arise between men who gave way to dissipation, and who, full of life and
spirits and of national prejudices, had little to occupy them beyond the
mere routine of military duty. Men’s minds were in a state of
excitement, and all were engaged in defending interests which frequently
conflicted with those of their temporary companions. These disputes
could only be settled at that time by the sword or pistol. Numerous
duels accordingly took place, sometimes between Royalists and
Imperialists, and often between Frenchmen and the representatives of the
invaders. It is stated that in almost every case the aggressors were the
French; and while the English Officers had sometimes to defend
themselves against the insolence of the natives, it appears that the
Prussians, who used to congregate at the Café Foy in the Palais Royal,
were the principal victims of Gallic fury, and were assailed more
pertinaciously than the rest by half-pay French Officers, who went on
purpose to pick quarrels with them.
“Swords were quickly drawn, and frequently the most bloody frays took
place; these originated, not in any personal hatred, but from national
jealousy on the part of the French, who could not bear the sight of
foreign soldiers in the capital.... On one occasion our Guards, who
were on duty at the Palais Royal, were called out to put an end to one
of these encounters, in which fourteen Prussians and ten Frenchmen
were either killed or wounded.”[64]
-----
Footnote 64:
Gronow, _Reminiscences_ , i. 106.
-----
France was the possessor of the most extensive collection of works of
art ever before known; acquired, not by the genius of her people, but by
the grasping policy of her Imperial master. Napoleon, having taken
possession of every large city in continental Europe, during the
plenitude of his power, had systematically seized all that was
remarkable therein, and had transferred his plunder to Paris. The French
were inordinately proud of this vast and unique collection, which served
to flatter their vanity and to form a lasting monument of their
extraordinary military successes. It had been untouched by the Allies in
1814, but in 1815 the disturbers of Europe were to be severely punished,
and the stolen property was to be restored to its former owners.
Attempts having failed to effect a restoration amicably, owing to the
opposition of Talleyrand, forcible possession of the Louvre was taken on
the 23rd of September, by a body of British troops, and with the
assistance of Austrians and Prussians, the splendid galleries of that
palace were stripped of those treasures of art, which belonged
principally to Italy and to the Netherlands. Out of fifteen hundred
celebrated pictures, it is said that only seventy-four were left in
Paris. The restoration of the statuary was not less complete; and the
well-known antique Corinthian bronze horses, taken from Venice, to form,
in the Place Carrousel, the supporters of the great monument,
designed—but not finished—to perpetuate Napoleon’s fame, were taken down
and conveyed back to that city. Nothing affected the Parisians so much
as this act of strict justice; for it showed them their own absolute
weakness and humiliation, and it wounded their pride in the most
sensitive point.[65]
-----
Footnote 65:
_Paris revisited in 1815_ , p. 312, etc.; Alison, _History of Europe,
from 1789-1815_, x. 969.
-----
The policy of revenge and proscription against persons who aided and
abetted Napoleon in the early part of 1815, which had been announced in
the proclamations issued by Louis at Cambrai before he entered Paris
(June 25th and 28th), was not to remain a dead letter; and we have now
to mention some of the saddest incidents which took place at this crisis
in French history, and which were witnessed by the British army. Fouché
had become Minister of Police. He justified his acceptance of that post
by declaring that he wished to save the men who were threatened with
vengeance.[66] Upon him it devolved to carry out this policy, and though
he did so with outward reluctance, and told the King that there had been
no conspiracy to dethrone him in favour of Napoleon—which appears to
have been quite true, for all acted on the wild impulse of the
moment,—yet still he was not ashamed to come forward in the odious light
of an accuser against his former friends. On the 24th of July, two
ordinances, countersigned by himself, were published, by which
thirty-two Peers who had joined Napoleon’s Upper House, established
since the 20th of March, were declared to have forfeited their rights to
the French Peerage; twenty Officers and other Officials were at the same
time ordered to be arrested, and brought to trial before a
court-martial; and thirty-nine more were desired to quit Paris in three
days, to places pointed out by the Minister of Police, and to remain
there under his supervision, until the new Chambers should decide
whether they were to be banished, or delivered over for trial to the
tribunals.[67]
-----
Footnote 66:
Thiers, _Histoire du Consulat et l'Empire_, xx. 516 (Paris, 1862).
Footnote 67:
Baines, _Wars of the French Revolution_ , ii. 517. It appears that
these ordinances did not evoke dissatisfaction from the British
Government, for Lord Liverpool, writing to Mr. Canning on the 4th of
August, says, “One can never feel that the King is secure upon his
throne till he has _dared_ to spill traitor’s blood: it is not that
many examples would be necessary; but the _daring_ to make a few will
alone manifest any strength in the Government” (_Supplementary
Despatches, etc._ , xi. 95). On the other hand, they raised much
indignation on the part of the friends of the incriminated persons,
and several letters were written to the Duke of Wellington, to implore
his powerful intercession in their distress. Apparently he could do
nothing for them, except in the case of General Lobau (_ibid._, xi.
59, 101, 273). Marshal Davoût was not included in the list of
proscribed persons, but he wrote to the War-Minister, Marshal Gouvion
St. Cyr (July 27th), to protest energetically against the injustice,
which he alleged had been done to such men as Gilly, Grouchy, Clausel,
Laborde, and others, whose only fault was that they had carried out
orders, which he had given them as Minister of War. He maintained that
his own name ought to be substituted for theirs, and he drew attention
to the assurances given by the King, that if the army made its simple
and unconditional submission, His Majesty would show clemency and do
more than was desired (_ibid._, xi. 70). Davoût was then near a
somewhat exasperated and only partially converted force of
Imperialists, south of the Loire, and, had his arrest been
contemplated, the attempt to carry it out might have been accompanied
by unpleasant consequences to the ultra-Royalists. Among the
proscribed, there appeared the name of Carnot, colleague of Fouché in
the Provisional Government, and like him a regicide and a man of the
Revolution. Upon what principle Carnot should have been banished, and
Fouché should have been made a Minister under Louis XVIII. is
difficult to determine; but such was the policy of the reactionary
party. Carnot, naturally indignant that he should have been marked out
for vengeance by his colleague, wrote to him, “Où veux tu que je me
retire, traître?” while the latter replied with equal brevity, “Où tu
voudras, imbécile.” Fouché did not long survive the fate of those he
had betrayed; driven from power in September, he was appointed
minister at Dresden, but shortly afterwards he was exiled by a decree
which was fulminated against all who had voted for the death of the
unfortunate Louis XVI., and thus fittingly terminated his career of
intrigue and treachery.
-----
The first victim put upon his trial was General Labedoyère, who
commanded the regiment at Grenoble that deserted its post and joined
Napoleon in his famous march from Cannes to Paris. His defection had
given the first signal to the universal revolt against the King’s
authority that followed, and was one of the causes of the Emperor’s
success; the partisans of the King were therefore more than ordinarily
embittered against him. He admitted the facts of his treachery; he
contented himself by defending his honour by declaring that, though he
might have been misled by illusions, by recollections of his former
master, and by a false idea of honour and of what was due to his
country, he was no traitor or conspirator, and hoped that his death
might atone his error. He was shot on the 19th of August.
Next day Marshal Ney, who had been previously apprehended in the
Department of Lot, was examined at the Conciergerie; but his case was
adjourned till later in the year. Meanwhile the King’s Government was
overthrown, in September, and an ultra-Royalist Ministry established,
with the avowed intention of showing no clemency to the proscribed.
Ney’s trial accordingly took place early in November, and he was at
first arraigned before a court-martial of four Marshals.[68] But the
latter decided that the prisoner, being a Peer, was entitled to be
judged by his peers, and it devolved upon the Upper House to do so. His
guilt was clearly established, and it was rendered all the more heinous
by the protestations of loyalty with which he quitted Louis when he left
Paris to arrest the progress of Napoleon, promising to bring the latter
back in an iron cage. For some days he remained true to his duty, but,
though a brave man, he was singularly impulsive, and was not endowed
with much discretion or judgment. A frenzy of delirium had seized hold
of the Royal troops, who were flocking to Napoleon’s standards, and Ney
began to fear that he had not sufficient force to resist his former
master; his moral courage began to fail. Dreading, above all things, a
civil war, he resolved that no step of his should precipitate such a
calamity; believing that the cause of the Bourbons was irretrievably
lost, and, carried away by the violent excitement of the moment, he
forgot his promises and the trust reposed in him, and wildly threw in
his lot with the Emperor.[69] Thereby he dealt a final blow to the
fortunes of the King. For his defence, it was pleaded that the Military
Convention of the 3rd, had guaranteed that no person in the capital
should be disturbed or called to account, for his conduct or political
opinions; but the Chamber refused to entertain the plea, and he was
condemned to death by one hundred and thirty-nine votes against
seventeen (December 6th). Strenuous efforts were made to obtain the
prisoner’s release on account of the Convention, and applications were
addressed to the Duke of Wellington, Lord Liverpool, and even to the
Prince Regent on the subject. But these high authorities declined to do
anything for him, on the ground that the Convention related only to the
military occupation of Paris, and that, while the article in question
prevented the Allies from adopting measures of severity towards persons
in the capital, yet it did not, and could not, prevent the French
Government from acting in this respect, as they might deem fit.[70]
-----
Footnote 68:
Marshals Jourdain, Massena, Augereau, and Mortier (Baines, _Wars,
etc._ , ii. 525).
Footnote 69:
1815. Henry Houssaye, _La Première Restauration, le Retour de l'Ile
d'Elbe, les Cent Jours_, pp. 301-315 (3me edit.: Paris, 1893).
Footnote 70:
_Supplementary Despatches, etc._ , xi. 235.
-----
The execution took place in the gardens of the Luxembourg palace, at
nine o’clock in the morning of December 7th, when Ney met his death with
calmness and courage. It shed a deep gloom over Paris, and did little,
as might have been expected, to serve the King. Had Louis shown clemency
to the man who had deeply wronged him, and whose reputation had thereby
become sullied, instead of proceeding to extremities by violating the
Convention of July 3rd, his credit would have been raised. While the
justice of such action becomes all the more clear, since it was
stipulated that, in the case of difficulties arising, a favourable
interpretation was to be given to the claims of the French army and of
the city of Paris. Further, as foreign armies have no right to punish
the inhabitants of a conquered State for political opinions or conduct,
the Convention either bound Louis, on whose behalf the capital was
taken, or else it had no value whatsoever.[71]
-----
Footnote 71:
Baines, _Wars of the French Revolution_ , ii. 527.
-----
The third and last victim selected for vengeance by the ultra-Royal
party was General Lavalette, a relation by marriage of the Emperor, and
Director of Posts, who was convicted of having misused his power in
favour of Napoleon, when the latter reached Fontainebleau in March.
Having been in civil employ, he was condemned to death by the
guillotine; and the sentence, in spite of appeals to the mercy of the
King, was to be carried out on December 21st. In this case, however, the
Government were baulked of their prey, and the prisoner made good his
escape by the courage and devotion of his wife, with the assistance of
three Englishmen. His wife having exchanged dresses with him, Lavalette
got out of prison; but he remained in hiding in Paris for more than
twelve days, not being able to leave the closely guarded city until the
8th of January; when, by the co-operation of Mr. Bruce, and Captain
Hutchinson, Grenadier Guards (afterwards Earl of Donoughmore), he drove
to Compiègne in an open carriage, disguised as a British Officer, and
accompanied by General Sir Robert Wilson. It was with difficulty that
the latter piloted him out of France, but this was at last managed
successfully. Sir Robert then returned to Paris on the 10th, and the
police, having received information of the facts of the case, he,
Captain Hutchinson, and Mr. Bruce were immediately arrested and
confined, awaiting trial, till the 22nd of April, 1816, when they were
condemned to be imprisoned for three months. That a distinguished
Officer of high rank in the British army, and well known in Europe for
his personal animosity against Napoleon, should have actively interfered
to save the life of one of the latter’s best friends, was a sufficient
reason to put a stop to further acts of the bloodshed, which cast so
unnecessary a shadow over the first months of the restoration of King
Louis.[72]
-----
Footnote 72:
_Ibid._ , ii. 527; Gronow, _Reminiscences_ , i. 100. See also
_Supplementary Despatches_ , _etc._, xi. 275, 279, 333, 341; and
_Annual Register_ , 1816, “Appendix to Chronicle,” p. 329.
-----
The negotiations which had been going on continually between the Allied
Sovereigns and Louis XVIII., ever since they and their counsellors
arrived in Paris, terminated at last by a treaty of peace, dated
November 20th. There were matters of considerable difficulty to be
discussed, before a general agreement could be arrived at between so
many independent nations, whose interests were not all identical. The
situation, moreover, was somewhat complex, and this is shown by Lord
Liverpool who, writing to Mr. Canning, on the 4th of August, says:—
“By demanding considerable sacrifices from France for the security of
Europe, we unavoidably lower the character of the Government, which it
is our wish to uphold; on the other hand, the stability of that
Government, after the Allies shall have evacuated France, is so very
problematical, that we should not do our duty to Europe if we looked
to no other security than that which the legitimate government of the
King of France could in itself hold out to us.”[73]
-----
Footnote 73:
_Supplementary Despatches, etc._ , xi. 95.
