PANAMÁ AND PERU.
1538-1550.
ADMINISTRATION OF DOCTOR ROBLES—INTEROCEANIC
COMMUNICATION—PROPOSED CHANGE OF THE SITE OF PANAMÁ—NOMBRE DE
DIOS AND ITS TRADE—THE ISTHMUS THE HIGHWAY OF COMMERCE BETWEEN
THE HEMISPHERES—VASCO NUÑEZ VELA LANDS IN PERU—GONZALO PIZARRO
AT THE HEAD OF A REBELLION—DISSOLUTION OF THE AUDIENCIA OF
LOS REYES AND ARREST OF THE VICEROY—HIS RELEASE—HIS DEFEAT AND
DEATH AT AÑAQUITO—GONZALO'S DREAMS OF CONQUEST—HE DESPATCHES
BACHICAO TO PANAMÁ—HINOJOSA'S EXPEDITION—HIS BLOODLESS
CONQUEST OF THE PROVINCE—MELCHOR VERDUGO'S INVASION—PEDRO DE
LA GASCA—HIS NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE REVOLUTIONISTS—GASCA LANDS
IN PERU—EXECUTION OF GONZALO PIZARRO.
Of Pedro Vazquez, who succeeded Barrionuevo as governor of Castilla del
Oro, little is known; but of Doctor Robles, the successor of Vazquez,
under whose administration the government was continued till 1546, it
is alleged, and probably with truth, that he wrought more harm to his
fellow-man in a twelvemonth than the malign genius of a Pedrarias even
could accomplish in a decade. In his greed for wealth he was rivalled
only by the all-grasping Pedro de Los Rios, and in the astute cunning
with which he cloaked his evil deeds he was without peer even in a
community where the prevailing code of morals taught neither fear of God
nor regard for man. Appointed oidor of the audiencia of Panamá, in 1538,
he held office for several years, and the abolition of that tribunal was
probably due in a measure to his malefeasance. There are no explicit
details as to the precise charges which were brought against Robles,
but we learn that in every instance he contrived to baffle the scrutiny
of his judges. The licentiate Vaca de Castro was first ordered to bring
the offender to justice, but called in vain on his fellow-oidores of
the audiencia of Panamá to aid him in so doing. On the establishment
of the audiencia of the Confines, the trial was yet unfinished,
and as the aggrieved parties still clamored that it be brought to a
conclusion, Ramirez, one of the oidores, and the first alcalde mayor
of Panamá, was ordered to take his residencia. Robles appears to have
escaped punishment, for he soon afterward figures as senior oidor of
the audiencia of Lima. He returned before long to Panamá, and we learn
that on the capture of that city in 1550, by Hernando and Pedro de
Contreras, some of Gasca's treasure was captured at the house of Robles,
who thenceforth disappears from the page of history.[XV‑1]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: ISTHMUS HIGHWAY.]
When Pedro de los Rios set out for Nicaragua he left orders with Captain
Hernando de la Serna and the pilot Corzo to make a survey of the Rio
de los Lagartos, now known as the river Chagre, for the purpose of
facilitating communication between the two seas. They were directed
also to examine the river Panamá, flowing in the opposite direction, and
to explore the country between the highest navigable points on the two
streams. This was done with a view of discovering the best route for a
grand thoroughfare across the Isthmus, over which the tide of commerce
might flow between Spain and the Spice Islands; and although this
object was never realized, the discovery which reduced land carriage
to a distance of nine leagues proved most useful in the subsequent
intercourse of Spain and Peru.
The project for interoceanic communication by way of the isthmus of
Panamá was first mooted more than three hundred and fifty years ago,
and to Charles V. probably belongs the merit of its suggestion. The
plan first proposed was to unite the Rio Grande with the Chagre, which
except in seasons of drought was navigable for vessels of light draught
as far as the present town of Cruces, and so make the connection on the
Pacific side near the modern city of Panamá. Andagoya, who has already
been mentioned as the one who in 1522 conducted an expedition to Birú,
was directed to make a survey and to furnish estimates of the probable
cost. His report was unfavorable; for in a despatch addressed to the
emperor, about 1534, he expresses his belief that there was no monarch
in all Europe rich enough to furnish the means to carry out such an
enterprise.[XV‑2]
In the same despatch Andagoya also reports adversely on a question which
had been for several years under discussion—that of moving to another
site the population of Panamá. In a letter addressed to Francisco
Pizarro in 1531, Antonio de la Gama declares his intention of making
such a change; for ever since the city had been founded by Pedrarias,
complaints had been made of its unhealthy climate.[XV‑3] A royal cédula
was afterward issued ordering that the citizens should meet and discuss
the question, and Andagoya states that the matter was decided in the
negative; for, he tells us: "There is no other port in all the South Sea
where vessels could anchor alongside the streets." Moreover he affirms
that "God himself had selected the site."
The chronicler Benzoni, who travelled in Darien between 1541 and 1556,
mentions that the road from Panamá[XV‑4] to Nombre de Dios was about
fifty miles in length, and that during the first day's journey it was
tolerably smooth, but the remainder of the route lay over rugged and
difficult ground, through forest and through streams sometimes almost
impassable during the rainy season.[XV‑5] Merchants doing business
at Nombre de Dios usually resided at Panamá. At the time of Benzoni's
visit to the former town, about the year 1541, it contained but fifteen
or twenty wholesale merchants, the remainder of the population being
principally small tradesmen, innkeepers, and sailors.
