildo and was placed in office the same
day.[XVIII‑39]
During the following year excitement prevailed in Guatemala owing to
information having been received in October of the new code of laws
and the establishment of the audiencia of the Confines. It was at once
resolved to make an appeal to the throne, and on the 12th of the same
month the cabildo met to appoint procurators to Spain. The opinion
of the inhabitants having been taken,[XVIII‑40] a committee invested
with power of electing representatives was appointed,[XVIII‑41] but
it was unable to agree, and on the 29th of February 1544 Hernan
Mendez presented a petition to the cabildo proposing that a mass
meeting be held in the principal church in order that the general vote
of the people might be taken.[XVIII‑42] Nevertheless considerable
delay occurred, and it was not until the following August that the
appointments were decided upon, when an examination of the votes
showed that Hernan Mendez and Juan de Chavez were elected. The latter,
however, declined to accept, and a still further delay was caused by
Mendez insisting upon proceeding to Spain by way of Vera Cruz instead
of through Puerto de Caballos. At length, on March 16, 1545, Mendez
received his papers and instructions, and departed for Spain.[XVIII‑43]
[Sidenote: INDIAN POLICY.]
The bitter controversy which took place during the sessions of the
audiencia in 1545 has been described in the preceding chapter, but
it remains to be added that Maldonado and the oidores, although they
had avowed their intention of enforcing the new laws, practically
discountenanced their enforcement so far as they related to
repartimientos. In a letter addressed to the king dated the 30th of
December 1545 they state that if all Indians were liberated whose owners
had no legitimate title none would be left to serve, and many Spaniards
would be reduced to poverty. The same result would occur to those who
were married and had families, if encomiendas as they became vacant were
transferred to the crown.[XVIII‑44]
In 1545 the new laws were repealed, and at a somewhat later date the
concession of perpetual repartimientos was granted to the colonists of
Guatemala.[XVIII‑45]
Meanwhile the controversy relating to the treatment of the Indians was
being vigorously carried on. The tribute which had been imposed upon
them by Marroquin and Maldonado was a ground of complaint against those
functionaries,[XVIII‑46] and I find that Marroquin considered himself
obliged to explain that it had been levied without sufficient knowledge
of facts, and that some changes were necessary.[XVIII‑47]
Among other suggestions made by Marroquin for the amelioration of the
condition of the natives was that the authority of the bishop over
them should include the right to inflict corporal punishment and to
settle their difficulties. He moreover strongly recommended that for
the purposes of better instruction and government Indian towns should
be consolidated and subjected to a system of police.[XVIII‑48]
Meanwhile Alonso Lopez Cerrato had been appointed president of the
audiencia of the Confines. It was already admitted that Gracias á Dios
was not a suitable place for the seat of that body, and both Cerrato
and bishop Marroquin made representations to the king advising its
removal.[XVIII‑49] Accordingly his Majesty by royal cédula authorized
the president and oidores to move to the city of Santiago,[XVIII‑50]
where they arrived in 1549, and according to Remesal accepted Bishop
Marroquin's offer of his palace for their use.[XVIII‑51]
[Sidenote: ATTITUDE OF THE SETTLERS.]
Cerrato's administration as president of the audiencia caused grievous
offence to the settlers of Guatemala, and in a representation to the
king they charge him with being ungenerous, undignified, wanting in
zeal for the honor of God, and unconscientious.[XVIII‑52] The grounds
of their objection to him naturally originated in his action regarding
the protection of Indians, and they bitterly complain of his nepotism in
assigning encomiendas to relatives of various degrees. Justice at his
hands they could not obtain; consequently many of the best colonists
had left the province and others were preparing to do so. Bishop
Marroquin's remonstrances with Cerrato only developed hostile feelings
in the latter, which were publicly evinced by his absenting himself for
a long time from the services of the church,[XVIII‑53] conducted by the
prelate.
But the settlers in Guatemala were obstinately opposed to any measures
which clashed with their own views, and consequently represented
matters from their own point of view. Under the first audiencia of the
Confines, divided as it was against itself, they had to a great extent
maintained their previous position relative to the natives;[XVIII‑54]
but in Cerrato they perceived one who recognized them as merciless
taskmasters,[XVIII‑55] and possessed both the determination to arrest
the existing destructive system, and the courage to inflict punishment
upon them for any gross infringement of the law.[XVIII‑56]