-----
By the Treaty, the eastern frontier, from the North Sea to the
Mediterranean, was restricted generally, to the line that existed in
1790; and thus the French lost a strip of territory which, in 1814, had
been ceded to them, including the fortresses of Landau, Sarre-Louis,
Philippeville, and Marienburg. France had moreover to pay a war
indemnity of 700,000,000 francs, for the expenses of the war. Further,
an army of not more than 150,000 men, formed of British, Russian,
Austrian, Prussian, and German troops, in about equal proportions, and
under a Commander-in-chief appointed by the Allied Sovereigns, was to
occupy seventeen fortresses along the northern frontier, from Condé,
Valenciennes, Bouchain, and Cambrai, to the _tête de pont_ of Fort Louis
on the Rhine. The occupation was to continue for three years certain,
and might last for another two years. This mixed army was placed under
the supreme command of the Duke of Wellington, and all the expenses
incurred by it were to be defrayed by the French. It was understood that
the primary object of these latter stipulations was to preserve Louis on
the throne, and to give time for the consolidation of his government.
Lastly, a sum of 835,000,000 francs was exacted by way of compensation
to the Powers, for the spoliations and losses which they suffered during
the Revolution, and to indemnify the minor States for their recent
expenses. Thus, the French had to submit to the payment of more than
sixty-one million sterling, as the result of their defeat; and this sum
did not include the vast amounts which were otherwise taken from them,
under the head of contributions for the armies that invaded their
country, or that were to be maintained there, for the purpose of
inducing them to conform to the new order which had just been
established.[74]
-----
Footnote 74:
Baines, _Wars of the French Revolution_ , ii. 529, 530, where the text
of the Treaty is given; Alison, _History of Europe, 1789-1815_ , x.
972.
-----
CHAPTER III.
OCCUPATION OF FRENCH FORTRESSES.
Organization of the Allied army of occupation, under the supreme command
of the Duke of Wellington—Return of the remainder to their
respective countries—Instructions of the Allied Courts to
Wellington—Convention relating to the occupation, attached to the
Treaty of Paris—Positions assigned to each contingent on the
north-eastern frontier of France—March from Paris to
Cambrai—Military precautions—Camps of instruction and field
exercises—Reduction of the army of occupation—Difficulties with the
French—Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle—Evacuation of France—The Guards
Brigade leave Cambrai, after nearly three years' stay there, and
embark at Calais—Valedictory Orders—The Coldstream sent to
Chatham—Conclusion of military service in French territory.
In consequence of the Treaty of Paris, November 20, 1815, the capital
was to be relieved of the unwelcome presence of the invader, and all the
troops not required for the occupation of the north-eastern frontier
were to evacuate France as soon as possible, and to be sent back to
their respective homes. Of the Allied army of occupation, 150,000
strong, Great Britain, Prussia, Austria, and Russia supplied a
contingent of 30,000 men each; of the remainder 10,000 were Bavarians,
while Denmark, Saxony, Hanover, and Wurtemburg furnished each a force of
5000 men.
By a General Order, dated the 30th of November, the future organization
of the British contingent was notified. It was formed of 3 brigades of
cavalry (3 regiments each), 3 divisions of infantry, and 60 guns; the
cavalry under the command of Lieut.-General Lord Combermere, and the
infantry under Lieut.-General Lord Hill. The First Division
(Lieut.-General Sir L. Cole) was composed of 3 brigades (8 battalions);
the Second Division (Lieut.-General Sir H. Clinton) of 3 brigades (9
battalions); and the Third Division (Lieut.-General Sir C. Colville) of
3 brigades (8 battalions). The 3rd Battalion Grenadier Guards, and the
2nd Battalion Coldstream Guards, who were ordered to remain in France,
formed the 1st Brigade of the First Division, under Major-General Sir P.
Maitland.[75] The Duke of Wellington, having in the same General Order
provided for the return home of the rest of the army, took leave of the
gallant troops now about to be dispersed, in these words:—
“Upon breaking up the army which the Field-Marshal has had the honour
of commanding, he begs leave again to return thanks to the General
Officers and the Officers and troops, for their uniform good conduct.
In the short but memorable campaign they have given proofs to the
world that they possess in an eminent degree all the good qualities of
soldiers; and the Field-Marshal is happy to be able to applaud their
regular good conduct in their camps and cantonments, not less than
when engaged with the enemy in the field. Whatever may be the future
destination of those brave troops of which the Field-Marshal now takes
his leave, he trusts that every individual will believe that he will
ever feel the deepest interest in their honour and welfare, and will
always be happy to promote either.”[76]
-----
Footnote 75:
Captain Gunthorpe, Grenadier Guards, Brigade Major of the 1st Guards
Brigade during the campaign, was appointed to the same post in the 1st
Brigade, First Division of the army of occupation (_General Order_,
Dec. 2, 1815).
Footnote 76:
_Supplementary Despatches, etc._, xi. 248, etc.
-----
The despatch upon which the above arrangements were made was
communicated to Wellington by H.R.H. the Duke of York by letter, dated
the 9th of November, and is reproduced in an Appendix.[77]
-----
Footnote 77:
See Appendix, No. III. It will be observed therein that the Coldstream
Battalion was to be reinforced by 204 men. On the 13th of November a
detachment of that strength, from the 1st Battalion, marched from
London for this purpose, under Lieut.-Colonel Adams, Captain
Wedderburn, and Lieutenants Powys and Kortright, (the first two were
to return to the 1st Battalion), and arrived in Paris on the 6th of
December. On March 7, 1816, Officers were posted as follows in the 2nd
Battalion:—
Captains. Lieutenants. Ensigns. Staff.
Grenadier Company: Capt. Anstruther. ... Assist.-Surg. Smith.
Lt.-Colonel D. ” Hon. J. Rous.
MacKinnon. ” ” R. Moore.
No. 1 Company: Capt. Sowerby. Lt. Kortright. Adjt. Capt. J.
Lt.-Colonel J. ” Montagu. Prince.
Macdonell, C.B. Quarter-M. Selway.
Surg. W. Whymper.
No. 2 Company: Capt. Sandilands. Lt. Cuyler.
Colonel Hon. A. ” Short.
Abercromby, C.B.
No. 3 Company: Capt. Drummond. Lt. Vane.
Lt.-Colonel Sir W. ” Douglas.
Gomm, K.C.B.
No. 4 Company: Capt. Chaplin. Lt. Gooch.
Lt.-Colonel Hon. ” Gordon.
E. Acheson, C.B.
No. 5 Company: Capt. Walton. Lt. Powys.
Lt.-Colonel Hon. ” Bowen.
H. Pakenham, C.B.
No. 6 Company: Capt. Lord Hotham. Lt. Griffiths.
Lieut.-Colonel H. ” FitzClarence.
Wyndham.
No. 7 Company: Capt. Cowell. Lt. Armytage.
Lt.-Colonel Sir R. ” Hon. W.
Arbuthnot, K.C.B. Forbes.
No. 8 Company: Capt. Girardot. Lt. Beaufoy.
Lt.-Col. H. ” Hervey.
Dawkins.
Light Infantry Major Bowles. ... Asst.-Surg. Hunter.
Company: Capt. Shirley.
Lt.-Colonel ” Harvey.
Hon. J. Walpole.
-----
The Prussian contingent was commanded by Lieut.-General von Ziethen, and
consisted of 10 infantry regiments (thirty battalions), 1 battalion of
Jägers, 9 regiments of cavalry (thirty-six squadrons), and 80 guns,
formed into five brigades of infantry, and three of cavalry.
The Austrian corps, under General Baron von Frimont, contained 22½
battalions, 28½ squadrons, and 96 guns, divided into three divisions of
two brigades each.
The Russians, under Lieut.-General Count Woronzow,—24 battalions, 6
regiments of cavalry (thirty-four squadrons), and 84 guns: two infantry
divisions (of three brigades each), and the cavalry division (also of
three brigades).
Prince Frederick of Hesse commanded the Danish contingent,—5 battalions,
4 squadrons, and 20 guns (two brigades). Major-General Sir J. Lyon
(relieved afterwards by Count Alten), the Hanoverians,—6 battalions, 4
squadrons, and 6 guns (two brigades). Lieut.-General Baron de Wöllwarth
(replaced afterwards by General Count Scheler), the Wurtemburgers,—6
battalions, 4 squadrons, and 6 guns. Major-General von Gablenz, the
Saxons,—5 battalions, 4 squadrons, and 8 guns. And Lieut.-General de la
Motte, the Bavarians,—3 regiments of infantry, and 2 of cavalry.[78]
-----
Footnote 78:
The number of guns is not stated.
-----
It had already been agreed by the four great Powers (Great Britain,
Austria, Russia, and Prussia), on the 22nd of October, that the Allied
armies—other than the corps required for the occupation—should evacuate
French territory as soon as possible, and Wellington was commissioned to
make the necessary arrangements for this purpose. Even before that date,
the Russians, having a long way to march home before the winter set in,
began to move eastwards; and Blücher intimated, as far back as the 8th
of October, that, having been desired to withdraw towards Prussian
territory, he was giving orders for the purpose of carrying out the
intentions of his Government. The evacuation, however, by the British
troops, did not begin till the middle of December, when, marching to
Calais, they were shipped over to England with the least delay possible
under the supervision of Major-General Sir D. Pack; but adverse winds
retarded the operation, and it was only completed on the 4th of
February, 1816.
When the Allied Sovereigns placed the supreme command of the army of
occupation in the hands of Wellington, they gave him instructions to
enable him to carry out the duty with which they entrusted him. On the
20th of November, they dealt with the political situation, by reminding
him that the objects for which their troops were stationed in France
were: (1) to secure the execution of the treaties concluded with that
country, and (2) to protect Europe from French violence, and from
internal revolutionary upheavals which were liable to take place among
the people. They said their hopes of tranquillity were founded upon the
system which they had established in the country, and they attached the
greatest importance to the maintenance of a legitimate Sovereign, in the
person of Louis XVIII. Until such times, therefore, as the forces of the
King were organized, it was to be the duty of the Allied armies, in
concert with the French Government, to protect the capital and the Royal
family from popular effervescence; with this view the Commander-in-chief
was empowered to delay his march from Paris until His Most Christian
Majesty should notify to him that his presence in the capital was no
longer necessary. The Allied Sovereigns, moreover, did not desire their
troops to perform mere police duties, or to interfere in the internal
administration of the country; but this did not exempt them from the
obligation they were under, to maintain Louis on the throne of France,
and “to support him against every revolutionary convulsion which might
tend to upset by force the order just established, and to compromise the
general tranquillity.” They did not disguise from themselves that it
would be a delicate matter to judge when intervention might become
necessary, but they announced their entire confidence in the British
Commander-in-chief, to whose discretion they left the matter, should it
ever arise. In order, however, to enable him to form a correct opinion
upon it, they instructed him to take into consideration the views of the
diplomatic Agents of the Powers residing in Paris. Finally, the latter
were directed to send him, at least once a week, a united and common
report, when he was absent from the capital; and they were also to
transmit, in their corporate capacity, any communication which he might
think it proper to address to the French Government.[79]
-----
Footnote 79:
_Supplementary Despatches, etc._, xi. 240.
-----
The military situation had been considered at an earlier date (October
22nd), with the following conclusions: Full authority over the Allied
army was given to the Commander-in-chief, who was enjoined to consult,
as far as he could, the usages which prevailed in each contingent. The
troops of each nationality were to be quartered as much as possible
together, and on the lines of communications leading to their respective
countries; they were to be under the immediate command of their own
Generals, and everything relating to the discipline or to the interior
economy of the various corps was to be dealt with by their own Officers.
General Officers commanding contingents were formally placed under the
supreme command of the Duke of Wellington; they were ordered to send
their reports to him, and to obey him in all the dispositions which he
might deem it his duty to make. Lastly, the French Government were
invited to arrange with him, without delay, all matters affecting the
occupation and the maintenance of the troops, as well as the “execution
of particular conventions to regulate both these objects.”[80]
-----
Footnote 80:
_Ibid._, xi. 208.
-----
Attached to the Treaty of the 20th of November there was a Convention,
which was “as valid as if inserted word for word” in the Treaty, and, by
Article No. 4,—
(1) The Allied troops were to occupy the Departments of Pas de Calais,
Nord, Ardennes, Meuse, Moselle, Lower and Upper Rhine, their line of
demarcation being the frontiers of these Departments respectively.