The trade of Nombre de Dios was extremely fluctuating. Fourteen or
fifteen Spanish vessels of various sizes, the largest being about
three hundred and sixty tons burden, arrived there annually, with
miscellaneous cargoes, but laden principally with wine, flour, biscuit,
oil, cloth, silk, and household merchandise. The prices obtained
for goods depended altogether upon the supply. When the market was
overstocked, prices frequently ruled lower than first cost in Spain,
and cargoes were sometimes forfeited by the consignee as not worth the
freight. On the other hand, when an article was scarce, an enormous
price could be obtained for it, sometimes its weight in gold.
When a ship arrived at Nombre de Dios the cargo was discharged into
flat-bottomed boats, and carried by way of the Chagre as far as Cruces,
about six leagues from the South Sea. Here the merchandise was delivered
to muleteers, who conveyed it to Panamá, whence it was shipped in
various directions, though the greater part of the trade was with
Peru.[XV‑6]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: IMPORTANCE OF PANAMÁ.]
About the middle of the sixteenth century the isthmus of Darien had
become the gate-way between the two seas, and Panamá the most important
city of America. Situated upon the world's highway and in the very
centre of the Spanish colonial possessions, through its portals must
flow the treasures of Peru from the south, the products of Mexico,
Nicaragua, and Guatemala from the north, and the trans-oceanic traffic
of the Spice Islands from the west. Thus Panamá became not only the
metropolis of the two Americas, but the half-way house and toll-gate
between western Europe and eastern Asia. There the raw adventurer who
at the opening of his career pressed forward with eager expectation
into a dark uncertain future met the returned fortune-seeker elated
with success or broken-spirited through failure. Into the lap of this
great central city poured untold wealth. Her merchants were princes; her
warerooms were filled with rich merchandise of every kind and from every
quarter of the globe. There were to be seen stacks of yellow and white
ingots from the mines of Peru, the cochineal and dye-woods of Mexico,
the richest wines of Spain and Portugal, the silks, velvets, and laces
of France and Italy.
The establishment of this commercial metropolis on the shores of the
southern sea was the means of winning for Spain many of those provinces
whose wealth was thus exchanged for the luxuries of the Old World.
Without Panamá Francisco Pizarro could never have conquered Peru,[XV‑7]
and after his conquest it is more than probable that but for prompt
assistance from Panamá the brave Manco Capac would have succeeded
in exterminating the Spaniards within his territory. While a central
position and a command of both the oceans gave to the city her wealth
and importance, the same causes exposed her not infrequently to social
and political convulsions, and to attack from foreign powers. An
insurrection in Guatemala, a rebellion in Peru, a system of restrictions
on Asiatic trade were immediately felt in Panamá, and upon that city
fell the heaviest blows aimed by the English, French, or Dutch against
the Spanish possessions in the New World. Between 1545 and 1671, at
which later date the old city of Panamá was burned, it was sacked and
partially destroyed no less than four times. In other chapters I shall
bring together such facts as I have been able to find relating to the
lives and fortunes of the Spaniards of Darien and Central America during
the three centuries which elapsed between the conquest of that country
by the Spaniards and their renunciation of allegiance to parental
authority. This epoch opened and ended in attempted revolution. The
first was futile, the last successful. The first was attempted by brave,
strong, and daring men, but Spain and Charles were stronger. The last
was attempted by weak, degenerate Spaniards, but Spain and Fernando were
weaker.
* * * * *
Upon the death of Francisco Pizarro, the Almagrist faction maintained
the ascendency in Peru,[XV‑8] until dispersed by Vaca de Castro on
the plains of Chupas. Young Almagro then fled to Cuzco, where he was
arrested and beheaded as a traitor.[XV‑9] Vaca de Castro had but just
arrived in Peru. He brought with him a commission from the crown to
arbitrate upon and settle the discords between the rival factions; and
in the event of the decease of Francisco Pizarro, he was instructed
to assume the government. Gonzalo Pizarro, who had been appointed
governor of Quito, was at the time of his brother's murder absent on an
expedition of discovery to the river Amazon. On his return, learning of
Francisco's tragic fate, he offered his services to Vaca de Castro, but
they were declined by that official, who was fearful lest the turbulent
and overbearing disposition of the last of the Pizarros should interfere
with his administration of the government. Gonzalo, angered at the
rebuff, retired to La Plata and engaged in working the rich silver-mines
in that locality.
[Sidenote: THE EMPEROR'S INDIFFERENCE.]
Up to this time Charles, occupied by the affairs of his vast empire
at home, had paid but little attention to the welfare of the colonies.
