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Transcriber's Note:
Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have
been preserved. Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.
In many cases, Bancroft uses both “u” and “v” to spell an
author’s name. Examples include:
Villagutierre and Villagvtierre
Mondo Nuovo and Mondo Nvovo
Villagutierre and Villagvtierre
Aluarado and Alvarado
Gvat. and Guat.
Cogolludo and Cogollvdo
Vetancurt and Vetancvrt.
Other archaic letter substitutions include "b" for "v" and "i" for
"y" and vice versa. These have been left as printed.
Possible printers errors include:
Esquemelin and Exquemelin are both used, possibly for the same
person.
Castile and Castille are both used, possibly for the same
place.
Fray Zambano and Zambrano are both used, possibly for the
same person.
On page 16, Mama Ocollo should possibly be Mama Ocllo or Occlo.
On page 237, "In 1519 he ordered the council of the Indies to
draw" (date possibly incorrect).
On page 424, mines of Chuluteca should possibly be mines of
Choluteca.
In footnote I-17, "vamrasen en tieren" is a possible printer's
error.
There is possibly text missing from the quote in footnote I-31.
In footnote X-45, Ariat should possibly be Arias.
In footnote X-45, Malapalte should possibly be Malaparte.
In footnote XI-11, "Ia Gottierez" is a possible printer's error.
In footnote XI-11, "ten zy binnen vier dagen" is a possible
printer's error.
The references in footnote XVII-12 and footnote XVII-20 to
Volume ii. of this series should possibly refer to Volume i.
In footnote XVII-35, "mirá que todo lo bueno que bacare" is a
possible printer's error.
The reference to "this volume" in footnote XVIII-31, is
ambiguous. A map of Guatemala can be found in the current
volume.
In footnote XXVI-24, "en gaossir" should possibly be
"engrossir."
In footnote XXVII-6, Casttell should possibly be Castell.
In footnote XXVII-15, Governor Mercedo should possibly be
Governor Mercado.
The sentence "no hicesters enterar la suma que el cinsutacto,
y corneríco de Lima so obligo a suplir por imaginaria, á lo
epetwo del registro que salió de aquella ciudad" in footnote
XXVII-22 was corrected to "no hicesteis enterar la suma que
el Consulado, y comercio de Lima se obligo a suplir por
ynmaxinaria, a lo efectibo del rexistro que salio de aquella
ciudad."
In footnote XXXVII-46, Moninbo should possibly be Monimbo (Nicaragua).
Italics in the footnote citations were inconsistently applied
by the typesetter.
Accents and other diacritics are inconsistently used.
Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.
This volume contains references to the previous six volumes
of this work.
They can be found at:
Volume 1: https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/41070/pg41070-images.html
Volume 2: https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/42808/pg42808-images.html
Volume 3: https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/43123/pg43123-images.html
Volume 4: https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/44104/pg44104-images.html
Volume 5: https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/45268/pg45268-images.html
Volume 6: https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/58658/pg58658-images.html
THE WORKS
OF
HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.
VOLUME VII.
HISTORY OF CENTRAL AMERICA.
VOL. II. 1530-1800.
SAN FRANCISCO:
A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS.
1883.
Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1883, by
HUBERT H. BANCROFT,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.
_All Rights Reserved._
CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.
CHAPTER I.
PIZARRO AND PERU.
1524-1544.
PAGE.
Origin and Character of the Conqueror—The Triumvirate
Copartnership of Pizarro, Friar Luque, and
Diego de Almagro for Continuing the Discovery of
Andagoya—Departure—Attitude of Pedrarias—Slow Development
of their Plans—Return and Reëmbarkation—Persistence of
Pizarro—Sufferings on Gallo Island—Fate Defied—Discovery
of Tumbez and the Coast Beyond—Return to Panamá—Pizarro
Visits Spain—A New Expedition—Aboriginal History of
Peru—The Rival Incas—Establishment of the Spaniards at
San Miguel—Atahualpa at Caxamalca—The Spaniards Visit Him
there—Seizure of the Inca—Pacification of Peru—Arrival
of Almagro—Death of Father Luque—Judicial Murder of
the Inca—A King's Ransom—Downfall of the Peruvian
Monarchy—Disputes and Violent Deaths of the Almagros and
Pizarros 1
CHAPTER II.
CASTILLA DEL ORO.
1527-1537.
Administration of Pedro de los Rios—He is Superseded
by the Licentiate Antonio de la Gama—Barrionuevo's
Reign—A Province in Nueva Andalucía Granted to Pedro
de Heredia—He Sails for Cartagena—Conflicts with the
Natives—Treasure Unearthed—The Devil's Bohío—Prosperity
of the Settlement—Alonso Heredia Sent to Rebuild San
Sebastian—Is Opposed by Julian Gutierrez—Capture
of Gutierrez—The Golden Temple of Dabaiba Once
More—Expeditions in Search of the Glittering Phantom,
Francisco César and Others—Audiencia Established
at Panamá—Maleadministration—Complaints of the
Colonists—Destitution in the Province—Bishops of Castilla
del Oro—Miraculous Image of the Virgin—Bibliographical 44
CHAPTER III.
THIRD ATTEMPTED COLONIZATION OF VERAGUA.
1535-1536.
The Dukes of Veragua—María de Toledo Claims the Territory
for her Son Luis Colon—Felipe Gutierrez Appointed to
the Command—Landing on the Coast of Veragua—Sickness
and Famine—The Cacique Dururua Enslaved—He Promises to
Unearth his Buried Treasures—Messengers Sent in Search
of It—They Return Empty-handed—But Warn the Chief's
Followers—He Guides the Spaniards to the Spot—They are
Surrounded by Indians—Rescue of the Cacique—Cannibalism
among the Christians—Sufferings of the Few Survivors—The
Colony Abandoned 63
CHAPTER IV.
THE CAKCHIQUELS AGAIN IN REVOLT.
1525-1526.
Alvarado Sets forth to Honduras to Join Cortés—Mutiny
among his Men—Gonzalo de Alvarado Appointed
Lieutenant-governor—His Meeting with Marin and his
Party—The Second Revolt of the Cakchiquels—Gonzalo
the Cause of the Insurrection—Massacre of the
Spaniards—Alvarado Returns to Guatemala—He Captures the
Peñol of Xalpatlahua—He Marches on Patinamit—His Return
to Mexico—His Meeting with Cortés 74
CHAPTER V.
SUBJUGATION OF ZACATEPEC AND CAPTURE OF SINACAM'S
STRONGHOLD.
1527-1528.
Puertocarrero in Charge of Affairs—Revolt at
Zacatepec—Escape of the Spanish Garrison—The
Place Recaptured—Execution of the High Priest
Panaguali—Sinacam's Stronghold—Its Siege and
Capture—Jorge de Alvarado Appointed Governor—The City of
Santiago Founded in the Almolonga Valley—Prosperity of
the new Settlement 87
CHAPTER VI.
INDIAN REVOLTS AND CIVIL FACTIONS IN GUATEMALA.
1529-1530.
Alvarado Returns to Spain—He is Arraigned before
the Council of the Indies—His Acquittal—His
Marriage—He Returns to Mexico—His Trial before the
Audiencia—Francisco de Orduña Arrives at Santiago—And
Takes the Residencia of Jorge de Alvarado—The
Confederated Nations in Revolt—Juan Perez Dardon's
Expedition to the Valley of Xumay—The Spaniards Attack
the Stronghold of Uspantan—Their Repulse and Retreat—The
Place Afterward Captured by Francisco de Castellanos—The
Circus of Copan Besieged by Hernando de Chaves—Gallant
Conduct of a Cavalry Soldier—Alvarado's Return to
Santiago—Demoralized Condition of the Province 100
CHAPTER VII.
ALVARADO'S EXPEDITION TO PERU.
1531-1536.
Ship-building in Guatemala—Alvarado Prepares an
Expedition to the Spice Islands—But Turns his
Attention toward Peru—Opposition of the Treasury
Officials—The Pilot Fernandez Brings News of Atahualpa's
Ransom—Strength of Alvarado's Armament—He Lands at
Puerto Viejo—Failure of his Expedition—His Return to
Guatemala—Native Revolts during his Absence—The Visitador
Maldonado Arrives at Santiago—He Finds No Fault in
the Adelantado—But is Afterwards Ordered to Take his
Residencia—Alvarado in Honduras 122
CHAPTER VIII.
THE ECCLESIASTICS IN GUATEMALA.
1529-1541.
Francisco Marroquin Arrives at Santiago—He is Appointed
Bishop—Godlessness of the Colonists—The Prelate Invites
Las Casas to Join Him—Marroquin's Consecration in
Mexico—The Church at Santiago Elevated to Cathedral
Rank—Difficulty in Collecting the Church Tithes—The
Merced Order in Guatemala—Miraculous Image of Our Lady
of Merced—Bibliographical 133
CHAPTER IX.
AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.
1527-1536.
Diego Mendez de Hinostrosa Appointed
Lieutenant-governor—Salcedo Returns to Trujillo—His
Office Usurped by Vasco de Herrera—Death of Salcedo—Three
Rival Claimants for the Governorship—Expeditions to
the Naco and Jutigalpa Valleys—Diego Mendez Conspires
against Herrera—Assassination of the Latter—A Reign of
Terror—Arrest and Execution of the Conspirator—Arrival of
Governor Albitez at Trujillo—His Death—Andrés de Cereceda
at the Head of Affairs—Distress of the Spaniards—Exodus
of Settlers from Trujillo—They Establish a Colony in the
Province of Zula—Cereceda Appeals for Aid to Pedro de
Alvarado—He is Roughly Used by his own Followers—Alvarado
Arrives in Honduras—He Founds New Settlements—His
Departure for Spain 144
CHAPTER X.
ADMINISTRATION OF AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.
1531-1550.
Malefeasance of Castañeda—Diego Álvarez Osorio the First
Bishop of Nicaragua—A Convent Founded at Leon—Las Casas
Arrives—Castañeda's Flight—Arrival of Contreras—Proposed
Expedition to El Desaguadero—Opposition of Las
Casas—Departure with All the Dominicans—The Volcano
of El Infierno de Masaya—Fray Blas Believes the Lava
to be Molten Treasure—His Descent into the Burning
Pit—Exploration of the Desaguadero—Doctor Robles
Attempts to Seize the New Territory—Contreras Leaves
for Spain—His Arrest, Trial, and Return—His Son-in-law
Meanwhile Usurps the Government—Antonio de Valdivieso
Appointed Bishop—Feud between the Ecclesiastics and the
Governor—Alonso Lopez de Cerrato Takes the Residencia of
Contreras—Missionary Labors in Nicaragua 166
CHAPTER XI.
EXPEDITION OF DIEGO GUTIERREZ TO COSTA RICA.
1540-1545.
Diego Gutierrez Appointed Governor—Desertion of
his Soldiers—He Proceeds to Nicaragua—The Advice
of Contreras—The Expedition Sails for the Rio San
Juan—Friendly Reception by the Natives—His Men Desert a
Second Time—Reënforcements from Nicaragua and Nombre de
Dios—The Historian Benzoni Joins the Party—Gutierrez as
an Evangelist—He Inveigles Camachire and Cocori into his
Camp—He Demands Gold under Pain of Death—Noble Conduct
of the Cacique Cocori—The Spaniards March into the
Interior—Their Sufferings from Hunger—They are Attacked
and Massacred—Benzoni and Five Other Survivors Rescued
by Alonso de Pisa 187
CHAPTER XII.