(2) A neutral zone was established between the above-mentioned strip of
French territory in foreign occupation, and the remainder of the
kingdom, in which neither the French nor the Allies were to maintain any
military force, except for some special reason, and then only by mutual
agreement. This zone was bounded on the south and west, by the river
Somme to Ham, thence in nearly a straight line to Chalons-sur-Marne,
whence it continued to a point between Joinville and Chaumont; from that
place it took an easterly direction to Blamont, and then ran south to
the Swiss frontier near St. Hypolite.
(3) The French were to have power to garrison certain places within the
territory to be occupied by the Allies; but the forces to be quartered
there were not to exceed the number which was laid down, and only such
war _matériel_ and stores as properly belonged to these places were to
be kept there, the remainder to be removed into the kingdom west of the
neutral zone. Altogether 22,000 men were allowed to garrison these
places, the largest number being in the following fortresses, viz.
Calais, where the garrison was not to exceed 1000 men; St. Omer, 1500;
Arras, 1000; Lille, 3000; Dunkerque, 1000; Douai and Fort Scarpe, 1000;
Metz, 3000; Strasburg, 3000; Schelstadt, 1000; Neu Brisach and Fort
Mortier, 1000; and Belfort, 1000 men.[81]
-----
Footnote 81:
_Supplementary Despatches, etc._, xi. 192.
-----
The British contingent was ready to move to its allotted stations by the
beginning of the year 1816; but a delay occurred in consequence of the
representations made by the Duc de Richelieu, the French Minister of
Foreign affairs, who believed that it would be dangerous to leave Paris
unguarded until the discussions on the law of Amnesty, which was then
being debated, had terminated.[82] Wellington adds, “From what I have
seen and heard likewise of the King’s Guard, I don’t conceive it is as
yet a body in which much confidence could be placed, in case there
should be any disturbance in this town.”[83]
-----
Footnote 82:
The law of Amnesty, as it was called, raised many fierce animosities.
It received the Royal sanction on January 12th. By this law, the
ordinances against proscribed persons were ratified and extended.
Exiled persons might be deprived of their property; the relations of
Napoleon were excluded for ever from the kingdom, and were declared
incapable of enjoying civil rights or of possessing any property.
“Regicides, who, in contempt of a clemency almost boundless, ...
accepted offices or employment from the Usurper, and who, by so doing,
declared themselves irreconcilable enemies of France and of the lawful
Government, are for ever excluded the realm, and are bound to quit it
in the space of one month, under pain of the punishment enacted by the
33rd Article of the Penal Code; they cannot possess any civil right in
France, nor any property, title, or pension granted to them of favour”
(_Annual Register_ , 1816, “General History,” p. 107). It was in
virtue of this clause, that Fouché was banished by his recent allies.
Footnote 83:
_Supplementary Despatches, etc._ , xi. 265.
-----
These difficulties, however, were speedily overcome; and on the 24th of
January, the Commander-in-chief of the army of occupation wrote to the
Ambassador of Great Britain and to the Plenipotentiaries of the other
Allied Powers, saying that he proposed forthwith to evacuate the
capital. These Ministers having agreed, the troops began their march
towards the fortresses on the north-eastern frontier of France, which
they were to occupy, and, before the end of the month, Paris was left to
the King and to the new system that had been established by the Treaty.
No disturbances occurred, and Louis was enabled to maintain his
authority without the intervention of a foreign force; but Wellington
found that it would be expedient to remain a short time longer in the
capital, believing that his presence there was “very useful to the
Government and to the King, in a variety of ways, and gives confidence
to that party which brought back the King.” As he was alone in the
capital, and without British troops, Marshal Oudinot sent a detachment
of French soldiers to mount guard over his quarters.[84]
-----
Footnote 84:
_Supplementary Despatches, etc._ , xi. 301, 296.
-----
N^o. 1.
[Illustration:
SKETCH MAP TO ILLUSTRATE THE
BRITISH OCCUPATION OF FRANCE
FROM
1815 to 1818
A. D. Innes & C^o. London.
]
The positions occupied by the Allied contingents were as follows: The
British corps had their head-quarters at Cambrai, and were quartered in
the Departments of Pas de Calais and Nord, at Cassel, Hazebrouck,
Lillers, St. Pol, Bapaume, Cambrai, Valenciennes, etc.; near them, in
the Department Nord, the Danes were stationed at Bouchain, the
Hanoverians at Condé, and the Saxons at Le Quesnoi. Occupying the
eastern portion of the latter Department, as well as nearly the whole of
the Ardennes, the Russians placed their head-quarters at Maubeuge, and
were quartered in Landrecies, Avesnes, Charlemont, Givet, Réthel, etc.
The Prussians were in the Departments of Meuse and Moselle, their
head-quarters at Sédan, occupying Mezières, Montmédy, Longwy, Briey,
Thionville, Commercy, Bar-le-Duc. The Baravians were close to them and
to the Palatinate, at St. Avold, Sarreguemines (head-quarters), and
Bische; the Wurtemburgers at Weissemburg and Lauterburg.[85] The
Austrian contingent took possession of the Departments of Upper and
Lower Rhine, head-quarters at Colmar, and the principal garrisons were
at Hagenau, Molsheim, Bischweiler, Mulhausen, and Altkirch.[86]
-----
Footnote 85:
Under Article No. 4 of the Convention of November 20th, Lauterburg and
Weissemburg had been allotted to the French, who were permitted to
place garrisons there of 200 and 150 men respectively. The French
Government, however, consented to give them up to the Allies, in
January, and were allowed to occupy Abbeville instead (_Ibid._ , xi.
292).
Footnote 86:
_Supplementary Despatches, etc._ , xi. 355, 410, etc.
-----
The Coldstream Guards were the last troops to leave Paris. On the 26th
of January all the public duties in the capital were found by the
Battalion,[87] and the 4th and 5th companies, under Lieutenant-Colonel
MacKinnon, were ordered to relieve the 23rd Regiment at Montmartre. Next
day, the Guards Brigade with Captain Sinclair’s brigade (field battery)
of Artillery and the Sappers and Miners attached to the First Division,
marched off from the barrière de Villette; the Grenadier Guards and the
Sappers and Miners to Louvres, the Coldstream and the Artillery to
Gonesse. The public duties were collected by Lieut.-Colonel Dawkins at
the barrière des Martyrs, where they were joined by Lieut.-Colonel
MacKinnon’s detachment, and the whole followed to Gonesse after the rest
of the troops had left Paris. The march was continued to Cambrai in
detachments, the Battalion being billeted at each halt in several
villages,[88] and the route taken was by Senlis and Peronne to Cambrai,
which was reached by the head-quarters, together with the Grenadier and
the 1st companies, on the 6th of February.
-----
Footnote 87:
As the termination of the occupation of Paris approached, the public
duties were gradually reduced, and, on the 26th of January, Officers'
guards were found at only six of the barriers of the town.
Footnote 88:
“It is of the utmost importance to the comfort and the discipline of
the soldiers, that the Officers of companies should inspect and visit
the quarters of their men frequently, and the Commanding Officer
trusts that they will see the necessity of extraordinary exertion on
these occasions” (_Battalion Orders_ , Paris, Jan. 26, 1816).
-----
The 3rd Battalion Grenadier Guards and the two companies of the
Coldstream just mentioned, formed the garrison of Cambrai, while the
remainder of the latter Battalion occupied the following villages:—2nd
company, Villers Ploich; 3rd and 4th companies, under Lieut.-Colonel
MacKinnon, Marcoing; 5th company, Banteau and Bantouzelle; 6th and 7th
companies, Gouzecourt; 8th and the Light-infantry companies, Villers
Glishain, under Lieut.-Colonel Dawkins, who had orders “to detach an
Officer’s party to Honnecourt, if he deemed it desirable;”
Lieut.-Colonel Macdonell was quartered at Gonnelieu, and took command of
the 2nd, 5th, 6th, and 7th companies.[89]
-----
Footnote 89:
Appendix No. IV. On April 25th, the 2nd and 3rd companies were ordered
to march to Cambrai, being relieved by the 8th and Light-infantry
companies. On May 14th two more companies were brought into the town,
and the remainder rejoined head-quarters on the 3rd and 5th of June,
when the Battalion was complete in Cambrai, six companies being
quartered in the Cavalry barracks, and four in the Citadel.
-----
Though peace had been concluded, the foreign contingents were kept ready
for active service, and the fortresses were held closely guarded, as if
an enemy were in the field. Thus at Cambrai, the gates of the town were
carefully locked under the superintendence of an Officer of the main
guard, and were kept closed from sunset to dawn; no one was allowed to
enter at such times, except under peculiar circumstances, (and then only
when the main guard was turned out). Patrols were sent out constantly at
uncertain hours; Non-commissioned officers and men were not permitted to
leave their quarters after dark, without a pass; sentries were relieved
hourly, both by day and by night; and even the Field-Officer of the day
was not admitted into the Citadel by night, and the Officer of the guard
there had to communicate with him from the ramparts.[90]
-----
Footnote 90:
It was not until April that “soldiers composing the garrison have
permission to pass out of the gates, when properly dressed in
side-arms, to walk within one mile of the fortress, unprovided with
passes” (_Garrison Orders_ , Cambrai, April 29, 1816).
-----
The occupation of French territory lasted three years, until November,
1818, and during the whole of this time, the British troops were kept
actively employed on their military duties. It was a period in which the
efficiency of the army was maintained at a high standard. The Coldstream
were continually exercised in route marching, in drill, in musketry,[91]
and, the Officers and selected Non-commissioned officers and men, in
sword exercise. Every detail of interior economy was carefully attended
to, under the company Officers, who were held responsible to the
Commanding Officer for the arms and accoutrements, for the men’s
regimental necessaries, for the cleanliness and good order of the
barrack rooms, and for the regular closing of the accounts, which at the
time was done on the 24th of each month.[92] In the summer as many of
the troops as could be spared from fortress duty were encamped wherever
open spaces were available, the Guards Brigade upon the glacis of
Cambrai, for the purpose of carrying out the Field exercises then
practised by the army. The Duke of Wellington paid minute attention to
the drill of the contingent, and issued repeated orders on the movements
in which he desired the regiments to perfect themselves.[93]
-----
Footnote 91:
The following are the musketry results of the Battalion in 1816:—
Two rounds were fired at 60, 85, and 90 yards, and four rounds at 100
yards. Total cartridges issued, 9,448; total shots on the target,
3,785. Of these the Grenadier company fired 852 rounds, and put 436
shots on the target. Fourteen battalion prizes were given. The company
Officers offered, in 1817, prizes to their best shots; and the
Commanding Officer gave three prizes to the best battalion shots. The
same was repeated in 1818, the Commanding Officer stipulating that the
prizes were only to be awarded if the men were of good character
(_Battalion Orders_ , Nov. 25, 1816; Aug. 20, 1817; and June 10,
1818).
Footnote 92:
“The following certificate being added to the Monthly Return, the
Commanding Officer requests Officers commanding companies will forward
their reports to him, respecting the settlement of the men’s accounts,
in good time, so as to enable him to sign the Monthly Return on the
morning of the 25th: 'I certify that the company’s accounts have been
settled by the Captain, or the Officer commanding the company, up to
the 24th of ——, and that the balances then due have been regularly
paid to the men in daily proportions, in conformity with the General
Orders of June 3, 1815'” (_Battalion Order_ , April 25, 1818).
Footnote 93:
_Supplementary Despatches, etc._ , xi. 426, 501; xii. 31, 538. It may
be interesting to remark that the review of infantry in column, not
contained in “His Majesty’s Regulations” of the day, was ordered and
provided for by the Field-Marshal.
-----
Reviews on a larger scale took place in the autumn of each year, in the
neighbourhood of Denain. In October, 1816, the English, Danish, Saxon,
and Hanoverian contingents were assembled, 36,000 men and 84 guns strong
(of which nearly 26,000 men and 60 guns were furnished by the British
army); a detailed programme of the operations to be performed was
prepared, a feigned enemy was told off, and the whole concluded by a
march past, according to the accustomed forms of the different corps
present.[94]
-----
Footnote 94:
_Ibid._, xi. 522. The following Brigade Order, dated Cambrai, Oct. 23,
1816, concerned these manœuvres: “The light companies of the
Brigade and the three leading companies of the Coldstream marched
yesterday through the village of Denain in a soldierlike and exemplary
manner. The rest of the Brigade did anything but follow their example.
That loose marching, which it fell into, has two effects. The troops
either arrive late at their destination, or they arrive harassed and
unfit for their operations. Either is an evil of the first magnitude.
The principle on which this march originated is pure selfishness. The
individual would save himself a little inconvenience at the expense of
serious evil to no matter how many of his comrades in rear. The
Brigade, with the exception of those companies already mentioned with
approbation, and the leading and rear companies of the Grenadier
Guards, will assemble every morning at the usual place, the Bapaume
gate, at half-past seven o’clock, till they receive an order to the
contrary.” The latter portion of this order was countermanded on the
25th.