In general terms the Spanish government had set limits to the cruelty
and oppression of the natives by the conquerors. The intentions of
the sovereigns and their councils were from the beginning humane and
praiseworthy as I have often observed. But as new issues were constantly
growing out of these new conditions, and as very many of the royal
decrees concerning the affairs of the Indies were impracticable and
therefore inoperative, the conquerors were left in a measure to lay down
their own rules of conduct according to their immediate necessities; or
rather to act independent of all rule, being governed by the dictates of
their judgment or interest. If success attended these lawless efforts,
the misdeeds of these adventurers were obliterated by their gold. If
unsuccessful, they usually fell victims to their cruelty or cupidity,
and their bones were left to moulder in the wilderness; so that in the
early history of the Spanish colonies it was only at rare intervals and
in aggravated cases that any notice was taken of disobedience of the
laws. To one crime, however—that of disloyalty—the Spanish monarchs were
never insensible. So long as the prerogatives of the crown were strictly
regarded, excesses were overlooked. The next most heinous offence was
civil strife. Native Americans, a race midway between Castilians and
brutes, might be slaughtered by the thousand upon slight cause;[XV‑10]
but the lives of Spanish marauders were far too valuable to be given up
to internecine strife.
In Peru, however, it was different. The passions of the populace had
been roused by contending factions, and the license hitherto granted
to the conquerors rendered them all the more impatient of restraint.
Although the people were worse prepared for stringent measures than
the more orderly colonists of Mexico, the person upon whom devolved
the execution of the obnoxious laws lacked the wise and politic
discrimination which governed the actions of Sandoval and Mendoza.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: VASCO NUÑEZ VELA.]
On the 4th of March 1544, Vasco Nuñez Vela landed at Tumbez on the
Peruvian coast, and as the fame of his high-handed measures at Panamá
had not preceded him, was accorded a loyal reception. His popularity was
short-lived, for the viceroy immediately liberated a number of slaves
and on his journey to Los Reyes would not even allow his baggage to be
carried by Indians, or, if compelled to do so, he paid them liberally.
Such conduct caused huge disgust throughout the province, but Nuñez
was deaf to all remonstrance and even caused the arrest of some of the
malecontents.
Many now bidding defiance to the vicegerent took up arms and urged
Gonzalo Pizarro, the sole surviving brother of the conqueror, to place
himself at their head. Nothing loath, Gonzalo proceeded at once to
Cuzco, and having good store of wealth accumulated by mining and pillage
soon mustered a numerous band.[XV‑11] The royal banner of Castile
was planted before his quarters, and he loudly affirmed that he was a
true and lawful subject of the king, that the viceroy had exceeded his
instructions, and that he only aimed to hold in check his iniquitous
purposes until the will of the emperor could be ascertained. Vasco Nuñez
at length drew upon himself the indignation of his own partisans, who
at the instigation of the bachiller Cepeda, a member of the audiencia,
mutinied and decided to place the viceroy upon a vessel to be conveyed
back to Spain.
Meanwhile the colonists flocked to the standard of Gonzalo from every
direction, until he soon found himself at the head of twelve hundred
brave and disciplined troops. On the 28th of October 1544, amidst the
acclamations of the populace, he entered Lima[XV‑12] at the head of his
army, and the royal audiencia was dissolved. Scarcely had the ship which
was to carry Vasco Nuñez to Panamá set sail from Lima, when Álvarez,
the official in charge, not daring to appear in Spain with a viceroy as
a prisoner, threw himself at his feet, begged forgiveness, and placed
the ship and all on board under his command. Being thus unexpectedly
released, he disembarked at Tumbez, raised a small force, and marching
northward as far as Quito, called upon all loyal subjects to rally for
the protection of the king's authority. He then marched at the head of
about five hundred men to San Miguel.[XV‑13]
Gonzalo Pizarro, who had been narrowly watching the movements of the
viceroy, now determined to bring matters to an issue. On the 4th of
March 1545, he departed from Lima and marched against his opponent.
Vasco Nuñez, fearful of the result, abandoned the town and fled to
Añaquito, whither he was followed by the revolutionists, and on the 18th
of January 1536 a hotly contested battle was fought, resulting in the
defeat and death of the viceroy.[XV‑14]
Even before this event Gonzalo Pizarro had assumed the dictatorship
of Peru and resolved to make himself master of Panamá, his dreams of
conquest extending even to the provinces north of Tierra Firme.[XV‑15]
Enlisting in his service one Hernando Bachicao,[XV‑16] he placed him in
command of six hundred men and a fleet of twenty-seven ships.[XV‑17]
Arriving at Tumbez, Bachicao landed a hundred troops, whereupon Vasco
Nuñez, though in command of two hundred well trained veterans, fled to
Añaquito, a portion of his forces deserting him and joining the standard
of the revolutionists. Proceeding thence to Puerto Viejo and elsewhere,
he seized several vessels and enlisted a hundred and fifty recruits.
Calling at the Pearl Islands he was met by two messengers from Panamá,
sent to request that he would forbear to land an armed force in Tierra
Firme. Bachicao replied that he intended but to land his passengers and
revictual his fleet.
[Sidenote: DISRUPTION AND DEATH.]