ALVARADO'S LAST EXPEDITION.
1537-1541.
The Adelantado's Match-making Venture—Its
Failure—Alvarado's Commission from the Crown—He Lands
at Puerto de Caballos—And Thence Proceeds to Iztapa—His
Armament—He Sails for Mexico—His Defeat at Nochistlan—His
Penitence, Death, and Last Will—Character of the
Conqueror—Comparison of Traits with Those of Cortés—While
above Pizarro He was far beneath Sandoval—His Delight
in Bloodshed for its own Sake—The Resting-place and
Epitaph—Alvarado's Progeny 201
CHAPTER XIII.
THE CONQUEST OF CHIAPAS.
1520-1529.
Origin of the Chiapanecs—They Submit to the Spaniards
after the Mexican Conquest—But Rise in Arms when
Required to Pay Tribute—Captain Luis Marin Undertakes
the Conquest of the Province—His Battles with the
Natives—The Panic-stricken Artillerymen—Capture of the
Stronghold of Chiapas—The Chamulans Rise in Revolt—Their
Fortress Besieged—Repulse of the Spaniards—Bernal Diaz in
Peril—Flight and Surrender of the Chamulans—Marin Returns
to Espíritu Santo—Second Revolt of the Chiapanecs—Their
Subjugation by Diego de Mazariegos—Third Rebellion—Their
Self-destruction—Pedro Puertocarrero in the Field—His
Discomfiture—Founding of Villa Real—Juan Enriquez
de Guzman Takes the Residencia of Mazariegos—His
Maleadministration 213
CHAPTER XIV.
THREATENED DESTRUCTION OF THE INDIES.
1526-1543.
Decrease of Indian Population at the Isthmus—And in
Honduras—Treatment of Spanish Allies in Guatemala—Torture
and Butchery of Hostile Natives—Terror Inspired by
Alvarado—Early Legislation—Its Non-observance—The New
Laws—The Audiencia of Panamá Abolished—The Audiencia of
Los Reyes and Los Confines Established—Disgust Caused by
the New Code—The First Viceroy of Peru Arrives at the
Isthmus—He Takes Charge of Treasure Acquired by Slave
Labor—And Liberates a Number of Indians 232
CHAPTER XV.
PANAMÁ AND PERU.
1538-1550.
Administration of Doctor Robles—Interoceanic
Communication—Proposed Change of the Site of
Panamá—Nombre de Dios and its Trade—The Isthmus the
Highway of Commerce between the Hemispheres—Vasco
Nuñez Vela Lands in Peru—Gonzalo Pizarro at the Head
of a Rebellion—Dissolution of the Audiencia of Los
Reyes and Arrest of the Viceroy—His Release—His Defeat
and Death at Añaquito—Gonzalo's Dreams of Conquest—He
Despatches Bachicao to Panamá—Hinojosa's Expedition—His
Bloodless Conquest of the Province—Melchor Verdugo's
Invasion—Pedro de la Gasca—His Negotiations with the
Revolutionists—Gasca Lands in Peru—Execution of Gonzalo
Pizarro 245
CHAPTER XVI.
REVOLT OF THE CONTRERAS BROTHERS.
1550.
Cause of the Revolt—Preparations of the
Conspirators—Assassination of Bishop Valdivieso—The
Rebels Defeat the Men of Granada—Their Plan of
Operations—The Expedition Sails for Natá—Gasca Arrives
at the Isthmus with the King's Treasure—Capture of
Panamá—Blunders of the Rebel Leaders—Hernando de
Contreras Marches to Capira—He is Followed by his
Lieutenant Bermejo—Gasca's Arrival at Nombre de
Dios—Uprising of the Inhabitants of Panamá—Bermejo's
Attack on the City—His Repulse—His Forces
Annihilated—Fate of Hernando and his Followers 274
CHAPTER XVII.
AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.
1537-1549.
Francisco de Montejo Appointed Governor—Revolt
of the Cacique Lempira—Dastardly Artifice of the
Spaniards—Establishment of New Colonies—Condition of
the Settlements—Mining in Honduras—Return of Pedro
de Alvarado—Montejo Deposed from Office—Alonso de
Maldonado the First President of the Audiencia of the
Confines—Maltreatment of the Natives—Rival Prelates in
Honduras—Their Disputes—Las Casas Presents a Memorial to
the Audiencia—He is Insulted by the Oidores—His Departure
for Chiapas—Maldonado's Greed—He is Superseded by Alonso
Lopez de Cerrato—The Seat of the Audiencia Moved to
Santiago de Guatemala 289
CHAPTER XVIII.
PROGRESS OF AFFAIRS IN GUATEMALA.
1541-1550.
Mourning for Alvarado—Grief of Doña Beatriz—An
Anomalous Government—A Female Ruler—A Beautiful but
Treacherous Mountain—A Night of Horrors—Death of Doña
Beatriz—Destruction of Santiago—A Ruined City—Burial of
the Dead—Gloom of Conscience-stricken Survivors—Joint
Governors—Removal of the City Resolved upon—A New
Site Discussed—Another Santiago Founded—Maldonado
Appointed Governor—Action of the Audiencia Relative to
Encomiendas—Controversies and Recriminations—Removal of
the Audiencia to Santiago—President Cerrato Offends the
Settlers—His Mode of Action 311
CHAPTER XIX.
THE ECCLESIASTICS IN CHIAPAS.
1550.
A Convent Founded by the Merced Order—Ciudad Real
Appointed a Cathedral City—Las Casas a Bishop—He
Attempts to Enforce the New Laws—He Refuses Absolution
during Holy Week—His Controversy with the Audiencia
of the Confines—He Departs for Spain—His Dispute with
Sepúlveda—His Appeal to the Conscience of Philip—The
Audiencia Transferred from Panamá to Guatemala—Death of
the Apostle of the Indies—His Character—The Dominicans
in Chiapas 328
CHAPTER XX.
MARROQUIN AND LAS CASAS IN GUATEMALA AND VERA PAZ.
1541-1550.
A New Cathedral Wanted—A Poor Prelate and Unwilling
Tithe-payers—Two Contentious Bishops—Charitable
Institutions Founded—Dominican Convent
Organized—Franciscans Arrive—Their Labors—Motolinia
Founds a Custodia—Disputes between Franciscans and
Dominicans—La Tierra de Guerra—Las Casas' System—His
First Efforts in Vera Paz—He Goes to Spain—Decrees
Obtained by Him and an Indignant Cabildo—Las Casas
Returns—Progress in Vera Paz—Peaceful Submission and
Heavy Tributes—Cancer's Expedition to Florida—Ominous
Opinions—An Indifferent Captain—A Dominican Martyr 341
CHAPTER XXI.
GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.
1551-1600.
Quesada's Administration—The Oidor Zorita Gathers the
Natives into Towns—Expedition against the Lacandones—Its
Failure—Landecho Appointed Quesada's Successor—His
Residencia Taken by the Licentiate Brizeño—Famine,
Pestilence, and Earthquake in Guatemala—The Audiencia of
the Confines Removed to Panamá—And Again Transferred to
Guatemala—Gonzalez Appointed President—He is Succeeded
by Villalobos—Changes in Church Affairs—Death of
Bishop Marroquin—Quarrels between the Dominicans and
Franciscans—Bishops Villalpando and Córdoba—Fracas
between two Ecclesiastics—Administration of President
Valverde, Rueda, Sandé, and Castilla—Industrial Condition
of the Province 358
CHAPTER XXII.
AFFAIRS IN PANAMÁ.
1551-1600.
Revolt of the Cimarrones—Pedro de Ursua Sent against
Them—A Second Revolt—Bayano Caught and Sent to
Spain—Regulations concerning Negroes—Commercial
Decadence—Restrictions on Trade—Home Industries—Pearl
Fisheries—Mining—Decay of Settlements—Proposed Change
in the Port of Entry—Its Removal from Nombre de Dios to
Portobello—Changes in the Seat of the Audiencia—Tierra
Firme Made Subject to the Viceroy of Peru—Defalcations
in the Royal Treasury—Preparations for Defence against
Corsairs and Foreign Powers 386
CHAPTER XXIII.
DRAKE AND OXENHAM'S EXPEDITIONS.
1572-1596.
Drake's Attack on Nombre de Dios—Panic among the
Inhabitants—Stores of Treasure—Retreat of the
English—They Sail for Cartagena—And Thence for the Gulf
of Urabá—Visit to the Isle of Pinos—The Ships Moved to
the Cabezas Islands—Second Expedition to Cartagena—March
to the Isthmus—Drake's First Glimpse of the South
Sea—Ambuscade Posted near Cruces—The Bells of Approaching
Treasure Trains—The Prize Missed through the Folly of a
Drunken Soldier—Capture of Cruces—Thirty Tons of Gold and
Silver Taken near Nombre de Dios—Voyage on a Raft—The
Expedition Returns to England—Oxenham's Raid—Drake's
Circumnavigation of the Globe—His Second Voyage to the
West Indies—His Final Expedition—His Death and Burial
off Portobello 404
CHAPTER XXIV.
NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA.
1551-1600.
Revolt of Juan Gaitan—His Defeat by the Licentiate Juan
de Caballon—Expedition of Caballon and Juan de Estrada
Rábago to Costa Rica—Settlements Founded—Distress of
the Spaniards—Juan Vazquez Coronado Comes to their
Relief—Further Expeditions—Flight of the Natives—Capture
of the Stronghold of Cotu—Administration of Diego de
Artiega Cherino—The Franciscans in Costa Rica—Martyrdom
of Juan Pizarro—The Ecclesiastics in Nicaragua—Fray Juan
de Torres—Condition of the Settlements—Slow Growth of
Trade 424
CHAPTER XXV.
NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA.
1601-1700.
Leon Abandoned—Another Site Selected—Description
of the New City—The Sacrilegious Mouse—The Trade of
Granada—Freebooters in Nicaragua—Church Matters—The
Jesuits Enter the Province—They are Recalled—The
Diocese Subject to the Archbishop of Lima—Succession
of Prelates—Eruption of El Infierno de Masaya—Massacre
of Spaniards in Costa Rica—Maldonado's Expedition
to Talamanca—Verdelete's Mission to Tologalpa—Its
Failure—His Further Attempts to Christianize the
Natives—Massacre of Soldiers and Ecclesiastics 439
CHAPTER XXVI.
BUCCANEERS AND BUCCANEERING RAIDS.
1518-1664.
Buccaneers at Santo Domingo—Tortuga the Head-quarters
of the Pirates—Their Modes of Life—François L'Olonnois
the Filibuster—His Vessel Cast on the Shore of
Campeche—He Escapes to Tortuga—And Reappears in the Bay
of Honduras—He Captures San Pedro—He Plans a Raid on
Guatemala—His Comrades Desert Him—His Vessel Wrecked off
Cape Gracias á Dios—His Expedition to Desaguadero—And
to Costa Rica—He is Hacked to Pieces—Mansvelt Captures
the Island of Santa Catarina—And Attacks Cartago—Santa
Catarina Retaken by the Spaniards 451
CHAPTER XXVII.
PANAMÁ, PORTOBELLO, AND PIRACY.
1601-1670.
An Audiencia again Established in Panamá—Its
Presidents—Captain Parker's Raid on Portobello—Growth
of Portobello and Decadence of Panamá—Malefeasance
of Officials—Interoceanic Communication—Contraband
Trading—Church Matters in Panamá—Disputes between
the Bishops and the Oidores—The Ecclesiastics
in Evil Repute—Destructive Conflagration—Bazan's
Administration—His Downfall and its Cause—The Annual Fair
at Panamá 464
CHAPTER XXVIII.
