THE CONQUEST OF CHIAPAS.
1520-1529.
ORIGIN OF THE CHIAPANECS—THEY SUBMIT TO THE SPANIARDS AFTER
THE MEXICAN CONQUEST—BUT RISE IN ARMS WHEN REQUIRED TO PAY
TRIBUTE—CAPTAIN LUIS MARIN UNDERTAKES THE CONQUEST OF THE
PROVINCE—HIS BATTLES WITH THE NATIVES—THE PANIC-STRICKEN
ARTILLERYMAN—CAPTURE OF THE STRONGHOLD OF CHIAPAS—THE
CHAMULANS RISE IN REVOLT—THEIR FORTRESS BESIEGED—REPULSE OF
THE SPANIARDS—BERNAL DIAZ IN PERIL—FLIGHT AND SURRENDER OF
THE CHAMULANS—MARIN RETURNS TO ESPÍRITU SANTO—SECOND REVOLT OF
THE CHIAPANECS—THEIR SUBJUGATION BY DIEGO DE MAZARIEGOS—THIRD
REBELLION—THEIR SELF-DESTRUCTION—PEDRO PUERTOCARRERO IN
THE FIELD—HIS DISCOMFITURE—FOUNDING OF VILLA REAL—JUAN
ENRIQUEZ DE GUZMAN TAKES THE RESIDENCIA OF MAZARIEGOS—HIS
MALADMINISTRATION.
For many centuries before the beginning of the Christian era, and
probably for two or three hundred years later, the site where now stand
the ruins of Palenque in Chiapas[XIII‑1] was the centre of one of the
most powerful monarchies in the western world, the great Maya empire
of the Chanes. To Votan, the culture hero, who, according to Maya
tradition, claiming his descent from Chan, the serpent, first introduced
civilization into America, and after his disappearance was worshipped
as a god, is ascribed the foundation of this ancient dynasty about three
thousand years ago.[XIII‑2]
It is related in the oldest records obtained from the archives
of Mexican history, that the Tzendales, a tribe dwelling in the
neighborhood of Palenque, shared with the Zoques the northern part of
Chiapas, while the southern and central portions were occupied by the
Zotziles and Quelenes and also by the Chiapanecs, who, though at first
confined to a narrow strip of territory, finally overran the entire
region.[XIII‑3] Whether the Chiapanecs came originally from Nicaragua,
or were a detachment from the great Toltec swarm that swept southward
into Guatemala, or were descended from the mythic Chan, is a question
that is yet involved in some mystery. We know, however, that after
their arrival they built a stronghold which proved impregnable until
the advent of the Spaniard with his superior skill and weapons, and
that here, for centuries before the conquest, they maintained their
independence and extended their possessions.[XIII‑4]
It is probable that, as early as 1520, Spaniards penetrated into this
region under the auspices of Montezuma, while friendly relations were
still maintained between that monarch and Cortés. After the fall of the
Mexican capital, dismay at the achievements of the great conqueror was
so widely spread that many independent tribes sent in their allegiance,
and among them the Chiapanecs.[XIII‑5] These different territories were
soon portioned out in repartimientos, and Chiapas was assigned with
other districts to the Spanish settlers in Espíritu Santo. No sooner,
however, was the attempt made to render these repartimientos profitable
by the exaction of tribute, than the natives rose in arms. Many settlers
were killed, some offered in sacrifice, and all the efforts of the
colonists to pacify the revolted districts were unavailing.[XIII‑6]
[Sidenote: EXPEDITION OF MARIN.]
In 1523 the settlement at Espíritu Santo was in charge of Captain Luis
Marin, an officer who had fought under Cortés, and whom Bernal Diaz
describes as a man about thirty years of age, bowlegged, but robust
and of good stature, with russet beard and features marked with the
small-pox, one excelling in horsemanship and conversational powers,
of gentle disposition, and without a trace of ill-nature. Deeming it
imprudent to march against the Chiapanecs with the slender force at his
command, Marin repaired to Mexico to ask aid from Cortés, and was at
once supplied with an auxiliary band of thirty men, and instructed to
proceed to Chiapas with all the troops he could muster, and establish
there a Spanish town.