The people of Panamá had been repeatedly warned by Vaca de Castro
and others that their city was in danger of falling into the hands of
Gonzalo Pizarro and had levied a force of seven hundred men, though
ill-equipped and without experience or discipline. Thrown off their
guard however by Bachicao's answer they allowed him to enter the
harbor without opposition. He landed a portion of his forces and almost
without resistance seized all the arms and ammunition in the arsenal and
delivered up the city to pillage. The ship-masters in port were ordered
to join his fleet, and those who refused were hanged at the yard-arm. A
captain named Pedro Gallego was also executed for disobeying his order
to shorten sail and cry Viva Pizarro![XV‑18]
All law and order were for the time at an end. Men were put to death
without the formality of a trial, and it is even said that Bachicao
beheaded some of his own officers on the merest suspicion of their
disaffection or even for pastime.[XV‑19]
On receiving news of his lieutenant's misconduct accompanied with
letters of remonstrance from the citizens of Panamá, Gonzalo at once
deposed him from the command.[XV‑20] He was resolved, however, to
gain control of the Isthmus, and despatched for this purpose Pedro de
Hinojosa, at the head of two hundred and fifty men, with instructions
to seize and hold both Panamá and Nombre de Dios. Hinojosa, who had
first landed in Peru in 1534, and had done good service under Francisco
and Hernando Pizarro, was a man of no mean abilities. Endowed by nature
with a clear intelligence, honest of purpose and faithful to his trusts,
with a judgment sharpened by long intercourse with the stirring scenes
of the New World, he was eminently fitted for command, and enjoyed in
no small degree the confidence of his soldiers.
The expedition sailed northward as far as Puerto Viejo, whence a vessel
was sent in charge of Rodrigo de Carbajal with letters from Gonzalo to
the principal residents of Panamá begging their favor and coöperation,
disclaiming all connection with Bachicao's outrages, and stating that
Hinojosa was now on his way with means sufficient to indemnify all who
had suffered loss. If the force by which he was accompanied appeared
to them somewhat large for the purpose, it should be remembered that
Gonzalo's enemies were on the alert, and that it would be unsafe to
navigate the ocean with a smaller fleet.
Accompanied by fifteen men, Carbajal landed at Ancon, a small cove two
leagues from Panamá. There he was informed by some planters residing
in the vicinity that two captains of the viceroy, Juan de Guzman and
Juan de Illanes, were in the city enlisting troops under a commission
from their chief, who awaited their coming at Quito. They had thus far
succeeded in raising a company of one hundred men and in collecting a
considerable quantity of arms, including six pieces of field artillery.
"But," continued his informers, "although they have been ready to
sail for many days, they appear to be in no haste to depart, and it is
now believed that it is their intention to remain and defend the city
against the insurgents." Under the circumstances, Carbajal did not think
it prudent to land. He therefore despatched an emissary secretly by
night with the letters from Pizarro.
The citizens to whom they were addressed were not to be duped however,
and at once placed them before the authorities. The messenger was
arrested, and forced to disclose all he knew respecting Hinojosa and
his visit. The guard of the city was increased, and two well armed
brigantines were sent to capture the vessel then at Ancon. But Carbajal
was too quick for them; suspecting from the delay of his messenger the
true state of affairs, he slipped away, and hiding his vessel among the
Pearl Islands, there awaited the approach of his commander.[XV‑21]
[Sidenote: HINOJOSA'S ACHIEVEMENTS.]
In the mean time Hinojosa continuing his course northward touched at
Buenaventura. There he learned that Vasco Nuñez Vela was then engaged,
with the assistance of Benalcázar, in recruiting his army in that
neighborhood. Landing a party of soldiers, he captured eight or ten of
the inhabitants, who gave information that the viceroy was at Popayan,
and that owing to the delay of his captains, Juan de Illanes and Juan
de Guzman, he had determined to send his brother, Captain Vela Nuñez,
accompanied by efficient officers, to hasten the arrival of troops
from Panamá. Moreover he had ascertained that the viceroy was building
a brigantine, now almost completed, on board of which he intended to
place his brother, in charge of all his treasure,[XV‑22] and to send to
Panamá, in the hope of obtaining a heavy ransom from some of Hinojosa's
partisans, an illegitimate son of Gonzalo Pizarro, then a captive in
his hands. Vela Nuñez, together with his officers and a detachment of
men in charge of young Pizarro, were then marching to the coast by
different routes, to embark on board the vessel. By a clever stroke
of strategy Hinojosa captured both parties, seized the treasure, and
placed Vela Nuñez and his command as prisoners on board the fleet.
Then taking with him young Pizarro, whom he liberated and treated with
marked consideration, he set sail for Panamá, and after being joined by
Carbajal, cast anchor in the bay with eleven ships[XV‑23] and the two
hundred and fifty men already mentioned. This was in October 1545.
The city was divided as to the policy of admitting the insurgents.
The merchants and all who derived profit from the Peruvian trade saw
everything to gain by the arrival of a large and richly laden fleet.
Many of them furthermore held property in Peru, and transacted business
through their factors, upon whom Gonzalo Pizarro would not fail to
inflict summary punishment if he heard of opposition at Panamá. On the
other hand Doctor Robles, the governor, with his political adherents
and all who derived place and profit from the crown, loudly disclaimed
against the rebels, and called on the people to assist him in the
defence of the city, under penalty of the royal displeasure.[XV‑24] In
the end the governor's party prevailed, the opposite faction yielding
in appearance at least, and the corregidor Pedro de Casaos receiving
the appointment of captain general[XV‑25] marched forth to oppose
the landing of Hinojosa. The entire forces of the royalist party now
mustered, apart from some small reënforcements from Nombre de Dios,
nearly eight hundred men, only ninety of whom were disciplined troops,
the remainder being an ill-armed crew of citizen-soldiers. The army was
well supplied with field artillery.[XV‑26]
Dropping down with his fleet to the cove of Ancon, Hinojosa disembarked
two hundred men under cover of his cannon, landing them on a rocky
projection of the shore, inaccessible to the enemy's cavalry. He then
began his march on Panamá, ordering the fleet to keep him company at a
short distance from the shore with guns trimmed ready for action.[XV‑27]
At this juncture the ecclesiastics of the city issuing forth in a body,
with mournful chants and sad countenances, their garments covered with
crosses and the insignia of mourning, began to expostulate with both
armies. "Is it necessary," they cried, "for Christians to imbue their
hands in each other's blood!" At length an armistice of one day was
agreed on. Hostages were given on either side, and the efforts of the
priests to bring about an agreement between the parties were redoubled.