MORGAN'S RAIDS ON THE ISTHMUS.
1664-1671.
Morgan's Early Career—He Resolves to Attack
Portobello—The Castle of Triana Blown into the
Air—Capture of the City—Atrocities Committed by the
Buccaneers—The President of Panamá Marches against
Them—He is Driven Back—Morgan Sends Him a Specimen of
his Weapons—Ransom of the City and Return to Jamaica—The
Buccaneers Prepare Another Armament, and Resolve to
Attack Panamá—Capture of Fort San Lorenzo—March across
the Isthmus—Morgan Arrives in Sight of Panamá—Cowardice
of the Governor—Battle with the Spaniards—Burning of
the City—Torture of Prisoners—Bravery of a Captive
Gentlewoman—The Buccaneers Recross the Isthmus—Division
of the Booty 482
CHAPTER XXIX.
CORSAIRS IN THE SOUTH SEA.
1671-1682.
The New City of Panamá—Portobello Sacked by Pirates—A
Buccaneer Fleet Assembles at Boca del Toro—The Corsairs
Plan a Raid on Panamá—They Capture Santa María—And
Thence Sail for Plantain Island—Massacre of their
Captives—Desperate Conflict in Panamá Bay—Some of
the Marauders Return across the Isthmus—The Remainder
Proceed to the Island of Taboga—And there Capture Several
Prizes—They are Asked to Show their Commissions—The
Answer—They Sail for the Coast of Veragua—Their Repulse
at Pueblo Nuevo—Their Operations on the Coast of South
America—Some of Them Return to England—They are Tried
and Acquitted 517
CHAPTER XXX.
FURTHER PIRATICAL RAIDS.
1681-1687.
Dampier and his Comrades on the Santa María River—They
Meet with Spanish War Vessels—Their March to the North
Sea—They Fall in with a French Ship—And Sail round Cape
Horn to the South Sea—They Attack Realejo—They Sail for
the Island of La Plata—Here They are Reënforced—They
Proceed to the Coast of South America—Where they
Gain Intelligence of the Treasure-fleet—The Pirates
Sail for the Pearl Islands—Their Defeat in the Bay of
Panamá—Raids on Leon, Realejo, and Granada—Piety of the
Filibusters—Further Operations of the Pirates 543
CHAPTER XXXI.
PANAMÁ.
1672-1800.
The Scots Colony—They Propose to Establish Settlements
in Darien—Subscriptions for the Enterprise—Departure of
the Expedition—Its Arrival at Acla—Sickness and Famine
among the Colonists—They Abandon their Settlement—A
Second Expedition Despatched—Its Failure—Cartagena
Sacked by Privateers—Indian Outbreaks—Conflagrations in
Panamá—Pearl Fisheries—Mining—Spanish Commerce Falling
into the Hands of the British—Seizure of British Vessels
and Maltreatment of their Crews—Jenkins' Ears—Declaration
of War—Vernon's Operations on the Isthmus—Anson's Voyage
round the World—Vernon's Second Expedition—Its Disastrous
Result 570
CHAPTER XXXII.
MOSQUITIA, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.
1701-1800.
The Sambos of Mosquitia—Their Territory—A Mosquito
Chieftain Crowned King—Treaties between Spain and
England—The British Occupy Mosquitia—Galvez Captures
an English Settlement on the Black River—An Armament
Despatched from Jamaica to Mosquitia—Surrender of the
Spaniards—Colonists Ordered to Leave the Coast—The
Governors of Nicaragua—The British Defeated at Fort San
Cárlos—They Capture Fort San Juan—But are Compelled
to Retreat—Church Matters—Missionary Expeditions to
Talamanca—Affairs in Costa Rica 595
CHAPTER XXXIII.
BELIZE.
1650-1800.
Buccaneer Settlements in Yucatan—The Pirates Engage
in Wood-cutting—Governor Figueroa Ordered to Expel
them—Raid of the Wood-cutters on Ascension Bay—They
are Driven Back by the Governor—Their Settlement in
Belize Destroyed by Figueroa—They Return in Stronger
Force—Further Expeditions against Them—The Wood-cutters
under British Protection—They are Attacked by Governor
Rivas—The Boundaries of Belize Defined by the Treaty
of Versailles—Stipulations of a Later Treaty—Further
Encroachments of the English 623
CHAPTER XXXIV.
HONDURAS.
1550-1800.
Piratical Raids on Trujillo and Puerto de
Caballos—Condition of the Settlements—Church
Matters—Missionary Expedition to Tegucigalpa—Martyrdom
of the Missionaries—Labors of the Franciscans in
Honduras—Interference of the Bishop—Trujillo Destroyed by
the Dutch—Fort San Fernando de Omoa Erected—Its Capture
by the English—And Recovery by President Galvez—Roatan
Several Times Occupied by Buccaneers—Their Final
Expulsion 637
CHAPTER XXXV.
GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.
1601-1700.
President Castilla—Port Santo Tomás
Founded—Factions—A Gambling President—Condition of
the Colonists—Grievances—Patronage of the Crown,
the Audiencia, and the Cabildo—Disputes—Defensive
Measures—Rule of President Caldas—Reorganization of the
Audiencia—President Barrios and Bishop Navas—Political
Dissensions—A Troublesome Visitador—The Berropistas
and Tequelies—A Line of Bishops—Wealth of the Regular
Orders—A Prelate Bewitched—The Bethlehemites—Royal
Order concerning Curacies—The New Cathedral and
Festivities—Succession—The Progress of Chiapas 649
CHAPTER XXXVI.
THE ITZAS AND LACANDONES.
1601-1700.
Early Efforts at Pacification—Priests and Soldiers
Sacrificed—Massacre of Mirones and his Party—El
Prospero Expedition—Indifference of the Orders—Bishop
Navas in the Field—A Tripartite Campaign Determined
upon—Expedition of President Barrios—Meeting with
Mazariegos—Velasco's Operations—The Expeditions
Return—Further Expeditions—Fate of Velasco and
his Command—Failure—Ursua's Enterprise—Progress of
Paredes—Negotiations with the Canek—Opposition of
Soberanis—Ursua Takes Command—Treacherous Allurements—The
Itzas Conquered—Peten Garrisoned—Jealousy of
Soberanis—Unsatisfactory Operations—Questionable
Possession 672
CHAPTER XXXVII.
GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.
1701-1800.
The Tzendal Rebellion—A New Miracle—Atrocities—A
Novel Hierarchy—The Tzendales Repulsed—Segovia's
Operations—President Cosío Assumes Command—Fall of
Cancuc—Spread of the Rebellion—Its Suppression—Decadence
of Chiapas—Earthquakes—Riots—Venality
of the Clergy—Establishment of the
Archbishopric—Heresy—Boundaries of Provinces—Abolition
of Corregimientos—Another Great Earthquake—Quarrels over
Removal—Expulsion of the Jesuits 696
HISTORY OF CENTRAL AMERICA.
CHAPTER I.
PIZARRO AND PERU.
1524-1544.
ORIGIN AND CHARACTER OF THE CONQUEROR—THE TRIUMVIRATE
COPARTNERSHIP OF PIZARRO, FRIAR LUQUE, AND DIEGO DE ALMAGRO
FOR CONTINUING THE DISCOVERY OF ANDAGOYA—DEPARTURE—ATTITUDE
OF PEDRARIAS—SLOW DEVELOPMENT OF THEIR PLANS—RETURN
AND REËMBARKATION—PERSISTENCE OF PIZARRO—SUFFERINGS ON
GALLO ISLAND—FATE DEFIED—DISCOVERY OF TUMBEZ AND THE
COAST BEYOND—RETURN TO PANAMÁ—PIZARRO VISITS SPAIN—A
NEW EXPEDITION—ABORIGINAL HISTORY OF PERU—THE RIVAL
INCAS—ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SPANIARDS AT SAN MIGUEL—ATAHUALPA
AT CAXAMALCA—THE SPANIARDS VISIT HIM THERE—SEIZURE OF THE
INCA—PACIFICATION OF PERU—ARRIVAL OF ALMAGRO—DEATH OF FATHER
LUQUE—JUDICIAL MURDER OF THE INCA—A KING'S RANSOM—DOWNFALL
OF THE PERUVIAN MONARCHY—DISPUTES AND VIOLENT DEATHS OF THE
ALMAGROS AND PIZARROS.
In a society like that of Panamá, where politics were so unjust and
morality so diabolical, we could expect nothing else than that the
worst men should prove the most successful. Among those who came early
to Darien, and whom we have frequently encountered in the wars upon the
natives, was one who now enters the arena as the conqueror of Peru. His
origin was of the lowest. Born in bastardy, he was laid by his mother on
the church steps, whence he was taken by a swine-herd to be suckled by a
sow. Escaping this master he fled to Seville and lived no one knows how,
until he took ship to Santo Domingo, no one knows when. Thenceforward
to the day of his assassination, his merciless courage found congenial
occupation; neither his ignorance nor his beastly instincts nor his
infamous cruelty and treachery standing in the way of fame and fortune.
He was now not far from fifty-three, having been born at Trujillo,
in Estremadura, about 1471. After both had become famous a distant
kinship was traced between Pizarro and Hernan Cortés. The development
had been, in every respect, in keeping with the origin and environment.
Except Pedrarias there was not a man in all the Indies more detestable.
Innately he was the coarsest of all the conquerors. I have not seen
of his a single noble sentiment expressed or a single noble action
recorded. The Christianity which as a Spaniard he was obliged to
wear had in it not the slightest tincture of piety or pity, and the
civilization under which his genius grew developed in him only the
savage cunning which he afterward displayed when in pursuit of human
prey. Under this same influence Cortés and other captains of a generous,
lordly nature might wade through horrors to a determined goal, while
appalling tragedies and blood-reeking treacheries were not what their
souls delighted in. But incarnate vulgarity was Francisco Pizarro, and
a devouring sea of iniquity, beside whom beasts were heavenly beings;
for when man sinks to his lowest, we must enter the domain of hideous
fancy to find his prototype.
Up to this time Pizarro had displayed little of that signal ability,
that marvellous determination and readiness of resource which carried
through one of the most remarkable undertakings of any age. Soldier of
fortune and petty farmer were the only distinctions he could boast. No
talents of a higher order than those exhibited by the other captains
in Darien had as yet appeared, except perhaps a cooler cruelty in
his treatment of the natives, and a more selfish heartlessness in his
intercourse with his comrades. He was made of admirable stuff for an
executioner, brave, obedient, merciless, remorseless; and as he had not
manifested sufficient ambition to excite the jealousy even of Pedrarias
he had been a useful tool of the governor. Great deeds do not always
spring from greatness of soul. It may have been merely owing to the
decline of physical powers with advancing age that Pizarro's mind was
led to serious reflection on what at various times he had heard of
the region southward of the Isthmus, of what Panciaco had said, and
the Pearl Islanders, and Tumaco, and last of all of what Andagoya had
reported concerning Birú. It was known what Cortés had done in the
north; might not the same feat be accomplished in the south?
* * * * *
[Sidenote: ORGANIZATION OF AN EXPEDITION.]