-----
Their Royal Highnesses the Duke of Kent and the Duke of Cambridge were
present on this occasion, and were received by Guards of Honour
furnished by the Coldstream Guards. Similar manœuvres took place in
the middle of October next year, near Bouchain, at which the King of
Prussia and the Prince of Orange assisted, and again the same thing was
repeated in September, 1818. Finally, another military display was given
on the 23rd of October, 1818, just before France was evacuated by the
Allies, near Villers-en-Couchies, in the presence of the Emperor of
Russia and of the King of Prussia; 51,000 men and 168 guns were then
brought together, of which 23,000 and 84 guns were Russians, 19,000 and
60 guns British, 3000 and 10 guns Danish, 3000 and 8 guns Saxons, and
3000 and 6 guns Hanoverians.[95] The enemy was represented by a
detachment of Cossacks and of Russian infantry and artillery, and by the
British cavalry, three companies of Sappers and Miners, and three
brigades of artillery; the latter under Lieut.-Colonel Sir G. Scovell,
and the whole under the general direction of Major-General Narishkin.
-----
Footnote 95:
_Supplementary Despatches, etc._, xii. 783.
-----
“It is supposed that the enemy is master of Bouchain, Le Quesnoi, and
Valenciennes, and occupies a position behind the Escaillon.... The
object of the army is to reconnoitre Valenciennes from the heights of
Famars, and for this purpose the enemy’s corps is to be forced back
upon the place; having been in the first instance dislodged from his
position on the Escaillon, the direct attack upon the front of which,
is to be facilitated by a movement to turn his left.”
The movements to be executed were all published beforehand, and the
operations ended by a march past.[96]
-----
Footnote 96:
_Ibid._ , xii. 711. The following letter, written by the Duke of
Wellington to General Woronzow, commanding the Russian contingent,
dated Aix-la-Chapelle, Oct. 13, 1818, just before the review at which
the Emperor of Russia was present, is not without interest: “I write
you just one line to tell you that, from what the Emperor has said to
me, I judge that he thinks, from the reports he has heard, that, in
marching in open column your troops do not preserve their distances
regularly. You will, of course, attend to those hints, and make them
preserve their distances from front rank to front rank” (_Ibid._ ,
xii. 765).
-----
Soon after the British contingent reached its quarters in the
Departments of Pas de Calais and Nord, a reduction was effected in its
strength by three regiments of cavalry,[97] by drafts of men entitled to
their discharge or unfit for service, and by 400 men from the Guards
Brigade (200 from each Battalion, so as to bring them to 1000 instead of
1200 men per Battalion). By this means, taking into account some 800
recruits who joined the contingent, the latter amounted to a little more
than 29,000 Officers and men in the beginning of May, 1816.[98]
-----
Footnote 97:
The three cavalry brigades were, however, still maintained in France,
each consisting of two regiments, instead of three.
Footnote 98:
_Ibid._ , xi. 386.
-----
There were found to be some 60 men unfit for service in the 2nd
Coldstream Guards about this time, and the 200 were made up by selecting
15 of the most unserviceable men per company (or 150 from the
Battalion). Captain Shirley, and Lieutenants FitzClarence and Douglas,
proceeded to England in charge of this party (April 23rd), which,
together with that belonging to the 3rd Battalion Grenadier Guards, was
placed under the command of Lieut.-Colonel D. MacKinnon, Coldstream
Guards.
In the course of the year, the Duc de Richelieu endeavoured to secure
from the Allies a more solid and more general reduction of the army of
occupation, in order to lessen the financial strain that burdened
France, at a moment when she was oppressed by debt and afflicted by a
bad harvest. He hoped thereby to render the King more popular. But he
experienced considerable reluctance on the part of the British
Government and of Wellington to agree to any such proposition, until the
Chambers had proved by their acts that they were prepared to support the
rule of Louis XVIII., and so “dissipate all reasonable apprehension as
to the fulfilment of the late Treaty.”[99] The Duke, indeed, was at
first much opposed to it, and wrote strongly against it from Cambrai
even as late as December, 1816, being of opinion that any real reduction
of the Allied forces would tend to excite the French malcontents, and do
harm to the Royal cause and to good government, and that “we ought to
reduce only gradually and in proportion to our casualties.”[100] A
little later, however, being in Paris (January 9th), he modified his
opinion on account of the successful negotiation of a French loan in
London, which might “recall to the recollection of public men in France
the obligations they owe to the Allied Sovereigns, and again reconcile
them to measures which France herself, and not foreign Powers, rendered
necessary.”[101] Under these circumstances, he proposed a reduction of
30,000 men (or one-fifth from each contingent), to be made on the 1st of
April, 1817, and to be announced “in the manner most likely to produce a
favourable effect on the public mind,” as soon as the budget passed and
the measures for ensuring the loan were definitely adopted.[102] These
proposals were accepted by the Allies, and were embodied in an official
note, which was presented to the French Government on the 10th of
February, 1817.[103]
-----
Footnote 99:
_Supplementary Despatches, etc._ , xi. 485, 506.
Footnote 100:
_Ibid._ , xi. 573.
Footnote 101:
_Ibid._ , xi. 592.
Footnote 102:
_Ibid._ , xi. 589, etc.
Footnote 103:
See _Annual Register_ , 1817, “General History,” p. 103, where the
note is given _in extenso_.
-----
In pursuance of these arrangements, six battalions returned to England,
proceeding there by Calais, to which were added detachments of 200 men
from each of the Guards Battalions, or about 6000 men in all. The
staffs, moreover, of the Third Division (Sir C. Colville) and of two
brigades (Sir R. O'Callaghan and Sir J. Keane) were broken up.[104]
-----
Footnote 104:
_Supplementary Despatches, etc._ , xi. 622, 638, 657. The order for
sending home these detachments from the Guards Battalions “originates
in the reduction of the whole establishment of the Guards, and the
consequent necessity of the Battalions in France bearing their
proportion of the non-effectives. H.R.H. desires me to express his
hope that this diminution of 400 Guards may not embarrass you in
regard to the amount of reduction” (Major-General Sir H. Torrens to
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington: _ibid._, xi. 639). The
detachments marched from Cambrai on March 15, 1817, under the command
of Lieut.-Colonel Hon. J. Walpole, Coldstream Guards. Captain Sowerby
and Lieutenant Hervey were in charge of the Coldstream; and
Assistant-Surgeon Smith, Coldstream Guards, accompanied the troops to
Calais.
-----
In June, 1818, Sir P. Maitland having been sent to Upper Canada as
Lieut.-Governor of that province, Major-General Sir J. Lambert was
appointed to the Guards Brigade at Cambrai; but as he was on leave,
Colonel Woodford, Coldstream Guards, remained in temporary command until
August. In June, also, Major-General Sir R. O'Callaghan replaced Sir J.
Lambert as Brigadier of the 7th Brigade, and Sir C. Colville assumed
command of the Second Division, vice Sir H. Clinton.
The Band of the Grenadier Guards had been sent for a few months to
Paris, during the autumn of 1815, and left London on the 1st of
September, proceeding by Brighton to Dieppe. Next year, the Coldstream
Band went to Cambrai, on the 10th of June, by Dover and Calais, and
remained there till the following October.[105]
-----
Footnote 105:
For a short account of the Band of the Coldstream Guards, see Appendix
No. V.
-----
The health of the troops in France, during the three and a half years
succeeding Waterloo, seems to have been satisfactory. By a return, dated
Paris, July 15, 1816, it appears that the number of sick amounted to
1060 men in the whole British contingent, of which only 43 belonged to
the Coldstream, out of a total strength of 1104 Officers and men
belonging to the Battalion at that time.[106] The principal cause of
illness arose from the prevalence of ophthalmia, which, beginning in
Paris in the winter of 1815, continued to affect the men until they left
the country in 1818. Numerous orders were issued to prevent the spread
of this evil.
-----
Footnote 106:
_Supplementary Despatches, etc._ , xi. 439.
-----
Two Officers belonging to the Regiment died in France during this
period, viz. Lieutenant J. Buller, in Paris, in January, 1816, and
Lieutenant A. Gordon, killed in a duel with a French Officer, at
Cambrai, in April, 1818.
There were not many incidents of any great importance to mark the
occupation of French fortresses by European contingents. France,
deprived of her incomparable military Chief, destitute of popular
leaders, and exhausted by the wars that drained her resources during the
past twenty-five years, settled gradually down, and accepted, though
very reluctantly, the government which the Allied Powers had imposed
upon her. The alien force did the work which had been contemplated; for,
keeping the people under control, and repressing all revolutionary
ebullitions, while Louis was consolidating his rule, the occupation did
not come to an end until he had established his power in the country.
Subsequent events have proved that the settlement thus effected by the
will of Europe was not a permanent arrangement; France never consented
to it, and we now know that it was overthrown within the brief space of
fifteen years.[107] But when the Allied forces finally returned to their
homes, and left the conquered people to their own resources, the Bourbon
_régime_ seemed, at all events outwardly, to be restored, and the new
authority to be unquestioned.
-----
Footnote 107:
Wellington perceived clearly the weakness of the new system; but he
blamed the stupidity of the ultra-Royalist party, who, ruling the
King, endeavoured to gain a cheap popularity at the expense of the
Allies, to whom they owed entirely their restoration to power. “The
descendants of Louis XV. will not reign in France; and I must say, and
always will say, that it is the fault of Monsieur” (afterwards Charles
X.) “and his adherents.... I wish Monsieur would read the histories of
our Restoration and subsequent Revolution, or that he would recollect
what passed under his own view, probably at his own instigation, in
the Revolution. The conduct of the Royalists in joining with the
Jacobins against the Moderate party, certainly led to the King’s
death. There are persons now at Paris who recollect the triumph of
these parties when they obtained the vote for excluding from office,
and from the Legislative Assembly, all who had been in the
Constituante Assembly; and yet it is certain that that vote, more than
any other single measure, was the cause of all the subsequent
misfortunes, confiscations, murder of the King, etc.; and they could
not avoid comparing that triumph with the senseless one over the
Government the other day, upon a vital question in the law for
regulating the press” (The Duke of Wellington to the Right Hon. J. C.
Villiers, Jan. 11, 1818: _Supplementary Despatches, etc._ , xii. 213).
-----
The British troops conformed in every respect to the laws of the
country, and to the various and frequently vexatious police regulations
that prevailed at the time.[108] They conducted themselves peaceably in
their various cantonments, and contrived to get on well with the
population. So generally quiet was the state of affairs, that a liberal
allowance of leave could be granted to the Officers of the contingent,
soon after their arrival in the north of France.[109] The same relations
existed between the inhabitants and the troops of the other Powers.[110]
But, nevertheless, the occupation raised many controversies,—easily to
be accounted for by the temper which the people were ready to display
towards the invader, after a crushing military defeat. Irregularities
committed by the troops, when they took place, were rectified without
delay, and measures were adopted to prevent their recurrence; in this
respect, at least, the French had nothing to complain of. On the other
hand, there were repeated difficulties with the civil officials of the
country, and with the turbulence that moved many of the inhabitants to
be disorderly. The French Préfets and Maires too often refused to
discharge their functions, the magistrates to convict on the clearest
evidence, and the police to repress riots when the natives were found to
be engaged in disputes with the foreign troops. Wellington continually
protested strongly on this subject to the King’s Government, and assured
the Ministers that, unless the local authorities did their duty, the
troops would be provoked to retaliate and revenge the injuries they had
too often to put up with.[111] The irritation felt by a certain portion
of the population against the foreign contingents, led to constant
brawls, which became a source of danger when they occasioned the people
to assemble tumultuously. The danger of frequent collisions was
increased by the habit, then adopted by the British Officers, of using
their fists for their personal protection, when drawn into scuffles with
the natives in the streets. To stop this, the Duke insisted that all
Officers should wear “their side-arms ... whenever they appeared out of
their quarters or tents, except when hunting or shooting.”[112]
-----
Footnote 108:
One order may be quoted, illustrating the condition of the rural
districts in France at the time: “It having been represented by the
Civil Authority that smoking out of doors of houses, in the villages,
is contrary to the Police Laws, from the danger to which the houses
would be exposed to fire from their being generally low and thatched,
Commanding Officers are requested to take measures to prevent it.
Smoking can only be allowed inside of the houses” (_Divisional
Orders_ , Cambrai, May 2, 1816).
Footnote 109:
Fifteen Subalterns per regiment (nine in the cavalry), half the
Captains, and one-third of the Field-Officers had to be present
(_General Order_ , Paris, Feb. 27, 1816). By another General Order,
dated Cambrai, June 1st, the above rule, relating to Field-Officers,
applied to Regimental Captains of the Brigade of Guards.
Footnote 110:
“Je suis bien heureux de pouvoir faire rapport à Votre Majesté que le
système de l’occupation militaire d’une partie de la France remplit
les attentes de ceux qui l’ont adopté plus que l’on pouvait l’espérer.