Hinojosa declared that he could not see why he was denied entrance
into the city.[XV‑28] He came not to make war but restitution. Gonzalo
Pizarro harbored no evil design; but he was master of Peru, and he
intended to be master of the only thoroughfare to Peru—that which
traversed the continent from Nombre de Dios to Panamá. If the people
of the Isthmus would resign themselves to the sway of Pizarro while
he wielded supreme power in Peru, or until matters were settled by the
crown, all would be well; otherwise war must inevitably follow.
[Sidenote: CASAOS LOSES GROUND.]
Pedro de Casaos and the men of Panamá were not satisfied.[XV‑29] They
had just experienced a foretaste of what they might expect should
another of Gonzalo's captains obtain possession of the city, but their
only alternative was compromise, or the arbitration of the sword. It was
finally agreed that the loyal colonists who had come over from Nombre
de Dios to render assistance should return, and that Hinojosa should be
allowed to enter the city with a guard of thirty men, there to remain
for forty-five days.[XV‑30] His ships meanwhile were to retire to Taboga
or to the Pearl Islands, to be revictualled and repaired. The articles
of agreement were drawn up by a notary and signed by the respective
parties who bound themselves by oath to adhere faithfully to the terms
stipulated.
Although Hinojosa was thus restricted by the terms of his compact and
for the moment could strike no blow for the conquest of Panamá, he
was by no means idle during the interval. Maintaining a strict watch
against surprise and assassination,[XV‑31] he took up his quarters
in a comfortable well furnished house, loaded his table with choice
viands, and throwing open his doors entertained all comers with lavish
hospitality. His apartments soon became the resort of soldiers and
adventurers of every clique. Gonzalo Pizarro and the affairs of Peru
were discussed over brimming goblets. Brilliant stories concerning the
discovery and opening of mines of fabulous richness[XV‑32] fired the
cupidity of the listeners, while a free passage was offered to all, and
liberal pay promised from the first day of enlistment.
[Sidenote: SUCCESS OF HINOJOSA.]
By these shrewd measures Hinojosa had the satisfaction of seeing his
forces daily increase, while those of Pedro de Casaos proportionately
diminished. The soldiers of Juan de Illanes and Juan de Guzman did
not prove insensible to the wiles and genial hospitality of Hinojosa,
and those captains, seeing themselves abandoned by the greater part
of their recruits, secretly stole from the city and seizing a vessel
attempted to make their escape to Peru. They were, however, captured
by one of the watchful captains stationed in the harbor, and not
long after voluntarily joined themselves to Hinojosa and became his
faithful adherents. Such was the influence which Hinojosa acquired by
his careless and apparently unintentional display of wealth, and by his
skill in throwing tempting baits to men who never flinched from danger
when they saw prospect of gain, that in a few weeks and by a silent and
bloodless revolution he became master of the city. At the expiration
of the forty-five days he seized the batteries and made a formal entry
into Panamá at the head of his entire force, amidst the acclamations of
the greater part of the inhabitants.
Hinojosa took no advantage of his easily won victory. He strove to
maintain the strictest discipline among his followers, treated the
citizens with the utmost liberality, and ordered that the soldiers
should respect their rights and in no wise interfere with their
affairs.[XV‑33] He then despatched his son-in-law, Hernando Mejía de
Guzman, in company with Pedro de Cabrera, to take possession of Nombre
de Dios and guard the interests of Gonzalo Pizarro in that quarter.
[Sidenote: MELCHOR VERDUGO.]
While the province of Panamá thus quietly passed into the hands
of Hinojosa the partisans of the viceroy were not idle. Melchor
Verdugo,[XV‑34] to whom as one of the conquerors of Peru had been
assigned the province of Caxamalca, proffered his services to Vasco
Nuñez Vela, on his first landing in Peru. Becoming afterward implicated
in a plot devised by the royalist party to gain possession of Lima,
he was arrested in that city by order of Gonzalo Pizarro. Escaping
thence he proceeded to Trujillo, where he was fortunate enough to seize
one of Bachicao's vessels, laden with the spoils of Panamá. With the
proceeds of this capture, and with funds realized from his own estate,
he enlisted a company in the service of the viceroy. He then sailed for
Nicaragua and requested from the governor, as a loyal servant of the
king, men and means to assist him in quelling the insurrection on the
Isthmus. Failing to draw from him a hearty response he next applied to
the audiencia of the Confines. With the magistrates of that tribunal he
was more successful. Licentiate Ramirez de Alarcon, one of the members,
took an active part in recruiting men and collecting arms and horses.
In the mean time tidings of Verdugo's doings in Peru and Nicaragua and
his intended expedition to the northern coast of Darien reached Panamá.