Whencesoever sprang the purpose, on the return of Andagoya unsuccessful
from Birú, Pizarro determined if possible to undertake an expedition
in that direction. Notwithstanding a long career of successful robbery
he had little to venture, except that worthless article his life. Two
requirements were necessary, money and the consent of the governor, both
of which might be obtained through Fernando de Luque, acting vicar of
Panamá, and formerly school-master of the cathedral of Darien. Father
Luque, or Loco as he was later called for this folly, had influence
with Pedrarias, and the proceeds of his piety thus far amounted to
twenty thousand castellanos. He joined with himself a comrade, Diego de
Almagro, and winning over the priest and the governor by a promise of
one fourth each, the company was complete. Almagro was a few years older
than Pizarro, and with an origin perhaps as low, for he was likewise
a foundling. Ill-favored by nature, the loss of an eye but increased a
sinister expression that had played from infancy over his features. It
is but faint praise to say of him that his impulses were nobler than
those of Pizarro. Though fiery he was frank, and abhorred treachery; nor
could he nurse a wrong more easily than his colleague. Pizarro was to
command the expedition; Almagro to take charge of the ships; the vicar,
besides his money, was to contribute his prayers, while the governor
was to have an eye watchful for himself.
In a small caravel with about a hundred men and four horses,[I‑1]
Pizarro sailed from Panamá November 14, 1524, leaving Almagro to follow
as soon as he could equip another vessel. After touching at Toboga
and at the Pearl Islands, Pizarro coasted southward past Puerto de
Piñas where terminated the voyages of Vasco Nuñez and Andagoya, and
entered the river Birú in search of provisions, but finding none put to
sea, and after buffeting a storm for ten days again landed, and again
failed to procure food. The ground was soft, and the foragers suffered
severely. At a place subsequently called El Puerto del Hambre he waited
for six weeks with part of the men, all on the verge of starvation,
while the ship, in command of Gil de Montenegro, went back to the Pearl
Islands for supplies. When his forces were again united he put to sea
and landing at various points found food and gold abundant. Presently
the vessel required repairs, and fearful lest if he should return
the expedition would be broken up, Pizarro caused himself and all his
followers, save only those needed to manage the ship, to be put ashore,
while Nicolás de Ribera, the treasurer, went with the vessel and the
gold collected to Panamá.
* * * * *
Three months after the departure of Pizarro from Panamá, Almagro
followed with seventy men, and after some search, and the loss of an eye
in fighting savages, he found his colleague, left with him his surplus
men, and returned with his vessel to the assistance of Ribera. By this
time Pedrarias, although he had invested nothing, was dissatisfied and
sullen over the result. The ships were wanted for Nicaragua, he said,
and half the men embarked in this mad southern venture were dead.
Almagro was finally glad to get rid of him by paying him a thousand
pesos. Pizarro was obliged to return, and the three associates bound
themselves by oath, solemnized by the sacrament, that the entire returns
and emoluments of the expedition should be equally divided; Father Luque
dividing the wafer into three parts and each partaking of one.
[Sidenote: SECOND EXPEDITION.]
Nearly two years were thus occupied when the two captains, made equal by
the new contract, and each in command of a ship, embarked a second time
with Bartolomé Ruiz as pilot and one hundred and sixty men, and standing
well out sailed directly to the Rio San Juan, the farthest point yet
discovered. Meeting here with fair success, Almagro was sent to Panamá
with the plunder; Pizarro with most of the men remained on shore; while
Ruiz with the other vessel continued the discovery beyond the equator,
and returning reported a more opulent people with a higher culture than
any yet found in the Indies. Among other wonderful objects which he
had seen was a large trading _balsa_, or raft, made by lashing together
with vines porous timbers, which were overlaid with a floor of reeds,
and navigated by lateen cotton sails. The people of the raft displayed
spun and raw wool, and scales for weighing gold, while those upon the
shore ran to and fro leaping and shouting to the homeless wanderers,
the hairy exiles, children of the sea-foam, descendants of the sun, as
they called the glittering serpents that were so soon to envenom their
land.
Soon afterward Almagro appeared. He too had been successful. Pedrarias
was deposed; and with Pedro de los Rios, the new governor, had come
fresh aspirants for adventure and a grave, eighty of whom were soon
launched with Father Luque's blessing in the Peruvian expedition.
During the absence of the vessels death had taken fourteen of Pizarro's
men, and the remainder now clamored loudly to be carried to Panamá.
But this was not to be considered. Refreshed by Almagro's stores and
cheered by Ruiz' tale hope revived, the phantom of despair took flight,
and joyous expectation thrilled the hearts of those who had so lately
dreamed of death.
How happy was Pizarro as he went to prove the golden report of good
Ruiz! A storm which drove him under the lee of Gallo Island, and
obliged him to repair at San Mateo Bay, only made the populous cities
and cultivated fields of maize and cacao the more beautiful to behold.
And the gems and precious metals that glistened everywhere, how they
made the black blood of the pirate to tingle! But little could be done
with such a force as his against ten thousand warriors that opposed his
landing; for with increase of wealth and intelligence was increased
power to defend possession. The soldiers were not pleased to have
the ships go back to Panamá without them, and the leaders came almost
to blows over the quarrel; but it was finally arranged that Pizarro
should remain with the men on Gallo Island, while Almagro with one of
the ships should seek a stronger force. Some sent letters denouncing
the commanders, and begging that the governor might be informed of
the miserable condition of the men; which letters, of course, were
not delivered, none save one which Juan de Sarabia inclosed in a ball
of cotton which was to be presented to the wife of the governor as a
specimen of native industry.[I‑2]
[Sidenote: A MOMENTOUS DECISION.]
Fearful lest the men might seize the remaining ship, Pizarro despatched
it also to Panamá for recruits, leaving himself with only eighty-five
men. But the missile projected by the verse-maker struck home. The
governor was indignant that the king's subjects should be held in
continued jeopardy of their lives by their unprincipled leaders, ordered
the expedition stopped, and sent the licentiate Tafur with two ships
to bring the wanderers home. Father Luque, however, wrote to Pizarro
not to abandon the enterprise. The arrival of Tafur at the island
places Pizarro in a most trying position. And we can almost forget the
hideousness of the man's nature, which assumes yet darker deformity
as we proceed, when he rises under the inspiration of his energy in
defiance of destiny. The very impudence of his obstinacy commands
our admiration. What is the situation? Here stands a single Spaniard.
Yonder are the organized armies of Peru with their tens of thousands
of fighting men. The rupture between the ruling powers, preliminary to
yet more dire convulsions, has not yet occurred. Humanly regarded it as
insensate folly for Pizarro to dream of seizing this powerful realm, or
any part of it, with his handful of vagabonds as would be his attempt
to drink the ocean dry, or to pocket Parnassus. Yet what shall we say
in view of the result? And sure I am it is no upright deity that aids
him.
When Tafur landed and told the men to get on board the ships, Pizarro
cried "Stop!" Drawing his sword he marked a line from west to east. Then
pointing toward the south he said: "Countrymen and comrades! Yonder lurk
hunger, hardships, and death; but for those who win, fame and wealth
untold. This way is Panamá, with ease, poverty, and disgrace. Let each
man choose for himself. As for me, sooner will I hang my body from some
sun-smitten cliff for vultures to feed on, than turn my back to the
glories God has here revealed to me!" Thus saying he stepped across the
line, and bade those who would to follow. The pilot Ruiz was the first;
then Pedro de Candia; and finally eleven others. All the rest went back
with Tafur to Panamá. Ruiz was ordered to accompany him and lend the
associates his assistance. Pizarro then crossed his army of twelve on a
raft to the small island of Gorgona, at a safer distance from the main
shore, and there awaited Almagro. Alone, anchored on a cloud-curtained
sea, near a fearfully fascinating shore, they waited five months.
* * * * *
This rash act of the now thoroughly inspired Pizarro was viewed
differently by different persons at Panamá. The governor was angry
at what he deemed suicidal obstinacy. Father Luque was enthusiastic,
and Almagro was not idle. The general sentiment was that in any event
these Spaniards, so chivalrous in the service of their king, should not
be abandoned to certain destruction. To permit it would be infamous
on the part of the governor, and a disgrace to every man in Panamá.
Thus forcibly persuaded, Pedro de los Rios permitted Luque and Almagro
to despatch a vessel to their relief, but stipulated that unless it
returned within six months they should be subject to heavy penalties.
[Illustration: PERU.]
[Sidenote: COASTING SOUTHWARD.]
We may well imagine that Pizarro was glad to see the faithful Ruiz,
although his force was not greatly increased thereby. And now he would
go forward; with an army of ten thousand or alone he would match his
destiny against that of Peru. Passing Gallo, Tacames, and the Cabo
Pasado, the limits of former discovery, twenty days after leaving
Gorgona they anchored off an island sacred to sacrificial purposes,
opposite the town of Tumbez. More brilliant than had been their wildest
hopes was the scene surrounding them. Stretching seaward were the bright
waters of Guayaquil, while from the grand cordillera of the Andes,
Chimborazo and Cotopaxi lifted their fiery front into the regions of
frozen white. Tame enough, however, were a new earth and a new heaven
to these souls of saffron hue, without the evidences of wealth that
here met their greedy gaze, of wealth weakly guarded by the unbaptized.
All along the shore by which they had sailed were verdant fields and
populous villages, while upon the persons and among the utensils of the
inhabitants, seen principally in the trading balsas that plied those
strange waters, were emeralds, gold, and silver in profusion.
[Sidenote: ARRIVAL AT TUMBEZ.]
Two natives captured in the former voyage and kindly treated for
obvious reasons, were put on shore to pave the way, and soon maize,
bananas, plantains, cocoa-nuts, pineapples, as well as fish, game,
and llamas were presented to the strangers by the people of Tumbez.
Shortly afterward a Peruvian nobleman, or _orejon_, as the Spaniards
called him, from the large golden pendants which ornamented his ears,
visited the ship with a retinue of attendants. Pizarro gave him a
hatchet and some trinkets, and invited him to dine. Next day Alonso de
Molina and a negro were sent on shore to the cacique with a present
of two swine and some poultry. A crowd of wonder-stricken spectators
surrounded them on landing. The women were shy at first, but presently
could not sufficiently admire the fair complexion and flowing beard
of the European, and the crisp hair of the ebony African, whose laugh
made them dance with delight. Never were pigs so scrutinized; and when
the cock crew they asked what it said. Molina was promised a beautiful
bride if he would remain, and he was half inclined to accept the offer.
The cacique of Tumbez was equally pleased and astonished. He lived in
some state, having vassals at his doors and gold and silver among his
utensils. Conspicuous among the buildings of Tumbez was the temple
built of rough stone. There was a fortress surrounded by a triple row
of walls. In the valley without the town was a palace belonging to
Huayna Capac, the reigning inca, near which was a temple with its sacred
virgins, glittering decorations, and beautiful gardens dedicated to the
sun.
More witnesses to such facts as these must be obtained before leaving
this place. So next day Pedro de Candia was permitted to go ashore
armed cap-à-pie. Candia was a Greek cavalier of extraordinary size
and strength; and when he presented himself in bright mail, with his
clattering steel weapons, and arquebuse vomiting fire and smoke, there
is little wonder these simple people should take him for one of their
children of the sun. Returning to the ship Candia testified to the truth
of all Molina had said, and more. He was received as a heavenly guest,
and conducted through the temple which he affirmed was laid with plates
of gold; whereat the Spaniards were wild with delight, says an ancient
chronicler. Pizarro thanked God that it had been permitted him to make
this great discovery, and he cursed the luckless fortune which prevented
his landing and taking immediate possession. But God did for Pizarro
better than Pizarro could do for himself. Had the five hundred he then
so desired been five thousand, the probability is all would have been
lost as soon as ventured.