Les officiers et les troupes de toutes les nations se comportent
envers les habitants du pays de manière à les concilier; et je suis
bien heureux de pouvoir assurer Votre Majesté que les siennes en
donnent le meilleur exemple” (The Duke of Wellington to the Emperor of
Russia, April 24, 1816: _Supplementary Despatches, etc._ , xi. 373).
Footnote 111:
_Supplementary Despatches, etc._ , xi. 421, 436, 440, 737; see also
pp. 630, 726.
Footnote 112:
_Ibid._ , xi. 478, 570, 579; and xii. 77. “The measure” (the
occupation) “has succeeded beyond our most sanguine expectations. Not
only are there no complaints, but I really believe that the common
people of the Departments occupied, particularly those occupied by us,
are delighted to have the troops, and the money spent among them. But
not so the gentry, particularly the Royalists; not so those employed
by the Government, and even the Ministers themselves.... All this
would be of little importance in the decision of the question of
reduction, if the King’s Government possessed any real authority and
strength, and if the people of the country were not of a character
easily disturbed and irritated, and led to acts of violence and
outrage whenever they find weakness. I believe that although _we_, the
English, behave better than others, we are on that account the worst
treated. There are constant broils between individuals of the middling
and better classes, and Officers of the army, particularly at
Valenciennes. We can get no justice from the authorities of the
country—indeed, that is a general complaint in each of the
contingents; and in more than one instance it has happened that a mob
has collected with impunity upon the occasion of an assault upon or
broil with an Officer” (The Duke of Wellington to Viscount
Castlereagh, Cambrai, Dec. 11, 1816: _ibid._, xi. 572).
-----
A grave incident occurred at Cambrai, where a riot took place in June,
1816; hearing which, Wellington wrote to Sir. P. Maitland, then in
command of that fortress, as follows:—
“I beg you will tell the Sous-Préfet that I am surprised that after
the many examples he has had of our desire to do justice to those who
have to complain of our people, the police at Cambrai should have
suffered such a riot to take place without noticing it. You have my
orders to turn out the troops and fire whenever the people attempt to
riot again. I repeat them now, and I beg you will tell the Sous-Préfet
that I have reminded you of them; and particularly that the troops are
not to be turned out to quell a riot without firing in earnest. I beg
you will also tell the Sous-Préfet of Cambrai, that I can no longer
allow the Garde Nationale of Cambrai to remain armed. They must be
paraded in an hour after you will make this communication, and must
lodge their arms in the great square, and go to their homes. You will
take possession of their arms, for which you will give a receipt. They
are to be lodged in store. Inform the Sous-Préfet that I consider him
and the Maire responsible to me that no arms are kept by the
individuals of the Garde Nationale. I understand that people from the
gaming-houses have been sent down to all the garrisons; and I beg you
will tell the Sous-Préfet that I will not allow them to remain; and
they had better therefore remove without obliging me to use
force.”[113]
-----
Footnote 113:
“_Supplementary Despatches, etc._ , xi. 420. General Ziethen had
previously given orders that all these gambling establishments should
be closed in the places where the Prussian contingent were cantoned”
(_ibid._, xi. 409).
-----
The questions that arose out of the peculiar conditions in which the
occupied districts were placed, caused difficulties, which differed in
certain respects from those arising out of other military occupations.
In 1871, for instance, after the peace of Versailles, Germany occupied
some French provinces; and, in this case, the conquering armies had only
to deal with the inhabitants—there were no hostile troops in their
vicinity. But, in 1816, the Allies were placed in another position, and
French soldiers were in their neighbourhood. Europe, moreover, had
caused a revolution in France, and had to support the new government,
until its power was established. The army of occupation, therefore, was
not only exacting redress from the vanquished nation, according to
treaty, but it was also in close alliance with the Government of the
latter. Hence it was not unnatural that some delicate points should be
raised, embarrassing to the French Ministers, who, while they posed as
patriotic Frenchmen, had much to fear from the Imperialists and other
malcontents that roamed over the country. A question arose in the
Prussian districts, regarding the disbanded troops of Napoleon’s armies,
which is perhaps best explained by quoting an extract from a letter
addressed by the Commander-in-chief to General Ziethen, dated February
15, 1816:—
“The soldiers of the Imperialist armies,” says Wellington, “are viewed
with suspicion, not only by the chiefs of the Allied army of
occupation, but also by the King of France and by the French
Government.... Your Excellency is therefore right to watch these
persons, and I am sure that your measures, taken with this object,
have the approval of the King of France. But I beg you to be careful
that you do not trespass upon those powers which belong to the King or
to the legislature. It is true, the King of France has ordered
disbanded soldiers to return to their homes, and they do not obey if,
having their domiciles elsewhere, they persist in congregating in
those Departments, which are occupied by the troops under Your
Excellency’s command. You are therefore right in obliging these
persons to obey their Sovereign’s order, and in sending them out of
the Prussian districts. But to oblige all these soldiers who inhabit
your districts, to be in possession of a card of residence, to be
submitted to your Brigadiers, is a step in advance. This is more than
a police measure, which in my opinion should be limited to putting the
existing law in motion; it is an act of sovereignty, and even of
legislation; because it obliges soldiers who are subjects of the King,
and who are residing in their homes by the King’s command, to furnish
themselves with papers for their personal security, which neither the
King nor the laws of the country require of them. I think, therefore,
that your order ought only to oblige such soldiers who are not
domiciled in your Departments to quit them, and to command your
Officers to carry out your order, if they find these unauthorized
persons. At the same time, in order to clear up the subject, you can
demand from the mayors, the Sous-Préfets, etc., a list of the men who
have a right to live in your Departments, and you can remove all
those, whose names are not to be found on the lists. This you may do,
because you would be only carrying out the decrees of the Sovereign
authority; but I do not think we should be justified in doing more
than this.”[114]
-----
Footnote 114:
_Supplementary Despatches, etc._ , xi. 303. Elsewhere, the Duke of
Wellington, writing to the French Government, says: “Je suis très loin
d’approuver les mesures de rigueur que je vois adoptées souvent comme
mesure de police, mais il n’est pas très facile de les empêcher.
L'existence d’une police militaire une fois admise, l’examen par les
commandants militaires des passeports de ceux, qui passent par le pays
occupé, en est une conséquence, qui ne peut pas être évitée. Il
faudrait voir, si en mettant en exécution ces mesures de police, il se
trouve des abus. Pour ce qui regarde la demande au maire de Stenay de
la liste des militaires qui s’y trouvent ou aux environs, V.E. verra
que j’avois suggéré cette mesure dans ma lettre au Général Ziethen.
Elle devient onéreuse à cause du nombre de militaires que se trouvent
dans ces environs; mais aussi il faut observer, que la nécessité de
tenir les militaires en observation, est urgente en proportion de
leurs nombres, et le Général Ziethen m’apprend dans une lettre du 20,
qu’il n’y a pas moins que 20,000, dans les districts occupés par
l’armée Prussienne” (Duke of Wellington to the Duc de Richelieu,
Paris, March 2, 1816: _ibid._, xi. 323).
-----
Owing to the arrangement sanctioned by the Convention of the 20th of
November, 1815, attached to the Treaty of the same date, by which the
French were allowed to maintain garrisons in certain specified places in
the Departments under foreign occupation, further complications arose,
which increased the tension between the King’s Government and the Allied
forces. While manœuvres were going on in the summer of 1816, the
Governor of St. Omer raised a note of alarm, on seeing British troops in
the vicinity of the fortress; and the excitement became such, that
Wellington was obliged to write to the Duc de Feltre (the War Minister),
a letter of strong remonstrance, in which, having first defended himself
against a ridiculous charge that he intended to seize a French fort, he
declared that the occupation was a measure calculated to secure the
peace of Europe and the consolidation of the Royal power, that the
foreign contingents were the allies of the King, and that he would not
suffer his soldiers to be disarmed when they had occasion to march
through a French garrison.[115]
-----
Footnote 115:
“Si on me croit assez fripon pour vouloir m’emparer d’une place
occupée par un garnison du Roi, on devrait au moins me faire la
justice de croire que je ne suis pas assez bête pour le faire....
L'occupation est une mesure de paix; son objet est, en affermissant le
trône du Roi, et en donnant au Roi le temps de s’affermir lui-même
dans son gouvernement, de maintenir la paix parmi les nations, et
d’assurer autant que possible la tranquillité du monde. Les troupes
des Puissances étrangères qui se trouvent en France sont donc les
alliées du Roi; et quel que soit l’opinion à présent sur le bien ou le
mal qu’elles font à S.M., on ne peut pas nier que l’année passée on
croyait que leur présence était absolument nécessaire pour assurer les
objets que tout homme bien pensant avait en vue. Mais quand des
troupes amies ou alliées se trouvent dans un pays, est-ce l’usage que,
... si on veut faire passer un détachment de troupes par une ville
fortifiée (et observez que si on veut marcher en hiver ou en été cette
armée-ci, il faut passer par les places fortes), il faut désarmer les
officiers et les soldats à la porte, placer les armes sur les
chariots, et passer ainsi comme prisonniers! Vraiment je rougis en
écrivant sur cette matière, dont je n’ai appris les détails que
dernièrement; et je m’assure que V.E. verra comme moi la nécessité de
mettre fin à de telles absurdités. Je sais bien qu’elles sont
contraires aux ordres du Roi.... Le principe et les usages militaires
exigent qu’il y ait des précautions en admettant une troupe, même de
la même nation, dans une place forte; mais est-ce nécessaire, est-ce
l’usage de les désarmer? Est-ce possible que je puisse m’y soumettre?
N'y a-t-il pas des précautions d’une autre nature qui seraient
réelles, et qui sont d’usage, et qui pourraient concilier tous les
objets de la sécurité de la ville à passer, avec ce qui est dû au
caractère et au respect dû à l’armée d’une autre nation? Par exemple,
ne pourrait-on pas avertir du passage, et convenir du nombre qui
pourrait passer par la porte au même moment?... Je ne peux pas, ni ne
veux pas, me soumettre au désarmement de mes soldats, en passant par
une ville quelconque” (_Supplementary Despatches, etc._ , xi. 493).
-----
The passage of troops through fortified places had an unfortunate result
at Cambrai; for, on the 10th of May, 1818, when a French detachment
marched through the town from Paris to Douai, a riot ensued, in which
three or four men of the Coldstream were injured. The British garrison
behaved well in the emergency, and the following order was published by
Colonel Woodford, then in command:—
“Colonel Woodford desires to express his satisfaction at the
temperance and forbearance shown by the Non-commissioned officers and
soldiers of the Brigade, in the affray between them and the French
soldiers and the inhabitants yesterday evening; to this temperate
conduct, so highly creditable to brave troops, and to the activity of
the Officers and Non-commissioned officers who were present, is to be
attributed the early restoration of order and tranquillity throughout
the town.”[116]
-----
Footnote 116:
_Brigade Order_ , Cambrai, May 11, 1818.
-----
[Illustration: N. R. Wilkinson del. MUSQUETEER 1650. Mintern Bros.
Chromo.]
The Allied forces were now soon to quit French territory. It had been
stipulated by treaty that the occupation was to last five years, but it
was also expressly stated that it might terminate in three, and all
parties by this time wished to bring it to a conclusion as soon as
possible. The French naturally pined for emancipation; and the words of
the Duc de Richelieu, delivered in the Chambers, that “every heart
throbbed at the thought of seeing on the soil of the country, no other
banner but that of France,” found a responsive echo throughout the
length and breadth of the land, and awoke a passionate longing for
freedom in the minds of the people, which was very difficult to resist.
Wellington, also, was disposed to assist them. The Government of the
King had been showing increased hostility to the foreign contingents,
who were becoming daily more hateful in the eyes of the French nation.
He expressed himself clearly on this subject to Lord Bathurst, on the
8th of March, 1818:—
“As soon as the occupation becomes odious to the people, and that we
are liable to the attacks which they are daily excited to make upon
us, and that, under these circumstances, we are to begin a new lease,
as it were, of the occupation, we must close up, and take our real
position with our whole force between the Meuse and the Scheldt, and
our occupation must become more burthensome to the country in which we
shall be placed, and in fact, become one of war. Of course that state
of things could not last, and the Powers of Europe must be prepared to
support their troops left in such a situation in this country.”[117]
-----
Footnote 117:
_Supplementary Despatches, etc._, xii. 381.
-----
It was apparent to all that this condition of tension must come to an
end; and, though there was no certainty that the King could maintain
himself on the throne without foreign support, yet it was evident that
the cure for the evils to be dreaded, was liable to become a greater
misfortune to Europe, than the apprehension itself. The French,
moreover, had made great efforts to discharge their financial
obligations to the Allies; and in these efforts they were successful,
aided by the Duke of Wellington, who, upon the proposal of the Emperor
of Russia, was appointed president of the diplomatic and finance
committee charged with the regulation of these liabilities.[118] Added
to this, the fortifications of the Netherlands frontier were by this
time nearly completed, and as this was done to form a barrier against
France, the moment had arrived when the country could be delivered from
the burden that oppressed it, as well as from the cause which produced
so much irritation.