Returning to Espíritu Santo, Marin lost no time in carrying out
his orders. After some delay, caused by opening a road through the
intervening forests and morasses, he arrived at the bank of the river
Mazapan[XIII‑7] and slowly marched up the stream toward the stronghold
of the Chiapanecs, then known to the Spaniards by the name of Chiapas.
Before nearing this fortress the commander held a muster of his
forces. According to Bernal Diaz, who accompanied the expedition, they
consisted of 15 cross-bowmen, 8 arquebusiers, 60 foot-soldiers armed
with swords and shields, 27 horse, about 80 Mexicans, and the caciques
and other principal men of Cachula with their followers. Marin had
also a field-piece in charge of one whom he supposed to be a competent
artilleryman.[XIII‑8] The escribano Diego de Godoy was his second in
command.
[Sidenote: THE ATTACK.]
The Spaniards now continued their march with much caution. As they
approached the populated district, four soldiers, one of whom was Bernal
Diaz, were sent to reconnoitre about half a league in advance of the
main body, but were soon discovered by native hunters, who immediately
spread the alarm by smoke signals. The army soon afterward reached
cultivated lands with wide and well constructed roads. When within four
leagues of Chiapas they entered the town of Iztapa, whence the natives
had fled, leaving an abundant supply of provisions. While resting here
the videttes reported the approach of a large body of warriors,[XIII‑9]
but the invaders being on the alert placed themselves in position
before the enemy came up. The battle which ensued was indecisive. The
Chiapanecs, deploying with much skill, almost surrounded the small
Spanish force, and at their first discharge killed two soldiers and
four horses, and wounded Luis Marin and sixteen other Spaniards,
besides many of the allies. The contest was maintained with great fury
till nightfall, when the natives retired, leaving numbers of their
men on the field so severely injured as to be unable to follow their
comrades.[XIII‑10] Two of the captives, who appeared to be chieftains,
gave information that the confederated bands of all the surrounding
districts were prepared to renew the attack on the following day.
All night vigilant watch was kept. The soldiers slept under arms; and
the horses, ready saddled and bridled, were tethered within reach of
their riders. There was not one of the Spaniards who did not expect a
night attack and dread it. Numbers of them were sorely wounded; their
leader was faint from loss of blood; and the unflinching firmness of the
Chiapanecs had dulled their self-confidence; but no call to arms aroused
them from their fitful slumbers, and at sunrise they wearily buckled on
their armor and prepared to renew the fight.
During the engagement of the previous day, the horsemen, disregarding
the instructions of Marin and the advice of his veterans, had suffered
severely from using their lances too early in the fray, their weapons
being wrested from their grasp and turned against themselves. Orders
were now given for them to charge in squads of five, to carry their
lances poised out of reach, and not to use them until the enemy were
fairly ridden down and their formation broken. The field-piece was
loaded, and their preparations being now completed, the Spaniards
advanced toward Chiapas.[XIII‑11]
Long before the invaders arrived in sight of the stronghold, the enemy
appeared, formed in compact order, and advancing to the attack with
deafening war-cries. They were armed with javelins, which they hurled
from implements fashioned for the purpose; with bows and arrows, and
weapons similar to toothed swords; with slings, also, and lances longer
than those of the Spaniards; and wore as a protection aprons of twisted
cotton reaching from head to foot, which, when in retreat, they could
roll up and carry under the arm.[XIII‑12] Marin quickly put his men
in array, and ordered the artilleryman to open fire. But the gunner,
who had entertained his comrades during a long march with stories of
his brave deeds in Italy, blanched before the coming onset. His legs
trembled, and grasping his piece to support himself, he was unable
either to train or fire it. At length the loud execrations and angry
shouts of his comrades, heard above the clamor of the foe, roused him
from his helplessness, and with shaking hand he discharged his cannon.