Continuing southward some distance beyond the site of Trujillo, a city
subsequently founded by him, the evidences of wealth and intelligence
meanwhile diminishing, and the reports of an imperial city where dwelt
the ruler of all that region becoming fainter, Pizarro returned to
Panamá, carrying back with him two native youths, one of whom, called
by the Spaniards Felipillo, became notorious during the conquest. The
men had been ordered to treat gold with indifference, that the future
harvest might be greater.[I‑3]
* * * * *
The pirate's paradise was found; it next remained to enter it. Pizarro
reached Panamá late in 1527, and instantly the town was wild with
excitement. Father Luque wept tears of joy. But although Pedro de los
Rios forgot his threats of punishment he did not regard with favor
another expedition, which would tend to depopulate his own government
and establish a rival colony. This selfish policy of the governor
hastened the defeat of its own aims. Unable to do more at Panamá, early
in 1528 Pizarro set out for Spain. Through the aid of Father Luque
fifteen hundred ducats had been raised to defray his expenses. It was
not without misgivings that Alamagro saw him go, and the ecclesiastic
himself was not without his suspicions that foul play might come of
it. "God grant, my sons," he said at parting, "that you do not defraud
yourselves of his blessing." Pedro de Candia accompanied Pizarro, and
they took with them specimens of the natives, llamas, cloth, and gold
and silver utensils of Peru.
[Sidenote: THE DISCOVERER IN SPAIN.]
Two notable characters were encountered by Pizarro immediately on his
arrival in Spain. One was Hernan Cortés, revelling in the renown of
an overthrown northern empire as Pizarro was about to revel in the
overthrow of a southern. Cortés told Pizarro how he had conquered Mexico
and gave him many valuable hints in empire-snatching.[I‑4] The other
was no less a personage than the Bachiller Enciso, who, still nursing
revenge, seized the now famous discoverer of Peru and imprisoned him
on the old charge of injuries at Antigua. Released by royal order,
Pizarro presented himself before the emperor at Toledo with all the
impudence of unlettered merit, and received the appointment of governor,
captain general, and alguazil mayor of all lands which he had discovered
or might discover for a distance of two hundred leagues south from
Santiago. His government was to be independent from that of Panamá,
with the right to erect fortresses, maintain forces, grant encomiendas,
and enjoy the rights and prerogatives of absolute authority. His salary
was to be 725,000 maravedís, to be drawn from the resources of his own
government and without cost to the crown. In return for these privileges
he was to enlist and equip for a Peruvian expedition two hundred and
fifty men, one hundred of whom he was at liberty to draw from the
colonies. For his associates he was satisfied with much less; though
it had been stipulated that for Almagro should be asked the office of
adelantado, thus dividing the honors. As it was, he obtained for Almagro
only the post of captain of the fortress of Tumbez, with an income of
300,000 maravedís, and for Father Luque the bishopric of Tumbez, with
a salary of one thousand castellanos. Bartolomé Ruiz was to be grand
pilot of the South Sea; Pedro de Candia, commander of artillery, and
the brave thirteen who so gallantly stood by their captain at the Isle
of Gorgona were elevated to the rank of knights and cavaliers.
Pizarro's commission was signed at Toledo July 26, 1528. Thence he
proceeded to Trujillo, his native place, where he was joined by four
brothers, Fernando, Juan, and Gonzalo Pizarro, and Francisco Martin
de Alcántara, all except the first like himself illegitimate, all
poor, ignorant, and avaricious. Fernando, however, possessed some
superiorities, and played a conspicuous part in the conquest. He was
a man of fine form, repulsive features, and infamous character. As
arrogant, jealous, and revengeful as he was capable, he soon acquired
unbounded influence over his brother, and was the scourge of the
expedition.
Small as was the force required by his capitulation with the crown,
Pizarro was unable to raise it. With the assistance of Cortés he managed
to make ready for sea three small vessels, in one of which, by eluding
the authorities, he embarked, and awaited his brothers at the Canary
Islands. By liberal bribery and the solemn assurance of Fernando that
all requirements of the king had been complied with, and that the
specified number of men were with his brother who had gone before, the
other two ships were allowed to depart, and the three vessels arrived
at Nombre de Dios in January 1530. There Pizarro was met by Almagro
and Father Luque, who when they learned how the royal honors had been
distributed, and saw the insolent bearing of the vulgar brothers,
upbraided him for his perfidy; and it was with difficulty that Almagro
was prevented by fresh promises from withdrawing from the partnership
and engaging in conquest on his own account.
Crossing to Panamá, an expedition was organized with one hundred and
eighty men, thirty horses, and three ships, though all had been procured
with no small difficulty. On the day of St John the evangelist imposing
ceremonies were held in the cathedral; the royal banner and the standard
of the expedition were unfurled and consecrated; a sermon was preached,
and to every one of the pirates the holy sacrament was administered,
thus giving this marauding expedition the color of a religious crusade.
The Pizarros set sail early in January 1531, leaving Almagro, as in
the first instance, to follow with reënforcements. Tumbez was their
objective point; but turned from their purpose by adverse winds, and
eager for a trial of their steel, the Spaniards landed at a bay which
they called San Mateo, surprised a village in the province of Coaque,
and secured, besides provisions, gold, silver, and emeralds to the value
of twenty thousand pesos, which enabled them to send back the ships at
once, one to Nicaragua and the other to Panamá, for reënforcements.
The Spaniards then continued their course toward Tumbez by land; and
burdened as they were by weapons and armor, marching over hot sands
under an equatorial sun, the journey soon became painful in the extreme.
To add to their torments, an ulcerous epidemic broke out among them,
from which many died, with curses on their commander. But their hearts
were gladdened one day by the approach of a ship from Panamá having on
board the royal officers appointed to accompany the expedition, whom
Pizarro in his haste had left in Spain, and soon they were joined by
thirty men under Captain Benalcázar. Meeting with no resistance from
the natives, Pizarro continued his march until he arrived at the gulf
of Guayaquil, opposite the isle of Puma. Possession of this island was
deemed desirable preparatory to the attack on Tumbez. While meditating
on the best method of capturing the island, Pizarro was gratified by
a visit from its cacique, who invited the Spaniards to take up their
abode with him. It appears that there existed an hereditary feud
between the people of Puma and those of the mainland; and although
forced to submission by the powerful incas, the islanders never ceased
to inflict such injuries as lay in their power on the town of Tumbez.
The friendship of the strangers would give them great advantages; hence
the invitation. Pizarro gladly accepted the proffered hospitality,
and passing over to the island with his army he awaited the arrival of
reënforcements before attacking Tumbez.
By their arrogance and apparent intimacy with the people of Tumbez,
the strangers soon became intolerable to the islanders, who caught in
a conspiracy were attacked and driven to hiding-places by their guests.
Nevertheless, but for the opportune arrival of Fernando de Soto with one
hundred men and some horses it would have gone hard with the Spaniards.
Pizarro now resolved to cross at once to the mainland and set the ball
in motion.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: CIVIL WAR IN PERU.]
Not least among the speculations that stirred the breast of the Spanish
commander was the rumor that from time to time had reached his ear of
discord between the rival candidates for the throne of the monarch
lately deceased. Civil war would be a providence indeed at this
juncture, not less kind than that which gave Montezuma's throne to
Cortés.
Tradition refers the aborigines of Peru to a time when the entire land
was divided into petty chiefdoms, composed of wild men who like wild
beasts roamed primeval forests. After the lapse of ages, time marking
no improvement, there appeared one day on the bank of Lake Titicaca two
personages, male and female, Manco Capac and Mama Ocollo, of majestic
mien and clad in glistening whiteness. They declared themselves children
of the sun, sent by the parent of light to enlighten the human race.
From Lake Titicaca they went northward a few leagues and founded the
city of Cuzco, whither the chiefs throughout that region assembled
and acknowledged the sovereignty of the celestial visitants. Under
the instruction of Manco Capac the men became skilled in agriculture;
Mama Ocollo taught the women domestic arts, and the migratory clans
of the western slope of the cordillera thus became cemented under the
beneficent rule of the heavenly teachers. Originally the dominion of
Manco Capac extended no more than eight leagues from Cuzco, but in the
twelve succeeding reigns, which formed the epoch prior to the advent of
the Spaniards, the empire of the incas, or lords of Peru, was greatly
extended.
[Sidenote: ABORIGINAL HISTORY.]
It naturally followed from their celestial origin and superior
intelligence that the incas were adored as divinities, as well as obeyed
as sovereigns. Not alone their person, but everything coming beneath
their touch was sacred. Their blood was never contaminated by mortal
intermixtures, and their dress it was unlawful for any to assume. The
empire under Huayna Capac, twelfth monarch from the foundation of the
dynasty, embraced more than five hundred leagues of western sea-coast,
and extended to the summit of the Andes. This politic and warlike
prince died about the beginning of the year 1526. His father, Tupac
Inca Yupanqui, during whose reign the imperial domain had been enlarged
by the addition of Quito on the one side and of Chile on the other,
exhibited martial and administrative talents of a high order. This
vast inheritance, together with the wisdom and virtues of the father,
descended to the son. In addition to a wife, who was also his sister,
Huayna Capac had many concubines. The lawful heir to the throne, son of
his sister-wife, was named Huascar, next to whom as heir apparent stood
Manco Capac, son of another wife who was his cousin. But his favorite
son was Atahualpa, whose mother was the beautiful daughter of the last
reigning monarch of Quito, and concubine of Huayna Capac. From boyhood
Atahualpa had been the constant companion of his father, who on his
death-bed, contrary to custom, divided the realm, or ordered rather
that Quito, the ancient kingdom of his vanquished ancestors, should be
given to Atahualpa, while all the rest should belong to Huascar. Four
years of tranquillity elapsed, and the impolitic measure of Huayna Capac
bid fair to prove successful. Huascar was satisfied, and his brother
appeared content. But now a martial spirit was manifest in Atahualpa.
Gradually drawing to his standard the flower of the Peruvian army, he
marched against Huascar, overthrew him near the base of Chimborazo, and
pressing forward again defeated the Peruvians before Cuzco, captured
his brother, and took possession of the imperial city of the incas.
It was in the midst of this struggle that the Spaniards gathered before
Tumbez bent on plunder. We see clearly now, that had they attempted
invasion before the opening of the war between the rival brothers,
their effort would have been what it appeared to be, chimerical and
absurd. But these few swift years had ripened this land for hellish
purposes, and the demons were already knocking at the door. Crossing
to the mainland, not without some slight opposition, Pizarro found
Tumbez deserted. Gone were the gold of the temple and the rich ornaments
of the merry wives. "And is this your boasted Tumbez?" exclaimed the
disappointed cavaliers. "Better far and richer are the elysian fields
of Nicaragua; better have remained at home than to come so far for so
barren a conquest." After some search the cacique was found. He charged
the destruction of the town to the islanders of Puma. As he professed
willingness to submit to the Spaniards, and as Pizarro deemed it prudent
to hold Tumbez peaceably, he gave the cacique his liberty. This was in
May 1532. Keeping a watchful eye on his disaffected soldiers, Pizarro
set about planting a colony. He selected for his operations the valley
of Tangarala, some thirty leagues south of Tumbez and near the sea, and
thither repairing with his men erected a fortress, church, and other
buildings, partitioned the adjacent lands, distributed repartimientos,
organized a municipality, and called the place San Miguel. So thoroughly
had the work of devastation been carried on by the islanders on one
side, and the soldiery of Atahualpa on the other, that the Spaniards
met with little opposition.