-----
Footnote 118:
Sir Archibald Alison, _History of Europe from the Fall of Napoleon in
1815, to the Accession of Louis Napoleon in 1852_ , i. 538 (London,
1852). _Supplementary Despatches, etc._ , xii. 119, 156, 193.
-----
In the autumn, therefore, of 1818, a Congress was convened at
Aix-la-Chapelle, for the purpose of determining the question;[119] and
an agreement was made, on the 1st of October, by which the foreign
forces were to leave the soil of France on or before the 30th of
November. To this compact was added an invitation to His Most Christian
Majesty to join the four Great European Powers, and to take part in
their deliberations, present or future, for the maintenance of peace,
and for the mutual guarantee of the rights of nations. The conference,
however, did not end there; for a secret convention was also signed, by
the four Powers only, stipulating that, in case France should resume her
revolutionary ways, and again threaten the tranquillity of the civilized
world, British, Prussian, Austrian, and Russian _corps d’armées_ were to
assemble forthwith at Brussels, Cologne, Stuttgart, and Mainz
respectively, for the suppression of these disorders.[120]
-----
Footnote 119:
M. de Richelieu, present on the part of France, was instructed only to
obtain the emancipation of France. “Make every sacrifice,” said the
King to him at his departure, “to obtain the evacuation of the
territory. It is the first condition of our independence. No flag but
our own should wave in France. Express to my Allies how difficult my
government will be so long as it can be reproached with the calamities
of the country, and the occupation of the territory.... Obtain the
best conditions possible; but at any sacrifice, get quit of the
stranger” (Alison, _History of Europe, 1815-1852_ , i. 566).
Footnote 120:
_Ibid._ , i. 568, etc.
-----
Wellington took early measures to effect the evacuation by the army of
occupation, and hastened the operation with all possible despatch.
General von Frimont reported (October 23rd) that the Austrian contingent
would send the first column across the Rhine on the 1st of November, and
that the whole corps would quit French territory on the 11th. The
Prussians moved off early in the month, and were directed upon Cologne,
Bonn, and Coblentz. The Russians marched in two columns immediately
after the review, which had taken place near Villers-en-Couchies on the
23rd of October, the first through the Netherlands, the other following
the Prussians to the Rhine at Mannheim. After this latter column, came
the Saxons, who left Le Quesnoi on the 7th and 9th, and moved to
Forbach. The Bavarians began to evacuate their cantonments on the 12th;
while the Hanoverians and the Danes marched northwards, through the
Netherlands, the former between the 4th and the 9th, and the latter
between the 12th and the 19th. The British troops, who were placed under
canvas during their march, were sent to Calais immediately after the
review just mentioned, where they were embarked under the orders of
Major-General Sir M. Power. The embarkation began on the 29th of
October. As soon as the fortresses were permanently evacuated by the
Allies, the French, who had been specially authorized to enter the
occupied Departments for the purpose, marched into them without delay,
and, hoisting the white flag, under a Royal salute, once more took
possession of their own territory, amidst the universal enthusiasm and
joy of the military and of the inhabitants. The British stores, which
could not be conveyed to Calais, were shipped at Valenciennes, and were
taken by water to Antwerp; a portion were sold to the King of the
Netherlands.[121]
-----
Footnote 121:
_Supplementary Despatches, etc._ , xii. 739-826; Alison, _History of
Europe_ , 1815-1852, i. 574. It appears that the Russians returned to
their native country by sea (C. Joyneville, _Life and Times of
Alexander I._ , iii. 276: London, 1875).
-----
The progress of the evacuation being sufficiently advanced, the
Field-Marshal commanding the Allied forces, issued, on the 10th of
November, a valedictory address, and on the same day similar orders were
communicated to the British army. Later, on the 1st of December, a
letter from H.R.H. the Commander-in-Chief was published, conveying to
the British contingent the thanks of the Prince Regent “for the
discipline and good order which have been so successfully maintained, to
the honour of the British arms, during the period it has been stationed
in France.”[122]
-----
Footnote 122:
These three documents are to be found in Appendix VI.
-----
On the 6th of November, a letter was received from the Préfet of the
Department of Nord, recording his gratitude and that of his
subordinates, for the rigid discipline which prevailed in the army of
occupation, “to which has been due the harmony which existed between the
troops and the inhabitants.” He added that he felt a real satisfaction
in testifying to the excellent conduct of the British corps, and to the
zeal with which all the Officers carried out the views of the Duke, to
alleviate as much as possible the burden of the occupation.[123]
-----
Footnote 123:
_Supplementary Despatches, etc._ , xii. 784. The Duke’s answer is
given at p. 819, and conveys his acknowledgments to “the first
authority of the Department” for his good opinion.
-----
The Guards Brigade did not leave France with the rest of the British
army, but remained at head-quarters at Cambrai, with the Chief of the
Staff, Lieut.-General Sir G. Murray (the Duke being obliged to return to
Aix-la-Chapelle after the review of the 23rd of October), until the
morning of the 18th of November; when, evacuating the fortress, they
moved, at eleven o’clock, to Cantin. The march of the Coldstream was
made in six columns, four being composed of two companies; and was
continued to Calais, the port of embarkation, avoiding as much as
possible all large towns and centres of French patriotism. Marching by
Lillers, Racquingham, and Louches, the Brigade reached Calais on the
23rd, and immediately embarked for Dover. On this date Sir J. Lambert
published the following order of farewell to the Guards, who had
completed their service in France:—
“_Calais_, November 23, 1818. Major-General Sir J. Lambert cannot
relinquish the command of the Brigade without congratulating the
Officers and soldiers on the termination of a service of four years'
duration, during which they have acquired to themselves on many
occasions the greatest honour and credit. The Major-General requests
that the Officers will be assured that he was perfectly sensible of
the honour conferred upon him on his appointment to the Brigade, and
feels certain, had circumstances permitted that its exertions in the
field might have been more efficiently called for, that he should now
have had the satisfaction of expressing his admiration of that
distinguished conduct which has ever called forth the encomiums of
those who have had the good fortune to be in command.”[124]
-----
Footnote 124:
General Sir F. Hamilton, K.C.B., _History of the Grenadier Guards_,
iii. 74 (London, 1874).
-----
Arrived at Dover, the Coldstream marched to Chatham, where they arrived
on the 28th of November, and remained quartered in that garrison till
further orders.
Thus ended this stirring drama that began in March, 1815, and in which
the Coldstream Guards participated to the fullest extent. During these
eventful years, services were not only rendered to King and country, on
the field of battle, at one of the most momentous crises of modern
history; but duty was also zealously performed, in a less acknowledged
sphere, when a war-like nation was induced, with much difficulty, to
abate her military ardour, to renounce her menacing attitude, and to
resume a pacific policy towards her neighbours. The years spent in
France were useful to the British troops quartered there. It was a time
when they had to be prepared for every emergency, when they had to
cultivate amicable relations with a foreign people who resented deeply
their presence among them, when their demeanour towards the inhabitants
had to be both firm and conciliatory, and when their military efficiency
and discipline could alone enable them to discharge the delicate duties
with which they were entrusted.
This chapter must not conclude without recording that, at the end of the
occupation, the Duke of Wellington was created a Field-Marshal in the
armies of Austria, Russia, and Prussia; and that his services to Europe,
which could not be further rewarded by his own Sovereign, were
acknowledged in simple language, which expressed the difficulties of the
situation, and the Royal approbation at the manner in which they had
been overcome.
“The command of the army,” said Lord Bathurst, “composed of so many
nations, and belonging to Sovereigns eminently distinguished for their
military exploits, not stationed within any of their own dominions,
but in temporary and partial occupation of a given district within the
territories of a martial people, with whom His Majesty had so recently
closed an almost uninterrupted warfare of more than twenty years'
duration, presented difficulties of no ordinary magnitude, which could
only be surmounted by no ordinary measure of judgment and discretion.
In this command your Grace maintained the British army (divided for
the relief of the inhabitants in separate and distant quarters)
unimpaired in their discipline, and even improved in their condition.
You preserved the several contingents composing the Allied army in the
utmost harmony with each other, and in the best understanding with the
authorities of the country which they occupied. You won so much upon
the esteem and confidence of His Majesty’s Allies, that they all
spontaneously applied for your arbitration of their respective claims
upon France; and you impressed that Government with such a sense of
your justice, impartiality, and exertions, that you had the
gratification of receiving assurances from His Most Christian Majesty
that, but for your intervention, that intricate negotiation could not
have been satisfactorily concluded. Amidst, therefore, the signal
achievements which will carry your name and the glory of the British
Empire down to the latest posterity, it will not form the least part
of your Grace’s renown, that you have exercised and concluded a
command, unexampled in its character, with the concurrent voice of
approbation from all whom it could concern.”[125]
-----
Footnote 125:
Earl Bathurst to the Duke of Wellington, Nov. 27, 1818: _Supplementary
Despatches, etc._ , xii. 851.
-----
CHAPTER IV.
FIRST PART OF THE LONG EUROPEAN PEACE.
Distress in England after the war—Reductions in the Army and
Navy—Stations of the Brigade—French Eagles captured, deposited in
the Chapel Royal, Whitehall—Reforms in interior economy—Death of
George III., and Accession of George IV.—Cato Street
Conspiracy—Trial of Queen Caroline—Coronation of George IV.—Guards
in Dublin—Distress in 1826—Death of the Duke of York—Changes in
uniform—Death of George IV.; succeeded by William IV.—Political
agitation at home, revolution abroad; the Reform Act—Coronation of
William IV.—First appearance of cholera—Death of the King, and
Accession of Her Majesty Queen Victoria—Changes and reforms
introduced during the reign of William IV.
The defeat of Napoleon brought about a period of peace in Europe, which,
lasting till 1853, almost entirely undisturbed by the clash of arms, is
chiefly conspicuous in history for the internal changes, and for the
popular and national ideas that were then developed, both in England and
on the Continent. This period, containing necessarily, as far as the
Coldstream is concerned, few of those stirring incidents which invest
the annals of a regiment with public interest, marks the introduction to
our present modern society, and exhibits a rapid growth in the British
Empire, and a great improvement in the material lot of the people. But
it opened inauspiciously, and was at its commencement tinged with gloom.
The principles of the French Revolution, generating dangerous and
violent forces, and threatening Christendom with anarchy and
destruction, were at length laid low, and, to outward appearances at
least, they were finally crushed and eradicated. The victory rested with
England, to whose indomitable energy, national power, and vast financial
resources, the result of the gigantic contest had been due. And as men
who have conquered in a desperate struggle, to rest and refreshment as
the fruit of their labours, so did Great Britain indulge in the
expectation that, the enemy being vanquished, she would at once be
compensated for her innumerable sacrifices by the quiet and unalloyed
enjoyment of the rewards of her valour. Nor was this an extravagant
hope. Even during the war, while the people were oppressed by a crushing
taxation, and when the country was in the very throes of an exhausting
and terrible conflict, England, thanks to her commanding maritime
supremacy, that alone endowed her with extraordinary strength, advanced
steadily in riches and in population.[126] It may, then, be readily
conceived that, if such was the case in the hour of darkness, the nation
had cause to look forward with confidence, to a rapidly accelerating
progress in material prosperity, as soon as the millennium of a general
peace should dawn upon the civilized world. But anticipations are
frequently disappointed, and in this case they were not immediately
realized. The cessation of hostilities, instead of heralding an era of
plenty, was the signal of much misery and distress, which cast a dark
shadow over the last few years of the reign of George III., and
chastened the rejoicings that followed the successful termination of the
greatest war of modern times.
-----
Footnote 126:
The exports, which in 1792 were valued at £27,000,000, amounted to
nearly £58,000,000 in 1815; imports rose from £19,000,000 to
£32,000,000 between those years; the shipping advanced from 1,000,000
to 2,500,000 tons; and the population of the three kingdoms, from
14,000,000 to 18,000,000 souls (Alison, _History of Europe_ ,
1815-1852, i. 79).