But his clumsy work was worse than his inaction, for the only result
was the wounding of three of his companions.[XIII‑13]
At this mishap Martin at once ordered his cavalry to charge, while
the infantry were rapidly formed in column. After a long and obstinate
contest the Chiapanecs were finally routed; but on account of the nature
of the ground pursuit was impossible. Advancing toward the town the
Spaniards unexpectedly discovered after ascending some hills on their
line of march, a still larger host of the enemy awaiting them. The
Indians had provided themselves with long ropes and deer-nets with which
to entrammel and capture the horses. In the ensuing battle the invaders
sustained unusual casualties. Several of the horsemen lost their lances;
five horses and two cavaliers were slain; and so continuous and well
directed were the discharges of javelins, arrows, and stones that ere
long nearly all of Marin's command were wounded. At this juncture a
hideous object appeared in the centre of the Chiapanec ranks. An Indian
woman, nude, wrinkled, and obese, her body painted all over with ghastly
designs rendered more effective by tufts of cotton, had arrived upon
the battle-field. No Empusa could be more frightful. The creature—so
ran the report—was regarded by the Chiapanecs as their divinity, and
her presence she had predicted would insure them victory.[XIII‑14] But
the native auxiliaries recognized the significance of her arrival, and
drawn up by their leaders in a compact body, dauntlessly fought their
way up to her, "and hacked to pieces the accursed goddess," as Bernal
Diaz affirms.
[Sidenote: DISCOMFITURE OF THE EVIL ONE.]
Though disconcerted the natives do not yield, relying on their numbers
and their courage; and the hard-pressed Spaniards, supported by the
prayers and benediction of their priest,[XIII‑15] fight with renewed
vigor. The cavalry again and again ride through the foe, crushing them
down and trampling them under foot until their ranks are broken and
scattered. At length the Chiapanecs seek safety, some on the neighboring
rocks, and others by swimming the deep and rapid Mazapan.
After devoutly thanking God for the victory, and singing the salve
regina, the Spaniards advance to a small village not far from the city
itself, and pitch their camp for the night, great precaution being
taken to prevent surprise. Assistance now comes from an unexpected
quarter. About midnight ten Indians cross the river in canoes, and allow
themselves to be quietly captured. Brought before Marin they state that
they are natives of Xaltepec, and have been conquered and enslaved by
the Chiapanecs, twelve years before. They offer to aid the Spaniards
by supplying them with canoes to cross the river, and by pointing out
a ford, and, moreover, inform Marin that many of the forces of the
Chiapanecs, having been pressed into the ranks, are anxious to throw
off the yoke, and that they will go over to him in the next engagement.
Marin at once accepts the offer, and it is agreed that twenty canoes
shall be brought early in the morning. The remainder of the night
is passed without further interruption, though the enemy is heard
mustering on the other side of the river with noise of drums and conchs.
At daylight the canoes arrive, and the army proceed to the ford. The
crossing is effected with great difficulty, the water being breast-high
and the stream rapid. As they approach the opposite bank, the enemy
rains down upon them such showers of missiles that again hardly a
man escapes unhurt.[XIII‑16] For some time they are unable to effect
a landing, and Marin's position is critical, when fortunately their
new allies cause a diversion by assailing the Chiapanecs in the rear.
The cavalry are thus enabled to gain a footing on the bank, and the
infantry soon follow; the natives are put to flight in all directions.
This is their final struggle. The summons to surrender is immediately
complied with, and the Spaniards enter the city without further
opposition.[XIII‑17]
All the neighboring towns were now ordered to send in their allegiance,
and such an effect had the subjection of the hitherto invincible
Chiapanecs upon the different tribes that resistance was not even
thought of, Cinacantlan, Gopanaustla, Pinula, Huehueiztlan,[XIII‑18]
Chamula, and other towns tendering their submission. The conquest of the
country was now considered complete, and Marin had already apportioned
out certain repartimientos when harmony was interrupted by the conduct
of one of the soldiers.
While at Cinacantlan, whither the army had proceeded, Francisco de
Medina left camp without permission, and taking with him eight Mexicans
went to Chamula, where he demanded gold of the natives in the name of
Marin. A few trinkets were given him, but not satisfied with these
he seized the cacique in the expectation of extorting a ransom. The
Chamulans, however, rose to a man, and Medina was glad to get back to
Cinacantlan, where he was arrested.[XIII‑19]
No overtures or explanations on the part of Marin availed to pacify
the indignant people of Chamula, who had, moreover, induced those
of Huehueiztlan to join them in the revolt. His messages of peace
were received with defiance. On the 29th of March Godoy was sent
into the disaffected district with a small force, but found the
attitude of the natives so threatening that he deemed it best to avoid
hostilities and returned to report. Marin was at this time encamped in
a beautiful vale surrounded by pine groves, at no great distance from
Cinacantlan.[XIII‑20] He now considered it necessary to reduce Chamula
by force of arms, and demanded of the Chiapanecs a contingent of two
hundred warriors, which was at once supplied. Messages were also sent to
the friendly cacique of Cinacantlan[XIII‑21] soliciting an equal number.