But these were not the men to waste time in establishing friendship
upon a devastated seaboard when there was a world of wealth somewhere
thereabout. One thing troubled Pizarro, however. By late arrivals he
had been informed that Almagro still thought seriously of establishing
for himself a colony. Pizarro needed Almagro's aid, and he wanted no
rival there. So drawing in his talons he wrote Almagro begging him for
the love of God and the king, if such were his plans to change them and
come to his assistance. This letter with the gold thus far collected he
despatched by ship to Panamá.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: FATAL DISRUPTIONS.]
Meanwhile the rumors of battle between the rival princes become more
defined. It is known that when the Spaniards landed at San Mateo the
war was raging. While Pizarro was marching southward toward Tumbez
with one hundred and eighty men, Atahualpa was also marching southward
toward Cuzco with 140,000 men to meet Huascar with a force of 130,000.
And Atahualpa the victor now rests in the vale of Caxamalca, beyond
the cordillera, but not more than twelve days' journey hence. Pizarro
resolves to visit him; peradventure there to throw the die which is to
determine many fates.[I‑5]
It is the 24th of September when Pizarro sets out from San Miguel with
one hundred and ten foot-soldiers, sixty-seven horsemen, and two Indian
interpreters. Atahualpa is well aware of the presence of the Spaniards,
of their works within Peruvian domain, and of their approach. And he
is curious to behold them. There is nothing to fear, unless indeed
they be gods, in which case it were useless to oppose them. Along the
way the natives cheerfully provide every requirement for the courteous
strangers.
Arrived at the western base of the cordillera the sixth day, permission
is given to all who may choose to withdraw from the hazardous venture
beyond. Nine, four foot and five horsemen, avail themselves of the
opportunity and return to San Miguel. On the march next day Pizarro is
informed that the general in charge of Atahualpa's forces garrisoned at
Caxas, a village lying directly on the route to Caxamalca, is prepared
to question his progress should he attempt to pass that way. Hernando
de Soto, with a small detachment, is sent forward, while the main body
of the little army await results at Zaran. Proceeding wonderingly by
the great upper road or causeway of the incas, which extends along the
rugged Andes the entire length of the empire from Quito to Cuzco, and so
wide that six horsemen can ride there abreast, Soto finds the Peruvian
general, recites the stale story of the world's greatest monarch who
sends his master information of the maker of the universe and this
earth's saviour, and begs permission on behalf of the Spanish captain
to proceed on his heavenly and peaceable errand. At this juncture a
messenger arrives with an invitation from the inca for the Spaniards
to visit him. While on the way presents are exchanged by the heads of
the respective powers, and, as the Spaniards draw near the Peruvian
encampment, another messenger from the inca wishes to know on what day
the strangers will enter Caxamalca, that a suitable reception may be
prepared.
[Sidenote: ARRIVAL AT CAXAMALCA.]
At length from the terraced heights above Caxamalca, through the
openings of the foliage, the white tents of the Peruvian host are
seen stretching for miles along the fertile valley. It is a sight at
which the heart of the stoutest cavalier might beat despondingly, and
that without prejudice. But these audacious Spaniards halt only to don
their brightest armor, and unfurling their banner they march down the
mountain. Next day, the 15th of November, Pizarro divides his force
into three companies and enters the town about the hour of vespers. Some
two thousand houses surround a triangular plaza of extraordinary size,
walled in by solid masonry and low adobe barracks, and entered from the
streets through gates. From a large stone fortress broad steps descend
to the plaza on one side, while on the other a secret staircase leads to
the street. Without the now deserted town stands the temple of the sun,
and on an eminence near by is another and more formidable fortress of
hewn stone. A spiral wall, which thrice encloses the citadel, renders
the place impregnable to native soldiery, while ascent from the plain
is made by a winding staircase. Between the village and the Peruvian
encampment, a league distant, a causeway runs, forming a fine road over
the soft fertile lands intervening.
As with heavy tread the Spaniards march through the silent streets in
which no living thing is visible save a few knots of ancient, witch-like
crones who predict in low mournful regrets the destruction of the
strangers, the adventure at this point assumes ghostly shape, like the
confused manœuvrings of a dream and Caxamalca a phantom city. Quartering
his troops in the plaza, Pizarro sends Hernando de Soto with fifteen
horsemen,[I‑6] and the interpreter Felipillo, to ask the inca the
time and place of the approaching interview; and lest accident should
befall the embassy Hernando Pizarro is ordered to follow and assist as
occasion requires. Over the causeway toward the imperial camp rushes
first one cavalcade and then the other, past manly men and modest women
who gaze in mute astonishment as the apparitions emerge from the murky
twilight and sweep by and disappear midst clatter of hoofs and clang
of arms never before heard in this quarter of the earth. Presently is
encountered the Inca's army drawn up in distinct battalions, archers,
slingers, clubmen, and spearmen, standing expectantly.[I‑7] The royal
pavilion occupies an open space near the centre of the encampment.
Within a short distance are the bath-houses, and a rustic dwelling, with
plastered walls colored in various tints and surrounded by corridors. On
one side is a stone fountain, and a reservoir into which flows water,
both hot and cold, from rivulets and springs through aqueducts which
intersect the valley in every direction. On the other side are the royal
gardens and pleasure-grounds.
[Sidenote: MEETING WITH ATAHUALPA.]
As the horsemen draw up before the royal quarters the inca is discovered
seated on an ottoman in front of his tent and surrounded by groups of
courtiers, while beautiful damsels in brilliant attire flit about the
grounds. Elegance, discipline, and the profound deference of the nobles
toward their chief are apparent at the first glance. The inca, although
arrayed less gaudily than his attendants, is easily distinguished by
the famous imperial head-dress, or borla, worn by Peruvian monarchs in
place of a crown, consisting of a crimson woollen fringe, which Oviedo
describes as a tassel of the width of the hand, and about one span in
length, gathered upon the crown in the form of a flat brush, the fringe
descending over the forehead down to the eyes, and partially covering
them, so that the wearer can scarcely see without raising the lower part
of it with his hand. The Christians who have heard many tales of his
craft and ferocity, look in vain for traces of extraordinary passion or
cunning. The borla, according to Jeres, throws a shade of melancholy
over the features of Atahualpa; aside from this, however, his face is
grave, passionless, and cold. With a single horseman on either side,
Hernando de Soto rides forward a few paces, and without dismounting
respectfully addresses the inca through Felipillo, the interpreter.
"I come, most mighty prince, from the commander of the Christians, who
through your courtesy now rests at Caxamalca, ardently longing to kiss
your royal hand, and deliver you a message from his puissant master,
the king of Spain." Immovable, silent, with eyes downcast, sits the
inca as if listening he hears not, as if unaware of any extraordinary
occurrence. After an embarrassing pause, a nobleman who stands nearest
the august monarch answers, "It is well."
At this juncture Hernando Pizarro rides up and joins in the parley. When
informed that a brother of the Spanish captain has arrived, Atahualpa
raises his eyes and speaks: "Say to your commander that to-day I fast,
but to-morrow I will visit him at Caxamalca." Hereupon the ambassadors
turn to depart; but the inca, slow to speak, is slower still to
cease speaking, and the Spaniards are motioned to pause. "My cacique
Mayzabilica informs me," continues Atahualpa, "that the Christians are
cowards, and not invincible as they would make us believe; for on the
banks of the Turicara he himself had killed three Spaniards and a horse
in revenge for outrages on his people." Checking his rising choler with
the thought of the stake for which he played, Hernando Pizarro explains:
"Your chieftain tells you false when he says that the Christians dare
not fight, or even that they can be overcome. Ten horsemen are enough to
put to flight ten thousand of the men of Mayzabilica. My brother comes
to offer terms of amity. If you have enemies to be subdued direct us to
them, and we will prove the truth of this I say." With an incredulous
smile Atahualpa drops the subject and offers refreshments to his
visitors. But at this moment the attention of all is directed to another
scene.
Hernando de Soto is an expert horseman and superbly mounted. He marks
the smile of incredulity with which the broad boast of his comrade had
been received by the Peruvians, and in order to inspire a more healthful
terror, he drives his iron heel into the flanks of his impatient
steed, and darting off at full speed, sweeps round in graceful curves,
prancing, leaping, running; then riding off a little distance he wheels
and dashes straight toward the royal pavilion. The nobles throw up
their hands to shield the sacred person of the inca; a moment after
they fly in terror. But when with one more bound the horse would be
upon the monarch, the rider reins back the animal to a dead stop. Not
the twitching of a muscle is discernible in the features of the inca;
though for their cowardice in the presence of strangers, we are told
that the nobles next day suffered death. The cavaliers decline food,
saying that they, too, are holding a fast; but _chicha_, or wine of
maize, being offered them in golden goblets by dark-eyed beauties, and
Atahualpa brooking no refusal, the Spaniards without dismounting drink
it off, and then slowly ride back to Caxamalca.
[Sidenote: PREMEDITATED TREACHERY.]
As the night wears away, while Atahualpa lies dreaming of the twilight
apparition, Francisco Pizarro matures his plans. Little as there was in
the brief survey of the inca's camp to inspire confidence in attempting
here the seizure trick, the Spaniards nevertheless determine to venture
it. The details of the proposed perfidy and butchery are arranged
with consummate audacity and executed with a cool indifference to
human rights and human suffering which would do honor to the chief of
anacondas. In issuing to his officers their instructions for the day,
which are nothing less than to seize the inca and murder his attendants,
Pizarro says: "The project is more feasible than at first glance one
might imagine. To administer to us the rites of hospitality, the Indians
will not come arrayed in hostile humor. No more can be admitted to
the plaza than may be easily vanquished; and with the inca, whom his
soldiers worship as a god, within our grasp, we may dictate terms to the
empire. Farther than this our case is desperate. Atahualpa has permitted
our insignificant force, which he could crush at pleasure, to advance
even to the border of his sacred presence; he will scarcely suffer us
to depart in peace, did we wish it. Of your hearts make a fortress; for
though we be few in number, God will never forsake those who fight his
battles."
Mass, attended by pious chants, follows the early clarion call the 16th
of November, and dread-dispelling action soon clears the atmosphere of
every gloomy foreboding. Arms and armor are put in order and burnished;
the horses are decorated with bells and jingling trappings, that they
may present a terrifying appearance. A sumptuous repast is spread in one
of the halls opening into the plaza in which the inca is to be received.
The cavalry is divided into three squadrons under Hernando de Soto,
Hernando Pizarro, and Sebastian de Benalcázar, and stationed within
the halls on the three sides of the plaza. The foot-soldiers, with the
exception of twenty men reserved by Pizarro as his body-guard, occupy
rooms adjoining the court, but few being visible. Two small field-pieces
are planted opposite the avenue by which the Peruvians approach. Near
the artillerymen are stationed the cross-bowmen, and in the tower of
the fortress a few musketeers are placed. Thus the Spaniards await their
victim till late in the afternoon, when from the tower they behold that
which causes trepidation not less than courage-cooling delay. Three
hundred warriors in gay uniforms clear the way of sticks or stones
or other obstruction for the royal procession, which is headed by
Atahualpa, seated on a throne of gold, in a plumed palanquin garnished
with precious stones, and borne on the shoulders of his vassals. On
either side and behind the royal litter walk the counsellors of the
realm, and behind it follows battalion after battalion of the forces
of the inca until thirty thousand soldiers in martial array occupy
the causeway from the Peruvian camp half way to Caxamalca. Surely the
projected seizure in the midst of such a host were madness, and without
a miracle it would seem that the Christians must abandon their pious
purpose. The miracle, however, is not wanting. Just before reaching the
entrance in the city, Atahualpa pitches his tents with the intention
of passing there the night and entering Caxamalca the next morning.