Hinojosa, fearing that Verdugo might raise a force sufficient to cause
him trouble, sent Juan Alonso Palomino with two vessels and one hundred
and twenty arquebusiers in pursuit. Arriving at Nicaragua Palomino
captured Verdugo's vessel without difficulty, but on attempting to
land found himself confronted by all the available men in the province
arrayed under the royalist banner, under the command of Verdugo and the
licentiate. After hovering about the coast for several days, watching
in vain for a chance to disembark, he seized all the ships on the coast,
and burning those which were unserviceable, returned with the remainder
to Panamá, not knowing that his design was suspected. Verdugo made ready
on Lake Nicaragua three or four frigates, and with two hundred choice
and well armed troops[XV‑35] sailed through the river San Juan to the
North Sea, and creeping stealthily along the coast, hoped to surprise
the rebels before his presence in that quarter became known. At the Rio
Chagre he captured a vessel manned by negroes, from whom he obtained
valuable information as to the condition of affairs at Nombre de Dios,
the number of men stationed there, the names of their commanders, and a
minute description of the building in which the officers were quartered.
Hinojosa was on the alert, but not so his captains. Though warned of
the approach of the loyal party, they were taken by surprise. Landing
at midnight, Verdugo stole quietly to the house where Hernando Mejía,
Pedro Cabrera, and other officers were peacefully slumbering, surrounded
the premises, and fired the dwelling. The dilatory captains, maddened
at thus being entrapped in their own beds, sprang up, and seizing their
weapons rushed out of the blazing edifice, and cutting their way through
the enemy made their escape to the woods and finally to Panamá.[XV‑36]
Had Verdugo thenceforth conducted his affairs with the skill and
discretion which characterized Hinojosa's movements at Panamá he would
have caused that commander no little trouble, but he had none of the
tact or generalship of Gonzalo's officer. He imprisoned the alcaldes,
levied arbitrary assessments upon the merchants, demanded heavy ransom
for his prisoners, and soon made himself so obnoxious to the people
that with one accord they petitioned Doctor Ribera, the mayor, to ask
protection from Hinojosa. The appeal was not in vain. Ribera at once
entered into negotiations with Hinojosa,[XV‑37] and it was agreed that
while the former levied troops at Nombre de Dios, the latter should at
once march from Panamá with a strong force. Verdugo impressed into his
service every available man, and withdrawing from the town, took up a
position on the shore, where he was to some extent covered by the guns
of his vessels. There he awaited Hinojosa, who with a small but picked
company of veterans[XV‑38] was now crossing the Isthmus to join battle
with the royalist forces.
As soon as the rebel troops debouched from the woods surrounding Nombre
de Dios, Ribera sallied from the town and opened a lively fire on the
forces of Verdugo, the citizens taking fright at the first noise of
the fray and scampering to a hill near by. Hinojosa's brigade advanced
meanwhile with the steady measured tramp of trained soldiers, whereupon
the men of Nicaragua, led by Verdugo, took to their heels also, leaving
but one of their number wounded on the field,[XV‑39] and regained their
ships, whence a brisk cannonade was opened on the town, but without
visible result save loss of ammunition. The royalist captain then set
sail for Cartagena, there to await a more favorable opportunity to serve
his king. Hinojosa severely reprimanded Mejía and the other fugitive
officers, and leaving them at Nombre de Dios in charge of a stronger
garrison returned with Ribera to Panamá.
Nothing could have happened that would draw the attention of the
court of Spain to the affairs of the New World more effectually than
rebellion, as I have before intimated. The discovery and conquest of
America cannot be classed as an achievement of the nation. It was a
magnificent accident, in the busy reigns of Ferdinand and Isabella, and
Charles. Those sovereigns, absorbed in wars and involved in ambitious
intrigues at home, with a vast continent thrust upon them by a Genoese
navigator, could scarcely find time to do more than grant permits to
adventurers to subjugate, at their own cost, new territories in the
western world, and to receive when remitted to them the royal fifth of
the returns. But rebellion, of whatsoever magnitude or shape, is always
distasteful to a sovereign. Therefore when tidings reached Spain that
the emperor's representative in Peru had been maltreated, and that
a powerful body of insurgents held possession of that province, the
monarch and his ministers were aroused. The affairs of Peru occupied for
a time their careful consideration. Lengthy debates and close councils
followed. At first, the king's counsellors in their deliberations
consulted only the honor of the nation and strongly advocated sending an
armed force against Pizarro; but insurrection at home and insurrection
in Peru were two very different things. The Spanish government could
more easily make war against a hundred thousand men in Spain or Germany
than against one thousand in the wilds of that distant province.[XV‑40]
[Sidenote: PEDRO DE LA GASCA.]
Pedro de la Gasca,[XV‑41] a counsellor of the inquisition, but a man
holding no public office, was the one selected as the fit instrument
for the occasion. He united a mild and insinuating disposition with
remarkable firmness and tenacity, and a cool and bland exterior with a
strength and sagacity but little suspected by most of his countrymen.
None knew better how to combine a subtle humility and bold caution with
unpretending manners and a pleasant address, and no man could have been
found better qualified to undertake the task. He obeyed the summons of
the court with reluctance, but once having engaged in the undertaking,
his whole soul was absorbed in its execution. Before setting out he
declined an offered bishopric; he would accept no salary, nor any
title except that of president of the royal audiencia of Lima.[XV‑42]
He was empowered with the authority of a sovereign, being allowed to
levy troops, declare war, appoint and remove officers at will, make
repartimientos, condemn to death, condone offences, grant amnesties, and
might send back to Spain if necessary even the viceroy himself.[XV‑43]
[Sidenote: A CLEVER PRIEST.]