[Sidenote: CHAMULAN STRONGHOLD.]
On the 30th of March, about ten o'clock in the morning, the troops
arrived at the foot of the eminence on which Chamula[XIII‑22] was
situated. The ascent, at the only point where attack was possible,
was impracticable for horsemen. Marin therefore ordered the cavalry to
take up a position on the level ground below, and to protect his rear
while the assault was being made.[XIII‑23] The infantry and allies
then scaled the height and were soon in front of the fortifications,
which they found to be of a formidable character. A palisade of strong
cross-timbers let deep into the ground and firmly bound together was
the first obstacle to their entrance, and behind it was a bulwark of
stone and mud nearly twelve feet high and four feet in thickness, into
which were inserted strong beams. This again was surmounted, along its
whole length, by a wall of heavy boards six feet high, supported by
strong crossbars on both sides, all firmly lashed together, while at
intervals loop-holed turrets had been erected commanding the approach.
At the strongest part of this bulwark was the single entrance, which
was approached by a narrow flight of steps leading to the top.
[Sidenote: HARD FIGHTING.]
Though astonished at the strength of these ramparts, the Spaniards
did not hesitate to assault them; but during the whole of the day all
they could effect was the destruction of the outer stockade. Repeated
attempts were made to mount the steps, but at each effort the assailants
were driven back by the long heavy spears of the defenders. Incessant
volleys of missiles were directed against them; their ranks suffered
severely; and it soon became evident that some other plan of attack must
be adopted.[XIII‑24] The only practicable one which suggested itself was
to break open the wall with picks and crow-bars under cover of wooden
sheds. Natives were therefore despatched for implements to the valley
where the baggage and wounded had been sent under the protection of
ten of the cavalry; and the besiegers now constructed several strong
frames, each capable of holding twenty men.[XIII‑25] These were pushed
up to the wall, and under cover of them the Spaniards began to break
through it. The Indians poured on them burning pitch, scalding water,
firebrands, and hot embers,[XIII‑26] and finally crushed them with heavy
rocks, making it necessary to withdraw them for repairs. Then in mockery
and contempt they threw golden ornaments[XIII‑27] at the retreating
Spaniards, and with taunting words derided them. "Is it gold you want?
We have abundance of it; why come ye not in and take it?"
But their success was of short duration. The sheds were soon
strengthened, and again the pick and crow-bar were plied against
the wall, now almost pierced. About the hour of vespers[XIII‑28] two
openings had been made, and the assailants, rushing through, engaged in
a hand to hand encounter with the Chamulans, who bore themselves with
such unyielding firmness that the cross-bowmen placed their weapons
close to the breast of the foe and discharged them without taking aim.
The contest was terminated by a furious storm of rain, and so murky
became the sky that the combatants could barely distinguish one another.
Marin withdrew his men under shelter, and, the storm abating in an hour,
again advanced on the stronghold. No missiles were aimed at them as
they approached the barricade, but a serried line of spears confronted
them, and no orders were given to storm the position. At length Bernal
Diaz with a single comrade crept up to one of the openings, and peering
in found the place unprotected. Then mounting the ramparts he beheld
the Indians in full retreat by a precipitous path leading to the valley
below. The Chamulans had fled, but not all. The two Spaniards were
soon attacked by a body of two hundred warriors still left within the
enclosure, and but for the timely arrival of the Cinacantlan allies,
Bernal Diaz had never lived to write the 'True History of the Conquest
of Mexico.'[XIII‑29] The retreating host was at once pursued, and a
number of captives were made, principally women and children. No gold
or other valuables fell to the lot of the Spaniards, but they found in
the town what was of more benefit to them—a store of provisions—for, as
Godoy relates, the men had not tasted food for two days.[XIII‑30]
On the following day, the 1st of April, Marin returned to his camp,
whence he sent six of his prisoners to the Chamulans summoning them to
allegiance, bidding them to return to their stronghold, and promising
that all the captives should be released if they submitted. These
inducements had their effect, and the deserted town was soon again
repeopled.[XIII‑31]
The Spaniards now advanced against Huehueiztlan, where the inhabitants,
discouraged by the fall of Chamula, made but a feeble resistance, and
then took to flight. Several of the towns in the sierra were then
summoned to surrender, but no answer was returned, and Marin, not
venturing to march against them with his slender force, returned to
his camp near Cinacantlan. Here a warm discussion was held respecting
the carrying-out of Cortés' instructions to found a town. Opinion was
divided; but the final decision, supported by Marin, was that it would
be dangerous to do so owing to the smallness of their numbers and the
want of necessaries.[XIII‑32]
Marin now set his face homeward. Marching along the bank of the Mazapan
he passed through a number of towns, in all of which he met with a
friendly reception, and was greeted with offers of submission. While
traversing a portion of Tabasco he encountered bands of refractory
natives, but reached Espíritu Santo in safety at the beginning of April
1524.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: REVOLT OF THE CHIAPANECS.]