This, the death-blow to the high hopes of the day, Pizarro determines if
possible to prevent. Despatching a messenger to the inca, he beseeches
him to change his purpose, and to sup with him that night. The inca
assents, saying that in view of the lateness of the hour he will bring
only a few unarmed attendants. And to his subjects he remarks, "Arms are
unnecessary in our intercourse with those engaged in so holy a mission."
Hence the miracle.
[Sidenote: VISIT OF ATAHUALPA.]
Though few in comparison with his entire army, the attendants of
Atahualpa numbered several thousands, as just before sunset, slowly
and with measured tread, they march up the main avenue toward the plaza
keeping step to the sonorous music of the singers and with the dancers
who amble before the royal litter. Nearest the person of the monarch are
the _orejones_, as the Spaniards styled the Peruvian noblemen, richly
attired with armor and crowns of gold and silver, some walking, others
in litters, according to their several ranks. Around his neck over a
sleeveless waistcoat, the inca wears a band of large emeralds; under the
magic borla, the dull, cold, listless look of the preceding evening had
given place to an expression of enkindled majesty. Entering the plaza
the royal procession deploy to right and left, Atahualpa and his nobles
taking their station in the centre, and the Peruvian soldiery filling
the remaining space. Profound quiet fills the place, and so hidden
behind the forms of his own swarthy warriors are the few Spaniards
appearing that Atahualpa, without descending from the litter, casts
about him an inquiring glance and asks an attendant, "Have the strangers
fled?"[I‑8] At this moment a priest, Vicente de Valverde, accompanied
by the interpreter, emerges from one of the halls. In one hand he bears
a bible and in the other a crucifix.[I‑9] Approaching the royal litter,
the ecclesiastic harangues the inca, beginning with the doctrines of
the trinity, creation, redemption, and delegation of authority,[I‑10]
and ending with faith, hope, and charity, as manifest in the person of
the pirate Pizarro.
The contemptuous smile which mounts the features of the inca at the
opening of the address, changes to looks of dark resentment as he is
told to renounce his faith and to acknowledge the sovereignty of the
king of Spain. "Your sovereign may be great," he exclaims, fire flashing
from his eye, "but none is greater than the inca. I will be tributary
to no man.[I‑11] As for your faith, you say your god was slain and by
men whom he had made. Mine lives," pointing proudly to the setting sun,
"omnipotent in the heavens.[I‑12] Your pope must be a fool to talk of
giving away the property of others."[I‑13] Then after a moment's pause
he demands, "By what authority do you speak thus to me?" The priest
places in his hand the bible. "In this," he says, "is given all that
is requisite for man to know." The inca takes the book and turns the
leaves. "It tells me nothing," he exclaims. Then exasperated by what
he deems intentional insult he throws the book upon the ground,[I‑14]
saying, "You shall dearly pay for this indignity, and for all the
injuries you have done in my dominions." It is enough. God and the king
rejected, and the holy evangelists trampled under foot.[I‑15] "Why do
you delay?" cries the enraged monk to Pizarro as he picks up the sacred
volume. "In God's name at them! Kill the impious dogs!"[I‑16]
[Sidenote: SEIZURE OF THE INCA.]
The zealous commander needs no second exhortation. Unfurling a white
banner, the signal for assault, he springs from his retreat; the
sentinel in the tower discharges his musket, and loud rings the war-cry
Santiago! as every Spaniard rushes to the charge. To their brutal
instinct was added a spiritual drunkenness which took them out of the
category of manhood and made them human fiends. We wonder how men could
so believe; but greater still is our wonder how men so believing could
so behave. The guns fill the place with reverberating noise and smoke;
with shrill blast of trumpets and jingling of bells the horsemen ride
upon the panic-stricken crowd; the infantry with clang of arms appear
and all unite in quick succession in sheathing their sharp swords in
the unprotected bodies of the natives. At first they turn to fly, but
at every point they are met by a blood-thirsty foe. Those nearest the
gates escape, but soon the passages are blocked by heaps of dead bodies.
The carnage is fearful. And above all the din of slaughter is heard
the shrill voice of the man of God crying to the soldiers, "Thrust!
thrust! thrust with the point of your swords, lest by striking you break
your weapons."[I‑17] When the first fierce charge is made, Pizarro,
who with twenty chosen men had assumed the task of capturing the inca,
rushes for the royal litter, but quick as are their movements the
devoted followers of Atahualpa are before him, and crowding round their
imperilled sovereign, struggle to shield his person. As one drops dead
another hastens to take his place. Each one of Pizarro's guard strives
for the honor of the capture; but for a time they are prevented by the
surges of the crowd which carry the monarch hither and thither and by
the desperate defence made by the Peruvians.
[Sidenote: AT THE BANQUET.]
Fearful lest in the darkness which is now coming on the victims should
escape, one of the Spaniards strikes with his sword at the inca. In
warding off the blow, Pizarro receives a slight wound in the hand;
then threatening death to any who offer violence to Atahualpa, he hews
his way through the fortress of faithful hearts which guard the royal
person, and thrusting his sword into the bearers of the litter brings
down the monarch, whom he catches in his arms. The borla is torn from
Atahualpa's forehead and he is led away to the fortress, where he is
manacled and placed under a strong guard.[I‑18] Meanwhile the butchery
continues in and beyond the plaza. And in the slaughter of about five
thousand men which occupied not more than half an hour it is said that
no Spanish blood was spilled save that drawn from the hand of Pizarro
by one of his own men.[I‑19] Following their instincts these fiends
incarnate spend the night in rioting and drunkenness.[I‑20] Thus during
the swift glimmer of a tropical twilight, the conquest of Peru is
accomplished; the sun of the inca sets lurid, blood-colored; true to
their engagement, Pizarro and Atahualpa sup together that night![I‑21]
* * * * *
We have seen how the opulent empire of Peru was found; how its powerful
chieftain was treacherously taken captive by a crew of Spanish invaders;
now witness for a moment how peace was made by ambassadors of the Prince
of Peace.
So suddenly fell the blow that Atahualpa failed to realize his
situation. It was but an affray of the hour; the idea of his subjugation
had not yet even occurred to him. At the banquet he praised the skill
with which the bloody work was done, and to his lamenting followers
he said, "Such are the vicissitudes of war, to conquer and to be
conquered." By Pizarro and his comrades the august prisoner was treated
as a dish fit for the gods. His women and his nobles were permitted to
attend him, and for his life or prolonged imprisonment he was told to
have no fear. Meanwhile the Spaniards were exhorted to watchfulness;
they were reminded that they were but a handful of men surrounded by
millions of foes. "Our success," said Pizarro, "was miraculous, for
which God who gave it us should be devoutly praised." The Peruvians
made no effort to rescue their chief; and while the sacred person of
their inca was a prisoner they were powerless and purposeless. Thirty
horsemen were sufficient to scatter the imperial army and rifle the
encampment. And while Pizarro preached[I‑22] Christianity to his
chained captive, his soldiers were out gold-gathering, desecrating the
Peruvian temples, killing the men, and outraging the women.[I‑23] It
was quickly discovered that the wealth of the country far exceeded the
wildest dreams of the conquerors, and soon gold and silver ornaments and
utensils to the value of one hundred thousand castellanos were heaped
up in the plaza.[I‑24]
[Sidenote: A KING'S RANSOM.]
Atahualpa was not slow to perceive that neither loyalty nor their
vaunted piety was the ruling passion of his captors, but the love of
gold. And herein was a ray of hope; for as the days went by a dark
suspicion of their perfidy and evil intention concerning him had
filled his mind. Calling Pizarro to him he said: "The affairs of my
kingdom demand my attention. Already my brother Huascar, having heard
of my misfortune, is planning his escape. If gold will satisfy you,
I will cover this floor with vessels of solid gold, so you but grant
me my freedom." Pizarro made no reply. The Spaniards present threw an
incredulous glance around the apartment. The room was twenty-two feet
in length by sixteen in width. Inferring from their silence that the
ransom was too small and distressed at the prospect of long confinement,
he exclaimed: "Nay, I will fill the room as high as you can reach with
gold, if you will let me go." And to make the offer the more tempting
he stepped to the wall and on tiptoe stretching out his arm made a
mark nine feet from the floor. Still his tormentors were silent. At
last he burst out excitedly: "And if that is not enough," pointing to
a smaller apartment adjoining, I will fill that room twice full with
silver."[I‑25] The proposal was accepted. It was safe enough to do so,
although the infamous Pizarro never for a moment intended his royal
prisoner should leave his hands alive; for by this means might the
wealth of the empire be most speedily collected, and if successful a
pretext for breaking the promise of liberation might easily be found.
Two months were allowed the captive in which to gather this enormous
treasure. Hollow vessels and all utensils were to be contributed in
manufactured form, not melted down. Valuable jewels were to enrich the
collection, and the friendship of the inca was to crown the visionary
ransom.
Immediately after the recording of this stipulation by the notary,
Atahualpa sent out in every direction messengers with instructions
to gather and bring to Caxamalca with the least possible delay, the
requisite articles for the ransom. The treasures of the inca were
chiefly lodged in the royal palaces of Cuzco and Quito and in the
temples of the sun throughout the empire. All governors and subalterns
were urged to use the utmost alacrity in the execution of this order.
Meanwhile the pirates were masters of the situation. Each beastly boor
of them was a lord waited on by male and female attendants. They drank
from vessels of gold and shod their horses with silver. Their captain
was king of kings; one king his prisoner, another his prisoner's
prisoner. One of the chroniclers states that shortly after his capture
Atahualpa received intelligence of an important battle won by his army
on the day of his fall. "Such are the mysteries of fate," exclaimed
the unhappy monarch, "at the same moment conquered and a conqueror."
Huascar who was at this time confined at Andamarca not far distant
from Caxamalca hearing of the capture of Atahualpa and of the immense
ransom offered for his release sent to Pizarro offering a much larger
amount for his own liberation. Pizarro saw at once the advantage to be
derived in acting the part of umpire between these rival claimants to
the throne, and consequently the overtures of Huascar were encouraged.
But Atahualpa although closely confined was kept fully informed of the
events transpiring throughout the empire, and his word was yet law.
Pizarro imprudently remarked to him one day, "I wait with impatience
the arrival of your brother in order that I may judge between you and
render justice where it may be due."[I‑26] Shortly afterward Huascar
was secretly put to death; and Pizarro had the mortification of finding
himself outwitted by a manacled barbarian.
While waiting the gathering of the gold, Hernando Pizarro with twenty
horsemen raided the country with rich results. Three soldiers, it is
said, were sent by Pizarro under the inca's protection to Cuzco, where
after desecrating the temples and violating the sacred virgins they
returned to Caxamalca with two hundred _cargas_ of gold and twenty-five
of silver, the transportation of which required no less than nine
hundred Indians.
[Sidenote: GATHERING THE GOLD.]