On the 26th of May 1546, Gasca set sail from San Lúcar with a small
retinue, consisting of two oidores, and among other cavaliers the
mariscal Alonso de Alvarado and the adelantado Pascual de Andagoya. Had
the emissaries of Charles appeared off the Isthmus in warlike guise,
the captains of Gonzalo Pizarro would have opposed them to the last,
but what had they to fear from a humble priest with but a score or
two of attendants? Nevertheless, Hernando Mejía was not without his
suspicions of Alvarado.[XV‑44] He had but recently committed one blunder
in allowing himself to be outwitted by Melchor Verdugo; but after
some hesitation he decided that if the priest came armed with such a
commission from the king as Alvarado affirmed, it were better to treat
him with the respect due to a royal envoy. On the 17th of July Gasca
intimated his intention to land, and Mejía gave him a loyal reception.
Drawing up his men on the beach, he put out for the president's vessel
with a guard of twenty arquebusiers, brought him ashore, and amid the
roar of cannon and musketry conducted him to his own quarters within
the town.
Mejía was not long in the company of the unpretending ecclesiastic
before he became convinced that beneath his calm demeanor slumbered
a power that would soon make itself felt in the land. Gasca explained
the object of his errand and the scope of his authority. His purpose
was peace, and his commission, which was dated after the battle of
Añaquito and the death of the viceroy, authorized him to grant pardon
for all offences, no matter how heinous.[XV‑45] It now therefore
became all loyal subjects to oppose no longer the emperor's messenger.
Mejía hesitated. At heart he was loyal, though in common with others
he had espoused the cause of the chivalrous conquerors in opposition
to the austere and unpopular rule of Vaca de Castro and Vasco Nuñez
Vela. Not even Gonzalo Pizarro, much less his subordinates, admitted
themselves to be rebels. Gasca did not press the matter. He soon read
the honest soldier completely and knew his man. His policy was rather to
throw around those over whom he desired to gain ascendency the subtle
influence which a man of his keen, incisive penetration, invested with
the garb of authority, and versed in all the wily craft and casuistry
of his order, knew well how to exercise, than to force an unwilling
assent to measures which were distasteful and might afterward be lightly
disclaimed.
Mejía being left to draw his own conclusions and to act for himself, at
length thus declared his resolution to Gasca: "I am a loyal subject of
the emperor. If Gonzalo Pizarro is such he cannot question my course;
if not, I choose not to follow the fortunes of traitors." He then
placed himself and his men at the priest's disposal, gave him a correct
statement of the military and naval strength under Hinojosa's command,
and even offered to march on Panamá and seize the fleet.[XV‑46] The
envoy congratulated him upon his decision, and assured him that the king
would reward him for his loyalty, but declined any service from him,
other than keeping his resolve for the present a secret.
On receiving news of the president's landing and of his courteous
reception, Hinojosa was sorely displeased. His lieutenant had been
placed in command at Nombre de Dios for the express purpose of guarding
the northern coast against the approach of any expedition hostile to
the interests of Gonzalo Pizarro; and now, after being surprised by a
band of men from Nicaragua, and compelled to flee to Panamá, he welcomed
with royal honors, and without even consulting his commander, a man
commissioned to assume authority over all the affairs of Peru. Gasca
shrewdly surmised that Mejía while clearing himself from the imputation
of treachery would plead the cause of the king more effectually than
he himself could do. He therefore ordered him to accompany Alvarado to
Panamá and lay the whole matter before Hinojosa. The latter was pacified
with no great difficulty. It was pointed out to him that, if it was the
correct policy to allow the envoy to land, all would have the benefit
of it; whereas, if an error had been committed it was a simple matter to
order the priest and his comrades on board their vessels. Thus reassured
he gave permission to his officer to return and escort the president
across the Isthmus.
Melchor Verdugo, in the mean time, having tired of inglorious ease at
Cartagena, had landed at Nombre de Dios, and there laid his humble
duty at the feet of his Majesty's envoy. Gasca informed him that
the best service he could render his sovereign would be to return to
Nicaragua and there disband his forces. The meddlesome captain protested
vehemently, but he was not of the metal with which the priest proposed
to crush the rebellion. A band of blatant, dull-witted adventurers,
whipped into fury by the superior generalship and soldierly qualities
of Hinojosa and his veterans, could be of no assistance to him. Finding
at length that the president was determined to ignore him, Verdugo
withdrew his troops, and soon afterward returned to Spain, there to lay
his grievances before the emperor.
[Sidenote: GASCA AND THE REBELS.]
On the 13th of August 1546 Gasca makes his entrance into Panamá, and is
received with much ceremony by the commander-in-chief, the governor,
and magistrates of the city. Hinojosa with all his keen penetrating
common-sense, his practical experience, and his thorough knowledge of
the world, is no more proof against the seeming candor and mild winning
deportment of the unpretending priest than was Mejía. A downright
foe is his delight. He will match his wit or skill in military or
political affairs against those of any man in the Indies. But when the
sovereign power of Spain appears in robes of sacred humility, and giving
utterance in bland accents to doctrines worthy of the prince of peace,
the sagacity of the soldier is at fault. The foe has become a phantom,
powerful, nay invincible, but intangible. Opposition to the subtle
influence of the priest is like waging conflict with the powers of air.