Between this date and the close of 1526 little is known of the events
which occurred in Chiapas, and much confusion exists in the statements
of the leading chroniclers. During the interval there is little
reason to doubt that the natives again rose in revolt, but we have no
particulars as to this outbreak, except that Diego de Mazariegos was
sent against them from Mexico with a well appointed force, and quickly
reduced them to submission.[XIII‑33]
[Sidenote: CHIVALROUS SELF-SACRIFICE.]
For a time the Chiapanecs yielded to their fate, but the exactions
and cruelties of Juan Enriquez de Guzman, who had been appointed
captain of the province by Marcos de Aguilar,[XIII‑34] drove them to
desperation, and during the latter part of 1526 they once more broke
out in rebellion. Again Mazariegos marched against them from Mexico,
at the head of a powerful corps,[XIII‑35] supplied with five pieces
of artillery. Retiring to the stronghold of Chiapas the Indians made
good their defence for several days; but at last the Spaniards battered
down their fortifications and advanced to the assault. Still the
Chiapanecs flinched not, and fought until they could no longer wield
their weapons.[XIII‑36] Then followed a tragedy as strange and appalling
as any recorded on the page of history. The self-destruction of the
Taochi was indeed akin to it; but this act of the Chiapanecs blanched
the cheek even of these Spaniards, whose business was butchery, and
whose pretensions were something more chivalrous than lay within the
conception of any other people; here was something done by aboriginal
Americans which in the way of chivalry, of lofty self-sacrifice, of
determined deliverance from abasement, has few parallels. And what is
most significant about it, had they known all, it was the best they
could have done for themselves, to escape from Christian bondage at any
cost. This is what they did:
Scorning to yield themselves as slaves, the entire population of the
town rushed to the verge of a cliff, which overhung the Mazapan, and
thence husbands and wives, parents and children, locked in close
embrace, hurled themselves headlong, thousands of them, upon the
rocks below or into the swift-running river. The Spaniards attempted
to interfere, but of all the multitude only two thousand could be
saved.[XIII‑37] These were removed to a plain a league down the river,
and from this settlement sprung the town of Chiapas de los Indios, which
became in time a populous city.[XIII‑38]
* * * * *
While Mazariegos was thus occupied at the stronghold of the
Chiapanecs, he learned that a competitor had appeared on the field.
Pedro Puertocarrero had invaded the province from the Guatemalan
frontier,[XIII‑39] and Mazariegos regarding him as an encroacher, now
marched against him. He found the interloper stationed at Comitlan,
and his lamb-like followers would probably, by way of variety, have
indulged in a conflict with their countrymen, had Puertocarrero been
strong enough to meet them. But his forces were too few to hold out
any prospect that it would terminate pleasantly to himself. Besides,
Mazariegos was humane and prudent. He spoke the intruders smoothly
and in a Christian spirit, represented to them how glad he would be to
receive them as brothers, and generously offered them repartimientos in
Chiapas. So no blood was shed. But many of Puertocarrero's men deserted
him, and he retraced his steps in angry mood, having engaged in an
expedition worse than profitless.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: ADMINISTRATION OF MAZARIEGOS.]