Time passed wearily with the imprisoned monarch. The influx of gold at
first rapid, soon fell off, and unfortunately for Atahualpa much of it
was in flat plates which increased the bulk but slowly. Nevertheless
as the matter went Pizarro felt justified in granting the prisoner an
extension of time. In February 1533 Almagro arrived at Caxamalca with
two hundred men, fifty of whom were mounted, and demanded for himself
and company equitable participation in the spoil, according to compact.
This Pizarro refused, but agreed to divide what should be thereafter
taken. The dispute was finally settled by allowing Almagro for his
expenses one hundred thousand pesos, and for his men twenty thousand.
Yet more slowly came in the gold; the people were now hiding it; the
Spaniards desired the death of Atahualpa with the liberty to devastate
and pillage after the old manner. They determined the inca should
die;[I‑27] but first they would melt down and divide the gold; they
determined to kill the inca, but first he should have a fair trial.
It was no difficult matter to frame an indictment. Huascar's death,
pretended insurrections, delay in the ransom, refusal to accept baptism;
these charges, or any of them, were amply sufficient. Then Felipillo
desired one of Atahualpa's wives, and did what he could to hasten his
death.[I‑28]
The native artisans to whom the task was allotted were occupied more
than a month in running into bars the immense mass of gold and silver
collected. It was in value 1,326,539 castellanos,[I‑29] equal in
purchasing power to over twenty millions of dollars at the present day.
"It is the most solemn responsibility of my life," exclaimed Pizarro,
as he seated himself in the golden chair of the inca, to act as umpire
in the partition, "and may God help me to deal justly by every man;"
after which prayer the pirate's dealings might well be watched. And
first he gave himself the golden chair in which he sat, valued at 20,000
castellanos, golden bars, 57,222 castellanos, and 2,350 marks of silver.
Next his brother Hernando received 31,080 castellanos of gold, and 2,350
marks of silver, nearly twice as much as was given to Hernando de Soto,
his equal in rank and talent. Horsemen received 8,880 castellanos in
gold and 362 marks of silver. Some of the infantry received half that
amount, others less. To the church of San Francisco was given 2,220
castellanos of gold.[I‑30] Father Luque had died shortly before the
departure of Almagro from Panamá; no mention is made of him or of his
legal representative, Gaspar de Espinosa, in the distribution.
Hernando Pizarro and Hernando de Soto were both opposed to harsh
measures with regard to the inca, treating with the contempt they
deserved the thickening rumors of revolt. But Pizarro and Almagro,
impatient to pursue their ambitious schemes, had long since determined
Atahualpa's fate. The accusations and the trial would both be laughable
were they not so diabolical. Pizarro and Almagro acted as judges. Among
the charges were attempted insurrection, usurpation and putting to
death the lawful sovereign, idolatry, waging unjust warfare, adultery,
polygamy, and the embezzlement of the public revenues since the
Spaniards had taken possession of the country! What more cutting irony
could words present of the Christian and civilized idea of humanity
and the rights of man then entertained than the catalogue of crimes
by which this barbarian must unjustly die, every one of which the
Spaniards themselves had committed in a tenfold degree since entering
these dominions. The opinion of the soldiers was taken.[I‑31] It is
unnecessary to say that the prisoner was found guilty. He was condemned
to be burned alive in the plaza.
[Sidenote: DEATH OF ATAHUALPA.]
At the appointed hour the royal captive, heavily chained, was led
forth. It was nightfall, and the torch-lights threw a dismal glare upon
the scene. By the inca's side walked the infamous Father Vicente, who
never ceased pouring into the unwilling ear of his victim his hateful
consolations. Upon the funeral pile, Atahualpa was informed that if he
would accept baptism he might be kindly strangled instead of burned. "A
cheap escape from much suffering," thought the monarch, and permitted it
to be done. The name of Juan de Atahualpa was given him. The iron collar
of the garrote was then tightened, the Christians recited their credos
over the new convert, and the spirit of the inca hied away to the sun.
Thus one more jewel was added to the immortal crown of Father Vicente
de Valverde![I‑32]
* * * * *
With the death of Atahualpa the empire of the incas fell to pieces,
and the Spaniards were not slow to seize upon the distracted country.
It is said that the gold and silver obtained by the conquerors at
Cuzco equalled that furnished by the inca. Official statements place
the amount at 580,200 castellanos of gold, and 215,000 marks of
silver.[I‑33] After another distribution government was organized by
the Spaniards with Manco Capac crowned inca of Peru for a figure-head,
behind whom and in whose name the grim conquerors might unblushingly
pursue their work of destruction. Sebastian Benalcázar took possession
of Quito, where he was shortly afterward confronted by Pedro de
Alvarado, one of the conquerors of Mexico and governor of Guatemala.
[Sidenote: ALVARADO IN PERU.]
It appears that Alvarado, having fitted out a fleet of twelve ships for
a voyage to the Spice Islands, was turned from his purpose as will be
hereafter related, by the reported marvellous successes of the Peruvian
adventures. Believing or affecting to believe that the province of
Quito was without the jurisdiction of Pizarro, he determined to conquer
that country for himself. His army on landing presented the strongest
front of any in Peru, but the march across the snowy sierra was one
of the most disastrous in Spanish colonial history.[I‑34] Although
the distance was short the entire way was strewn with the dead; more
than one hundred Spaniards and two thousand Indians perished. Enough
however survived to enable Alvarado to make equitable arrangements with
Almagro and Benalcázar. A portion of the vessels and the entire forces
of Alvarado were transferred to the associates for one hundred thousand
castellanos. Alvarado then visited Pizarro at Pachacamac, where the
latter was awaiting the development of events at Quito; after which
Alvarado took his departure. Benalcázar remained at Quito and eventually
became governor of that province.
* * * * *
After this in the history of Peru comes the feud between the associate
conquerors; for here as elsewhere no sooner are the savages slain
than their destroyers fall to fighting among themselves. Almagro and
Pizarro are old men, old friends, copartners; yet instead of dividing
their immense acquisition and devoting the brief remainder of their
days to peaceful pursuits, so deadly becomes their hatred that each
seems unable to rest while the other lives. Hernando Pizarro reports
proceedings in Spain, and Almagro is placed in command of Cuzco, while
Pizarro founds his capital at Lima. The king confirms Pizarro in his
conquest and makes him Marqués de los Atavillos, and grants Almagro
two hundred leagues along the sea-shore commencing from the southern
limit of Pizarro's territory. Hernando Pizarro takes Almagro's place at
Cuzco. While Benalcázar is at Quito, Almagro in Chile, and the forces of
Pizarro divided between Cuzco and Lima, the inca, Manco Capac, revolts.
With two hundred thousand men he besieges Cuzco, Lima, and San Miguel
simultaneously, and massacres the settlers on plantations. The Spaniards
are reduced to the greatest extremity. Cuzco is laid in ashes, and
Pizarro, unable to coöperate with his brother Hernando, despatches ships
to Panamá and Nicaragua for aid.
The chief point of dispute between the associates is the partition
line dividing their respective governments. Each claims the ancient
capital of Cuzco as lying within his territory. Almagro, returning
from a disastrous expedition into Chile, makes overtures to gain the
friendship of Manco Capac; failing in this he defeats the inca in a
pitched battle, takes possession of Cuzco, makes Hernando Pizarro his
prisoner, and captures his army. Instead of striking off his head as
urged to do by Orgoñez, and marching at once on Lima, Almagro falters
and thereby falls.
Meanwhile Hernan Cortés sends his imperilled brother-conqueror a vessel
laden with provisions; a kingly gift. Gaspar de Espinosa, Father Luque's
successor, presents himself about this time in Peru, and is sent to
Almagro by Pizarro to effect a settlement of their difficulties, but
the latter remains firm, and the sudden death of Espinosa terminates
the present overtures. Finally by many solemnly sworn promises, which
are broken immediately, his point is gained, Francisco Pizarro obtains
the release of his brother; then with seven hundred men, on the plain
before Cuzco, he engages and defeats Almagro's force of five hundred
men under Orgoñez, captures Almagro, whom he places in chains, and after
a mock trial puts him to death. Hernando Pizarro is afterward arrested
in Spain for the murder of Almagro, kept confined a prisoner for twenty
years, is liberated, and dies at the age of one hundred years.
[Sidenote: BLOODY TERMINATION.]
And now appears on the scene, as heir to the feud, Almagro's
illegitimate son Diego, who henceforth lives but to avenge his father's
death. There are those who will not serve the murderer of their master,
'men of Chile,' they are called, and so they see distress and carry thin
visages and tattered garments about the streets of Cuzco. These to the
number of twenty, with Juan de Rada their leader, meet at the house of
young Almagro, and bind themselves by oath to kill Francisco Pizarro on
the following Sunday the 26th of June 1541. Almagro's house adjoins the
church, while Pizarro's is on the other side of the plaza. They will
slay him as he leaves the church after mass. But the governor does not
attend church that day; so they cross the square and enter through an
open gate into the court-yard, from which stairs lead to an upper room,
where Pizarro is at dinner with several friends. Suddenly the diners
hear a shout from below, "Long live the king! Death to tyrants!"
Accustomed to danger Pizarro acts on the instant, directs his chief
officer Francisco de Chaves to make fast the door, and steps into an
adjoining room with his half-brother, Martinez de Alcántara, to arm
himself. Chaves springs forward and closes the door, but instead of
securing it he parleys with the assailants who are now at the top of
the stairs. A sword thrust into the officer's breast cuts short the
conference, and the body is flung below. Perceiving blood, most of the
guests fly, climbing over a corridor and dropping to the ground; two
or three who had come forward with Chaves are quickly despatched by
the conspirators. Although his armor is ill-adjusted Pizarro springs
forward sword in hand. "How now, villains! would you murder me?"
cries this veteran of a hundred fights. Then to Alcántara, "Let us
hold bravely against these traitors, for I swear to God we two are
enough to slay them all." The men of Chile fall back before him, but
only for a moment; again crowding forward one after another of the
conspirators is stretched on the ground. The conquest however is too
unequal to continue; yet after Alcántara, the two pages of the governor,
and every person present except the chief lie dead upon the floor,
Pizarro still fights on. At length Rada, exasperated, grasps one of
his comrades, named Narvaez, and hurls him against Pizarro's sword.
It is death to Narvaez, but it is victory for Almagro; for while the
sword of Pizarro is sheathed in the body of the luckless conspirator,
the weapon of another strikes him in the throat, and brings him to the
floor. "Kill him! kill him!" cry the assailants as they close round the
fallen chieftain, thrusting into his body their swords.[I‑35] True to
his religious instincts, the expiring hero raises himself on his arm,
traces with his own blood upon the floor the sacred emblem of his faith,
sighing "Jesu Cristo!" then while he bows his head to kiss the cross
which he had made, a blow more dastardly than all the rest terminates
his eventful life. Thus perish in sanguinary brawl, each by the hand of
the other, these renowned chieftains, whose persistent steadfastness
of purpose and manly courage under difficulties were equalled only by
their avarice, treachery, and infamous cruelty.
The bloody work accomplished, the conspirators rush forward and
cry, "Long live the king! The tyrant is dead! Long live our lawful
governor Almagro!" The Almagroists continue in power till the latter
part of 1542, when they are exterminated by Vaca de Castro, sent as
commissioner by the crown to quiet the country. Almagro is executed,
and the name becomes extinct. Juan Pizarro is killed by the Indians
while capturing the fortress of Cuzco, and after the defeat of Vasco
Nuñez Vela at Añaquito had been avenged by the execution of Gonzalo
Pizarro at Xaquixaguana, the affairs of Peru lapse into the hands of
the viceroys.[I‑36]