At length Hinojosa calls on the president, and begs him to specify the
nature of the authority with which he is vested. Gasca replies that he
is the bearer of glad tidings to the Spanish settlers; for his Majesty
has been pleased to revoke the more obnoxious measures contained in the
new laws, and to empower him to grant a full pardon for all that has
occurred in Peru. Hinojosa then asks if Gonzalo Pizarro is included
in this amnesty, and whether he will be confirmed in his position
as governor. Gasca evades the question; whereupon the commander's
suspicions being roused he at once orders a ship to be made ready, and
sends a despatch to Gonzalo, giving an account of the priest's arrival,
of his reception by Mejía at Nombre de Dios, and of the nature of the
envoy's mission; assuring his former chieftain that he may rely on him
to execute faithfully any instructions.
By the same vessel Gasca despatches a Dominican monk, Francisco de
San Miguel, to proclaim throughout Peru the arrival of the royal
commissioner, and his promise to condone the offences of all who return
to their allegiance. He also addresses letters to many influential
persons in whom he had confidence. Finally he forwards to Gonzalo a
despatch from the emperor, accompanied by an epistle from himself, a
perfect masterpiece of diplomacy, in which he touches but lightly on
the overthrow of the viceroy, avows that if he be not loyal there is
not a soul whom he can venture to trust, and begs him as a Christian
and a true Spaniard to persist no longer in rebellion. Meanwhile, the
crafty envoy sends a messenger to the viceroy of New Spain, urging him
not to allow arms or horses to be sent to Peru, and to hold his navy in
readiness for war.[XV‑47]
The arrival of this unwelcome news from Panamá caused no slight
annoyance. A council of officers was summoned; the principal inhabitants
of Lima were invited to attend; the letters were read in public; and all
were invited to express their opinion. Gasca's despatch provoked much
merriment[XV‑48] and many a threat, but they knew not the man they had
to deal with. Some declared for killing him outright; others for sending
him back to Spain; and only a voice here and there was heard in favor of
admitting him to Peru. After long discussion it was finally determined
to send an embassy to Spain and lay the matter before the emperor, and
that a resolution, signed by seventy of the leading cavaliers in the
city, should be forwarded to the envoy, stating that, civil dissensions
having now terminated, the nation was enjoying the blessings of
peace under the rule of Gonzalo Pizarro, and that the presence of his
Majesty's representative would not only tend to distract the province
but might cost him his life.
Aldana, one of Gonzalo's lieutenants, though secretly a traitor to
the revolutionary cause, was despatched to Panamá with the missive.
Arriving in that city on the 13th of November, he repaired to Hinojosa's
house before calling on the president. There being allowed to read the
governor's private despatches he threw them into the flames. Proceeding
thence to the president's quarters he offered him his services, and it
was agreed that Hinojosa should be openly invited to join the royalist
party. Fernando Mejía also tried his powers of persuasion, arguing
that as the emperor's will had been made known it was their duty to
obey the president without awaiting the result of the appeal to the
throne, that matters were now in a fair way for settlement, and that if
this opportunity should pass unheeded they might wait long for another
chance of escaping the consequences of their treason. Hinojosa was
unwilling to accept this view of the case. He believed that the action
of the revolutionary party was so far justifiable. He therefore replied
that he had already informed the envoy of his intentions, that if his
Majesty should not be pleased to grant the petition of Gonzalo Pizarro
he would at once render his obedience to the crown. But Hinojosa was
at length entangled in the net of the wily priest and in company with
his lieutenant called at the president's house, meekly swore allegiance
to his cause, placed his fleet at his disposal, and hoisted the royal
banner of Spain from the mainmast of his flag-ship.
[Sidenote: GASCA'S SUCCESS.]
Gasca now answered the resolution signed by the seventy cavaliers,
inditing his letter to Gonzalo, and expressing his wonder that such an
insignificant clérigo as he should be refused admittance into Peru. He
begged them to rid their minds of all apprehension as to any hostile
intent on his part. Then binding his officers by oath[XV‑49] not to
reveal his purpose, he impressed into his service every available man
on the Isthmus, obtained loans of money, wrote to the governors of all
the Spanish provinces for assistance, despatched powerful squadrons to
secure the port of Lima and capture Gonzalo's vessels on the coast of
Peru, and on the 13th of June 1547 landed at Tumbez in command of more
than one thousand troops.[XV‑50]
"Surely the devil must be in their midst!" exclaimed old
Carbajal,[XV‑51] as Valdivia receiving this compliment to his
generalship put his army in array at Xaquixaguana, and Gasca withdrew
to the rear with his train of ecclesiastics. The rout of the rebel
forces could hardly have been more complete had his satanic majesty
been present in person, and almost within sight of the capital of the
incas the last of the Pizarros was handed over to the executioner,
upbraiding with his last breath those who, grown rich by his brother's
bounty and his own, had deserted to his enemies, and were now gathered
around his scaffold,[XV‑52] while he himself was left without the means
of purchasing a mass for the welfare of his abandoned soul.[XV‑53]