-----
Various causes are assigned for this unexpected suffering, into which we
cannot enter. Suffice it to record the fact, and to note, that the
widespread poverty that then prevailed, led to disorder, which, breaking
out in many parts of the country, had to be quelled by the interference
of military force. In London there were also disturbances or threats of
riots, so that, from the end of 1816 until the autumn of 1817—and,
indeed, upon many occasions afterwards—the Guards quartered in the
Metropolis were constantly kept ready for the preservation of the public
peace; the troops were often confined to barracks, the Officers recalled
from leave, the public duties strengthened, and piquets temporarily sent
to protect vulnerable points in the city. The rabble, urged by leaders,
who endeavoured, as usual, to convert the distress to their own
purposes, began to display a rising animosity towards the soldiery;[127]
and schemes were formed for the purpose of burning the barracks in
London, and of attacking the Tower, the Bank, and other places of
importance. No actual outbreak occurred until the 2nd of December, when
a disturbance took place, known as the Spafield riots, in which the mob,
having procured arms, marched into the City and retained possession of
the Minories for some hours. After doing much damage, they were
dislodged by the troops sent to put them down, and the district was
patrolled till order was completely restored.[128]
-----
Footnote 127:
Adverting to the insults to which both Officers and men were exposed
when mounting and dismounting guard, marshal-men and park-keepers were
warned to attend those parades, and to prevent the disorder complained
of, and Officers were ordered to report them, if this duty was not
properly performed (_Brigade Order_ , Oct. 17, 1816).
Footnote 128:
_Annual Register_ , 1816, “Chronicle,” 190; _ibid._, 1817, “General
History,” 7, 12. The following letter from the Adjutant-General of the
Forces to the Field-Officer in Brigade Waiting, dated December 4th,
and published in Brigade Orders of the 6th, refers to this riot: “I
have received the Commander-in-Chief’s commands to desire that you
will convey to the Brigade of Foot Guards, H.R.H.'s entire approbation
during the last two days, of the temper and discipline they have
displayed, while rendering the most effectual aid to the civil
authorities, by which the tranquillity of the metropolis has been
secured.”
-----
The abrupt cessation of hostilities occasioned reductions in the large
naval and military establishments which had to be maintained for the
vigorous prosecution of the war; and the promptitude with which they
were effected, aggravated not a little the general distress that
followed. The Government, defeated in their proposal to continue the
property tax, and having thereupon voluntarily given up the war duty on
malt, found themselves suddenly deprived of £17,000,000 of revenue, and
had no option but to discharge forthwith, and in no sparing manner, a
large portion of the forces of the Crown. Of the 100,000 men required
for the Navy in 1815, only 33,000 were retained in 1816; the military
establishment was also fixed during the Session, at 111,756 men, not
counting the regiments serving in India, paid by the East India Company,
nor the contingent quartered in France and provided for by that nation.
To effect the necessary reductions in the land services, some 50,000 of
the regular Army, the Militia 80,000 strong, and of course the foreign
corps, nearly 21,000 men, were disbanded.[129] Some of these changes did
not take place until 1817, but they affected the Coldstream as early as
the 24th of December, 1815, when the Regiment lost 400 men; on the 24th
of March, 1817, simultaneously with the reduction effected in the army
of occupation in France, another diminution of 200 men was made in the
establishment; again, shortly after the 2nd Battalion returned from
Cambrai (December, 1818), the services of four Lieutenants, sixteen
Ensigns, two Assistant-Surgeons, and 200 men were further dispensed
with; and lastly, on the 25th of August, 1821, four companies were
abolished, twelve Officers were seconded, and 216 Non-commissioned
officers and men were discharged.[130] The sweeping nature of these
reductions, rendered necessary by the termination of the war, is perhaps
best appreciated by comparing the Regimental establishment as it stood
in the spring of 1814, with that which was in force in the autumn of
1821:—
1814. 1821.
22 Companies. 16 Companies.
4 Field-Officers (Colonel, 4 Field-Officers (Colonel,
Lieutenant-Colonel, and 2 Lieutenant-Colonel, and 2
Majors). Majors).
22 Captains. 16 Captains.
46 Lieutenants. 20 Lieutenants.
20 Ensigns. 12 Ensigns.
2 Adjutants. 2 Adjutants.
2 Quartermasters. 2 Quartermasters.
3 Surgeon-Major and Battalion 3 Surgeon-Major and Battalion
Surgeons. Surgeons.
4 Assistant-Surgeons. 2 Assistant-Surgeons.
1 Solicitor. 1 Solicitor.
2 Drum-Majors. 2 Drum-Majors.
1 Deputy Marshal. 1 Deputy Marshal.[131]
2 Sergeants-Major. 2 Sergeants-Major.
2 Quartermaster-Sergeants. 2 Quartermaster-Sergeants.
2 Armourer-Sergeants. 2 Armourer-Sergeants.
2 Schoolmaster-Sergeants. 2 Schoolmaster-Sergeants.
176 Sergeants. 64 Sergeants.
176 Corporals 63 Corporals.
47 Drummers and Fifers. 35 Drummers and Fifers.
2706 Privates. 1344 Privates.
—— ——
3220 Total. 1580 Total.
-----
Footnote 129:
Alison, _History of Europe_ , 1815-1852, i. 108. “We have had one of
the most disagreeable sessions I ever remember; a sour, discontented
temper among our friends, considerable distress throughout the
country, and endless debates upon economy, whilst everything that has
been done by the Prince and his Government, is either forgotten or
thrown into the shade” (Lord Castlereagh to the Duke of Wellington,
May 13th, 1816: _Supplementary Despatches, etc._ , xi. 401).
Footnote 130:
If Officers, not included in the reduction of 1818, wished to retire
on half-pay, the difference to be paid on an exchange was fixed at
£1000 for a Lieutenant, and at £600 for an Ensign, “to those on the
permanent establishment who may be entitled to such indulgence.” In
the reduction of 1821, the men were allowed to take away their
knapsacks, their regimental clothing of the year, and their great
coats, if they had been two years in wear; the Officers seconded, were
to be re-absorbed into the Regiment, by seniority, as vacancies
occurred. (Lord Palmerston to Field-Marshal H.R.H. the Duke of
Cambridge, Colonel of the Coldstream Guards, War Office, Aug. 16,
1821.)
Footnote 131:
The Deputy Marshal ceased to form part of the Regimental establishment
in December, 1828.
-----
In consequence of these changes, the King’s Guard and the Buckingham
House Guard were reduced to ninety and thirty privates respectively, and
the other public duties were lightened (January 1, 1822); very shortly
afterwards (February 14th), the guards furnished by the Tower Battalion
at the East and West India Docks were also abolished, and the Dock
companies were thereby obliged to provide themselves with adequate
protection.
During the war of 1815, and the subsequent occupation of Paris, there
were only three Battalions of the Brigade in England, and they were all
quartered in the West-end of London. In the winter of 1815-16, after the
conclusion of the peace, two more Battalions returned home, when Windsor
and the Tower were again occupied. On the 20th of August, 1816, a roster
was published for the regular half-yearly change of quarters, viz. from
the Tower, to Windsor, to Lower Westminster, to Portman Street barracks,
to Knightsbridge barracks. This arrangement was slightly altered in
December, 1818, when French territory was evacuated, and Finsbury and
Chatham were added to the list.[132] The quarters at these last two
places were shortly afterwards vacated, or irregularly occupied, and
Holborn and Brighton (or Portsmouth) substituted for them; in the end of
1821, a Battalion of Foot Guards proceeded to Dublin, and six months
later the Brigade was stationed as follows:—Grenadier Guards, 1st
Battalion, Dublin; 2nd Battalion, Tower; 3rd Battalion, Knightsbridge:
Coldstream Guards, 1st Battalion, King’s Mews barracks (now known as St.
George’s barracks); 2nd Battalion, Portman Street: Third Guards, 1st
Battalion, Lower Westminster; 2nd Battalion, Windsor.[133]
-----
Footnote 132:
_Brigade Orders_ , Aug. 20, 1816, and Dec. 9, 1818; the latter of
which contained a provision to enable the Coldstream and the Third
Guards to exchange quarters with a Regiment having two Battalions in
London, in the event of both their Battalions being simultaneously out
of town.
Knightsbridge barracks occupied a site near St. George’s Place, Hyde
Park Corner, at the back of the present Alexandra Hotel; Portman
Street barracks was situated where Granville Place, Portman Square, is
now built.
Footnote 133:
The changes of stations, as far as they affect the Regiment, up to
January, 1833, are given in Appendix No. 273 of MacKinnon’s _Origin
and Services of the Coldstream Guards_ ; after that date, they are to
be found in Appendix No. XV.
-----
As there was not, at this time, sufficient accommodation for a battalion
at any of the London barracks, that portion of the men who could not be
lodged there were billeted in the vicinity. At Windsor, also, the Foot
Guards, though sometimes furnishing detachments at Hungerford, Reading,
Kew, and Sandhurst, had not enough room in the barracks, and a portion
of the men were similarly provided with quarters in the town. The system
of billeting was gradually brought to an end, but it does not seem to
have entirely disappeared, in London at least, until 1837, when barrack
accommodation was provided for the whole Brigade. The discipline of the
men in quarters was specially looked after, each company being told off
into squads under proper superintendence; the men were frequently
visited, and were efficiently controlled, and reports were made of any
complaint either on the part of the soldiers, or on the part of the
landlords.[134] The following appears in the 1st Battalion Orders of the
25th of February, 1820:—
Colonel Woodford feels certain, from the excellent conduct of the
Battalion throughout the past year, that he may look forward with
confidence to a continuance of good order, sobriety, and discipline in
quarters, and although many soldiers will be dispersed in the
public-houses, he trusts that they will never dishonour themselves by
associating with any disaffected or ill-disposed people. The men must
be regular and clean in their quarters, and they may expect to be
visited frequently and at uncertain times and hours, both by day and
in the evening; and any man reported for improper behaviour will be
removed to barracks immediately.
-----
Footnote 134:
See _2nd Battalion Order_, Sept. 11, 1819. It appears that the men of
the Brigade were at one time allowed to earn money as coal porters,
but no record has been found to show when the practice ceased. It is
said that a certain number of men on guard were also allowed to do the
same thing, provided they joined their posts at the evening roll-call,
and that this was the origin of beating the taptoo on the Queen’s
Guard.
-----
From May, 1816, until the summer of 1820, the West-end Battalions
supplied a detachment of some 250 men, at Deptford and Woolwich, to
protect the Government establishments maintained there. The detachment
was relieved every fortnight at first, and afterwards once a month.
Later, the Brigade supplied detachments of variable strength, for the
same purpose, at irregular periods, to both, or to either of, these
places, viz.: April, 1836-April, 1837; June, 1847-November, 1847; July,
1850; March, 1851; October 28, 1853-February 8, 1854.
On the 18th of January, 1816, the Eagles captured at Waterloo, were
deposited with great solemnity in the Chapel Royal, Whitehall. An
escort, consisting of Officers and men of the three Regiments, who had
all been present at the battle (of which the Coldstream furnished 1
sergeant, 1 corporal, and 23 privates), marched past the public duties
and the rest of the Brigade, assembled on the Horse Guards parade,
lowering the Eagles as they approached the King’s Colour, and proceeded
thence to Whitehall, accompanied by the band of the Coldstream. Divine
Service was then read, during which, the trophies were brought in, and
were lodged in the Chapel.
It is perhaps worthy of remark that, as early as 1817, Government
granted to soldiers the privilege of sending their own letters by post,
at the then very cheap rate of one penny.[135]
-----
Footnote 135:
_General Order_ , Jan. 22, 1817.
-----
The supply of Regimental necessaries had hitherto not been
satisfactorily managed. The Commanding Officer accordingly established
stores, from which all the articles required by the men could be
procured, of good quality, at the cheapest rate, and at fixed and known
prices; and he published an order, January 23, 1817, directing that, for
the future, all the men’s necessaries should be got for them there, and
at no other place.[136] This order was enforced in the 2nd Battalion,
then at Cambrai, on the 9th of February.[137]
-----
Footnote 136:
By 1st Battalion Order, October 10, 1819, all articles of necessaries
and clothing were to be marked with the Regimental mark previous to
their delivery to the men.
-----
-----
Footnote 137:
The following Battalion Order was issued on this subject, dated
Cambrai, February 11, 1817: “The monthly inspection of necessaries is
to take place every 24th, if possible. The different articles sealed
and approved by the Commanding Officer are to be the patterns for the
Battalion, and no necessaries are to be considered as Regimental
excepting such as are stamped by the Quartermaster. The
Non-commissioned officers and men are to be completed according to the
list sent to each company. There will be only one delivery of
necessaries in the month from the store-room, as soon after the
inspection as possible. The sealed patterns are to be sent to each
company with the new articles, to enable the men to compare them, and
if they are not equally good, the pay-sergeants are to send them back
immediately to the Quartermaster.”
-----
Increased attention was paid about this time to interior economy, and
former orders on the subject, issued piecemeal, were summarized. The
method of paying the men and of keeping their accounts, established by
the Commanding Officer, was enforced by Regimental Orders of January 19,
1818, and July 28, 1820; the messing was more closely looked after; and
the duties of the company Officers, and of the Officer of the day, were
better defined. By a Regimental Order of June 20, 1822,[138] Officers
commanding companies were directed frequently to visit the barrack
rooms, and to see the messes, also to inspect the men’s necessaries
weekly, instead of monthly as heretofore; marching order parades every
Sunday morning were then instituted for this purpose, and the custom was
not abolished until the year 1843, when Saturday was finally substituted
for Sunday, as the day upon which the inspection was to take place.