The control over the province was a matter of dispute on more than
one occasion. That it was included in the governorship of Guatemala is
evident from the provision extended by the king to Alvarado in 1527, but
the fact that he took no part in its conquest would seem to invalidate
his claim. That nevertheless he acquired a certain amount of control
appears from a cédula issued April 14, 1531, and quoted by Remesal,
in which he grants permission to the settlers to deal with escaped
slaves as if they were branded. Again in 1532 we find that the cabildo
furnished him with two cannon for his South Sea expedition, though the
members confessed that they did so only through fear of his causing them
fresh trouble.[XIII‑40] The country, being now subjugated and free from
outside interference, lay ready to be portioned out to the conquerors
in repartimientos. This process occupied some time, and the rest of
the year was passed in reorganizing the province and arranging for its
colonization. It was expedient to found a Spanish settlement, and on
the 1st of March 1528 Mazariegos, with the aid of Indians, constructed
a number of huts on a spot distant about a league to the east of the
depopulated town of Chiapas. A meeting was then held at which the
lieutenant-governor explained that the site he had selected was not
necessarily intended to be permanent, and that if a more advantageous
spot were found, the colony should be removed to it. In the mean time,
in the name of his Majesty, he appointed municipal officers, and a few
days afterward an enrolment of citizens took place, more than fifty
names being recorded. The town was named Villa Real after Mazariegos'
native city, Ciudad Real of La Mancha. The newly appointed cabildo then
went into session and the appointments of Luis de Luna, as visitador
general, and Gerónimo de Cárceres, as escribano, were recognized and
accepted.[XIII‑41]
But it was soon discovered that the locality was unfavorable. It was
hot, unhealthy on account of the neighboring swamps, and infested with
mosquitoes and bats. The site was therefore removed to the plain of
Huey Zacatlan,[XIII‑42] twelve leagues distant. Here were rich, arable,
and pasture lands, while a winding river and numerous streams afforded
an abundant supply of water. A town was formally laid out, lots were
assigned to citizens, buildings begun, repartimientos granted, and
the territory portioned in caballerias and peonias. It was afterward
ordered at a session of the cabildo held on the 17th of August 1528,
that all who desired to obtain land from the natives should do so by
purchase. Protection was also extended to them by regulations framed
to prevent the appropriation of their produce or its destruction by
animals. Any Spaniard who sent his servant to gather maize from their
fields was to forfeit ten pesos de oro for the first offence, and
for the second to lose his servant, who was to be publicly flogged.
Regulations passed during the early part of the following year required
that all encomenderos should assemble the sons of the caciques at
their residences to be instructed in the doctrines of the church.
Christianized natives were to receive Christian burial, and others were
to be decently interred outside the city.
[Sidenote: RULE OF GUZMAN.]
The administration of Mazariegos appears to have been based on humane
principles and to have had in view the welfare of the settlers.
But this condition of affairs was of brief duration. In 1529 Juan
Enriquez de Guzman was ordered by the audiencia of Mexico to take his
residencia, and appointed captain general and alcalde mayor of Chiapas.
His investigation was conducted in a spirit of vindictiveness which
can be accounted for only by the fact that the latter had previously
been his juez de residencia. He stripped him and his friends of their
repartimientos, and gave them to his own creatures; he appropriated his
dwelling and town allotments, and when the man whom he thus despoiled
soon afterward set forth for Mexico, gave further proof of his enmity
by changing the name of the town to Villa Viciosa. By a royal cédula of
July 7, 1536, its name was again changed to Ciudad Real.[XIII‑43]
Guzman now exercised his power without restraint, and laid the
foundation of permanent evils. All official positions were filled by
favorites of his own to the exclusion of those entitled to them; the
encomiendas were taken from those to whom they had been assigned,
and distributed among undeserving followers; and in a few months
the whole colony was embroiled in dissensions. At a later date all
offices except those of the two alcaldes, the procurador syndic, and
the city majordomo became salable.[XIII‑44] The province was divided
into numerous repartimientos, and in every principal town a lieutenant
of the alcalde mayor was stationed. "Not," says Mazariegos, "for the
administration of justice, but rather to superintend his large and
scandalous repartimientos and to collect tribute dues." This system
of government by encomenderos was oppressive and exhausting to the
country, and to it the ruin of the towns of Chiapas is to be attributed.
The province was subject to the captain general and the audiencia of
Mexico; but their control was exercised with little attention to the
improvement of the system. This state of affairs lasted until 1544, when
the audiencia of the Confines was established, and Chiapas was included
in its jurisdiction.[XIII‑45]