-----
Footnote 138:
Repeated and somewhat enlarged by 2nd Battalion Orders of August 2,
1827, and February 25, 1830. By the former, the Officer for the week
was directed to inspect the breakfast messes every morning at eight
a.m.
-----
Colonel Sir Richard Jackson, K.C.B. (First Major of the Regiment),
having left the Coldstream, Colonel Alexander Woodford, C.B., succeeded
him in the command of the 1st Battalion, and Colonel Sir Henry Bouverie,
K.C.B., promoted Second Major, assumed the command of the 2nd Battalion
(January 18, 1820).
George III., after a long and glorious reign of sixty years, died on the
29th of January, 1820, and was succeeded by the Prince of Wales, who,
through the illness of the King, had been Prince Regent, or Monarch in
fact, though not in name, ever since the end of 1810. The ten years
during which George IV. occupied the Throne, did not differ generally
from the five that succeeded Waterloo: they were marked by disturbances
and political commotions, which, lasting until the reign of his
successor, William IV., brought about important and radical changes in
the constitution of the country. During this period, moreover, the power
of steam was brought into practical use, and railways and steam-ships
began to take the place of stage coaches and sailing vessels. England,
in short, was passing through a phase of transition, when a new order
was being established both in the political and social life of the
people.
The first Battalions of the three Regiments of Foot Guards attended
the obsequies of George III., which took place at Windsor, February
16th, and received from General Earl Cathcart, Gold Stick in Waiting,
in chief command of the troops, through Colonel Askew, the
Field-Officer in Brigade Waiting, “the entire approbation of H.R.H.
the Commander-in-Chief of their appearance, attention, and regularity,
on that most melancholy occasion, and his sincere thanks for the
propriety of their conduct in performing the several services assigned
to them.” Next day the 1st Battalion Coldstream proceeded for four
months to Portsmouth, returning to Windsor in June.
The 2nd Battalion meanwhile remained at Portman Street, and rendered
good service on the occasion of the apprehension of the Cato Street
conspirators, on the 23rd of February. It was ascertained that the
latter, not unlike a modern gang of anarchists, were plotting to murder
the King’s ministers, and to overturn every form of government; that
they were well armed, and were lying concealed in a loft over a stable
in Cato Street, the only approach to which was by a ladder and through a
trap-door. Some police, accompanied by a detachment of thirty men of the
2nd Battalion, under Lieutenant F. FitzClarence, stormed the loft,
garrisoned by twenty-five desperate characters, and a fight ensued in
the dark, under circumstances of great confusion. Several conspirators
succeeded in making their escape, but nine were secured, and sufficient
arms and ammunition for one hundred persons were seized; not, however,
before one of the policemen was killed, and a sergeant of the 2nd
Battalion, named Legge, wounded.[139] A Regimental Order, dated February
25th, was issued, referring to this incident:—
The Commanding Officer has great pleasure in expressing his
satisfaction with the piquet of the 2nd Battalion commanded by
Lieutenant FitzClarence, on the night of the 23rd instant. The
gallantry and moderation with which they performed their duty, are in
the highest degree creditable.
-----
Footnote 139:
_Annual Register_ , 1820, “Chronicle,” 51. Alison, _History of
Europe_ , 1815-1852, ii. 424.
-----
The new reign began with an event that stirred the whole nation to the
very depths, and wrought irreparable scandal through every grade of
society—the trial of the unfortunate Caroline, Queen of George IV.
Happily, the episode is now forgotten, and there is no necessity to
revive it. But the trial of a Queen, publicly charged with degrading
personal conduct, is unique in modern history, and it created naturally
an extraordinary excitement among all classes at the time; and, as
feeling upon the subject ran exceedingly high, and a spirit of disorder
and disaffection was widespread, the Brigade had a part to play in it,
which cannot entirely be passed over. The trial itself took the form of
a Bill of Pains and Penalties, read a first time in the House of Lords,
July 5th. On the second reading, evidence was heard, and the
proceedings, beginning on the 17th of August, did not end until the 6th
of November, when there was a majority of twenty-eight in favour of the
measure. At the third reading (November 10th), the majority sank to nine
votes, and thereupon Government abandoned the Bill. The populace had
ever been the partisans of the unhappy Queen, and, when she arrived in
England in June, she met with a reception which could only compare with
that which greeted Charles II. on the restoration of the Monarchy in
1660. So, also, when the withdrawal of the Bill was announced, London
was illuminated on three successive nights, and, the results of the
inquiry being forgotten, a universal joy manifested itself through the
whole country, which almost equalled the unbounded enthusiasm displayed
after the fall of Napoleon.
During this trying time, the Battalions of the Brigade quartered in the
Metropolis formed the main force for the repression of disorder, and
arrangements of the most comprehensive nature were made to prevent an
outbreak that was almost hourly expected. A detachment of 350 rank and
file was furnished daily, from the 17th of August, for the protection of
the House of Lords. For this purpose, 50 men were added to the Tylt, a
guard of 50 men was stationed during the trial, in the Cotton Yard
behind Westminster Palace, the piquet at Carlton Palace was permanently
posted, and a force was held as a reserve in St. James’s Park. The guard
at the British Museum was doubled, the Tower Battalion was prepared to
supply 200 men at any moment, on the requisition of the Lord Mayor,
while a Captain’s piquet of 100 rank and file was kept constantly ready
at each of the three principal West-end barracks—the King’s Mews,
Knightsbridge, and Portman Street. The usual half-yearly change of
quarters took place on the 26th of August, when the 1st Battalion
Coldstream proceeded from Windsor to the Tower, and the 2nd Battalion
from Portman Street to Knightsbridge barracks, and to that part of Upper
Westminster contiguous thereto. The military arrangements made for the
trial were sometimes modified during its procedure, now being reduced
and again increased. During October, a guard was placed in Westminster
Hall, and the Bank piquet remained on duty for twenty-four hours. These
precautions were finally discontinued on the 15th of November, and the
ordinary leave granted to Officers; though we find, on the 28th, riots
were again apprehended, and the 1st Battalion was directed to attend to
the Lord Mayor’s requisition to the extent of 300 men.
The violence of popular excitement soon subsides, and, the inquiry over,
the Queen’s partisans lost interest in her cause. The King, too, became
more popular with the mob, and it was possible to fix a date for his
Coronation. This great event was solemnized upon the 19th of July, 1821,
with all the magnificent pomp and quaint ceremonial of past ages, and is
more than usually interesting in that it was carefully conducted upon
ancient models, and that it is the last pageant of its kind which is
ever likely to be seen in England. The Royal procession, in gorgeous and
mediæval array, moved from Westminster Hall to the Abbey by a covered
platform, 1500 feet long, by 25 broad, fitted with a lower edging three
feet wide on each side, and returned by the same route, after the
religious ceremony was concluded. The whole of the Foot Guards (except
the 1st Battalion Third Guards) were present (the 2nd Battalion
Coldstream having been brought up from Windsor for the purpose), and
were commanded by Colonel Hon. H. Brand, Lieut.-Colonel of the Regiment.
The two Grenadier companies of the Coldstream were stationed in the
Abbey with the State Colours. The platform was lined throughout by 1500
men standing in single file on each side, on the lower portions just
mentioned. They were divided into three divisions, each under a
Field-Officer, with a part of the bands, drums, etc. Forty Officers and
1141 men were employed in furnishing strong piquets, extra guards, and
Guards of Honour, in strengthening the public duties, and in patrolling
the neighbourhood of Westminster. A portion of the streets was also
lined, the Coldstream having its right at the west gate of the Abbey,
and extending towards Westminster Hall. The troops got into position at
one o’clock in the night preceding the ceremony; and a large force of
cavalry, aided by Yeomanry, the Light Horse Volunteers, and the
Honourable Artillery Company, were also present under Major-General Lord
Edward Somerset, and furnished patrols throughout the Metropolis. These
ample precautions were rendered necessary by the apprehension of a riot;
for the Queen, whose application to be crowned had been refused,
expressed a determination, nevertheless, to appear in person, and
serious disturbances were expected to be the result. To such an extent
did the panic spread, that, we are told, places to see the procession,
which had been selling for ten guineas, were to be had, on the morning
of the ceremony, for half a crown.[140]
-----
Footnote 140:
Alison, _History of Europe_ , 1815-1852, ii. 484. For a full account
of the Coronation of King George IV., see _Annual Register_ , 1821,
“Appendix to Chronicle,” p. 324, etc.
-----
The following General Order was published on the day after the
Coronation:—
“The Commander-in-Chief has received the King’s gracious command to
express to the troops employed yesterday in aid of the arrangements
for the Coronation, His Majesty’s thanks for the orderly, soldierlike,
and exemplary conduct which they have evinced upon the occasion. The
Commander-in-Chief has received the King’s further command, through
the Secretary of State, to convey to the Light Horse, His Majesty’s
thanks for their services upon the same occasion, and his full sense
and approbation of the loyalty and zeal which they have manifested in
the offer of them.”
Next day, on the appointment of Colonel Brand, C.B., to the rank of
Major-General, Colonel Woodford, who had commanded the Coldstream
Battalion at Waterloo, became Lieut.-Colonel of the Regiment, and
Colonel Macdonell, C.B., promoted Major, was posted to the command of
the 2nd Battalion.
On the 3rd of September, the sum of £665 was distributed among the
Non-commissioned officers and men of the Brigade who had taken part in
the King’s Coronation, under the name of “Platform money.” The 6
Sergeants-Major received each 14_s._ 1½_d._; 226 Sergeants, 7_s._
1½_d._; 225 Corporals, 4_s._ 8¾_d._; and 3575 Drummers and Privates,
2_s._ 11¼_d._ A little more than £100 was allotted per Battalion, the
Coldstream receiving £212 2_s._ 1½_d._
It seems unnecessary to record the various and numerous reviews that
have at all times taken place; it would be monotonous to do so, and
little interest would thereby be afforded. For the most part, therefore,
they will be omitted. It was usual upon these and other occasions, for
the inspecting Officer to record publicly his opinion of the state of
the troops reviewed; thus very many testimonials exist—speaking of the
efficiency which has ever distinguished the Coldstream, and thanking the
Officers and men for their zeal and exertions—written by order of the
Sovereign, the Commander-in-Chief, the Colonel of the Regiment, the
Lieut.-Colonel, Generals under whom a Battalion happened to be serving,
and also giving messages from foreign Princes. These communications to
the Regiment have also been generally omitted, as their number renders
it difficult to reproduce them, and as their repetition would be
tedious.
It has been already mentioned that a Battalion of the Foot Guards was
sent to Dublin at the end of 1821. The step was rendered advisable by
the increasing trouble which afflicted Ireland, where discontent
prevailed, and where the recent currency laws had reduced the value of
agricultural produce, on which alone the peasants had to depend. Each
Battalion was kept there for a year, the change being made in the
summer. It became the turn of the 1st Battalion Coldstream to proceed to
Dublin in July, 1823, and on the 25th the troops were conveyed in canal
boats from Paddington on the road to Liverpool, whence they were sent to
their destination. The Lieut.-Colonel of the Regiment thus published his
opinion on the manner in which the start was effected from London:—
_Regimental Order, July 25, 1823._ Colonel Woodford desires to
express the satisfaction he felt at witnessing the highly creditable
manner in which the 1st Battalion turned out for the embarkation this
morning; he has particularly to notice the sobriety of the men, and
the activity and propriety with which the Non-commissioned officers
performed their duties, and he has made a favourable report to H.R.H.
the Duke of York on the subject.
During their stay in Ireland, this Battalion gained the unqualified
approbation and praise of the Lieut.-General, the Commander of the
Forces, and of the Major-General commanding the District; and this will
be best shown by giving two orders issued in Dublin. The first appeared
in Regimental Orders of February 19, 1824:
_Garrison Orders, Dublin, January 24, 1824._ Major-General Sir C.
Grant has great pleasure in expressing to the garrison of Dublin, the
satisfaction the Lieutenant-General Commanding the Forces experienced
yesterday in making the inspection of the Coldstream Guards. The
order, cleanliness, and regularity which were so observable, reflect
much credit on Lieut.-Colonel Milman and the Officers of this
distinguished corps, generally, and the great attention which has been
paid to that essential branch of interior economy. As all Commanding
Officers in Garrison were present at this inspection, they have had an
opportunity of seeing how much can be done, even in very indifferent
barracks, by a little care and attention. The Major-General will
expect to find all the barracks of the Garrison of Dublin in the same
creditable state as those of the Coldstream Guards.
The second was published as follows:—
“_Regimental Order, August 7, 1824._ Colonel Woodford has great
pleasure in communicating to the 2nd Battalion, the General Order
issued in Dublin, so flattering to the Officers, Non-commissioned
officers, and men of the 1st Battalion.”