FAMOUS PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGNS PREVIOUS TO 1840.
The Origin of the "Caucus"--The Election of 1792--The First Stormy
Election--The Constitution Amended--Improvement of the Method of
Nominating Presidential Candidates--The First Presidential
Convention--Convention in Baltimore in 1832--Exciting Scenes--The
Presidential Campaign of 1820--"Old Hickory"--Andrew Jackson's
Popularity--Jackson Nominated--"Old Hickory" Defeated--The "Log-Cabin"
and "Hard-Cider" Campaign of 1840--"Tippecanoe and Tyler Too"--Peculiar
Feature of the Harrison Campaign.
The presidential nominating convention is a modern institution. In the
early days of the Republic a very different method was pursued in order
to place the candidates for the highest office in the land before the
people.
THE ORIGIN OF THE "CAUCUS."
In the first place, as to the origin of the "caucus." In the early part
of the eighteenth century a number of caulkers connected with the
shipping business in the North End of Boston held a meeting for
consultation. That meeting was the germ of the political caucuses which
have formed so prominent a feature of our government ever since its
organization.
The Constitution of our country was framed and signed in the month of
September, 1787, by the convention sitting in Philadelphia, and then
sent to the various Legislatures for their action. It could not become
binding until ratified by nine States. On the 2d of July, 1788, Congress
was notified that the necessary nine States had approved, and on the
13th of the following September a day was appointed for the choice of
electors for President. The day selected was the first Wednesday of
January, 1789. The date for the beginning of proceedings under the new
Constitution was postponed to the first Wednesday in March, which
happened to fall on the 4th. In that way the 4th of March became fixed
as the date of the inauguration of each President, except when the date
is on Sunday, when it becomes the 5th.
Congress met at that time in the city of New York. It was not until the
1st of April that a quorum for business appeared in the House of
Representatives, and the Senate was organized on the 6th of that month.
The electors who were to choose the President were selected by the
various State Legislatures, each elector being entitled to cast two
votes. The rule was that the candidate receiving the highest number
became President, while the next highest vote elected the
Vice-President. The objection to this method was that the two might
belong to different political parties, which very condition of things
came about at the election of the second President, when John Adams was
chosen to the highest office and Thomas Jefferson to the second. The
former was a Federalist, while Jefferson was a Republican, or, as he
would have been called later, a Democrat. Had Adams died while in
office, the policy of his administration would have been changed.
There could be no doubt as to the first choice. While Washington lived
and was willing thus to serve his country, what other name could be
considered? So, when the electoral vote was counted on the 6th of April,
1789, every vote of the ten States which took part in the election was
cast for him. He received 69 (all); John Adams, 34; John Jay, 9; R.H.
Harrison, 6; John Rutledge, 6; John Hancock, 4; George Clinton, 3;
Samuel Huntingdon, 2; John Milton, 2; James Armstrong, Benjamin Lincoln,
and Edward Telfair, 1 each.
THE ELECTION OF 1792.
At the next election, in 1792, the result was: Washington, 132 (all)
votes; John Adams, 77; George Clinton, 50; Thomas Jefferson, 4; Aaron
Burr, 1; vacancies, 3. It would have been the same at the third election
had the illustrious Father of his Country consented to be a candidate;
but he was growing feeble, and had already sacrificed so much for his
country, that his yearning for the quiet, restful life at Mount Vernon
could not be denied him. So he retired, and, less than three years
later, passed from earth.
THE FIRST STORMY ELECTION.
What may be looked upon as the first stormy election of a President took
place in 1800. When the electoral votes came to be counted, they were
found to be distributed as follows: Thomas Jefferson, 73; Aaron Burr,
73; John Adams, 65; Charles C. Pinckney, 64; John Jay, 1. Jefferson and
Burr being tied, the election was thrown into the House of
Representatives, where the contest became a memorable one. The House met
on the 11th of February, 1801, to decide the question. On the first
ballot, Jefferson had eight States and Burr six, while Maryland and
Vermont were equally divided. Here was another tie.
[Illustration: A TYPICAL VIRGINIA COURT-HOUSE.]
Meanwhile, one of the most terrific snowstorms ever known swept over
Washington. Mr. Nicholson, of Maryland, was seriously ill in bed, and
yet, if he did not vote, his State would be given to Burr, who would be
elected President. Nicholson showed that he had the "courage of his
convictions" by allowing himself to be bundled up and carried through
the blizzard to one of the committee rooms, where his wife stayed by his
side day and night. On each ballot the box was brought to his bedside,
and he did not miss one. The House remained in continuous session until
thirty-five ballots had been cast without any change.
It was clear by that time that Burr could not be elected, for the
columns of Jefferson were as immovable as a stone wall. The break, when
it came, must be in the ranks of Burr. On the thirty-sixth ballot, the
Federalists of Maryland, Delaware, and South Carolina voted blank, and
the Federalist of Vermont stayed away. This gave the friends of
Jefferson their opportunity, and, fortunately for the country, Thomas
Jefferson was elected instead of the miscreant Burr.
THE CONSTITUTION AMENDED.
As a result of this noted contest, the Constitution was so amended that
each elector voted for a President and a Vice-President, instead of for
two candidates for President. It was a needed improvement, since it
insured that both should belong to the same political party.
During the first term of Washington, the country was divided into two
powerful political parties. Men who, like Washington, Hamilton, and
others, believed in a strong central government, with only such
political power as was absolutely necessary distributed among the
various States, were Federalists. Those who insisted upon the greatest
possible power for the States, yielding nothing to Congress beyond what
was distinctly specified in the Constitution, were Republicans, of whom
Thomas Jefferson was the foremost leader. Other points of difference
developed as the years passed, but the main distinction was as given.
After the election of John Adams, the Federalist party gradually
dwindled, and in the war of 1812 its unpatriotic course fatally weakened
the organization.
THE COUNTRY DIVIDED IN PARTIES.
The Republican party took the name of Democratic-Republican, which is
its official title to-day. During Monroe's administration, when almost
the last vestige of Federalist vanished, their opponents gradually
acquired the name of Democrats, by which they are now known. After a
time, the Federalists were succeeded by the Whigs, who held well
together until the quarrel over the admission of Kansas and the question
of slavery split the party into fragments. From these, including Know
Nothings, Abolitionists, Free Soilers, and Northern Democrats, was
builded, in 1856, the present Republican party, whose foundation stone
was opposition to the extension of slavery. Many minor parties have
sprung into ephemeral life from time to time, but the Democrats and
Republicans will undoubtedly be the two great political organizations
for many years to come, as they have been for so many years past.
IMPROVEMENT OF THE METHOD OF NOMINATING PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES.
It will be noted that the old-fashioned method of nominating
presidential candidates was clumsy and frequently unfair. Candidates
sometimes announced themselves for offices within the gift of the
people; but if that practice had continued to modern times, the number
of candidates thus appealing for the suffrages of their fellow-citizens
might have threatened to equal the number of voters themselves. The more
common plan was for the party leaders to hold private or informal
caucuses. The next method was for the legislative caucus to name the
man. The unfairness of this system was that it shut out from
representation those whose districts had none of the opposite political
party in the Legislature. To adjust the matter, the caucus rule was so
modified as to admit delegates specially sent up from the districts that
were not represented in the Legislature. This, it will be seen, was an
important step in the direction of the present system, which makes a
nominating convention consist of delegates from every part of a State,
chosen for the sole purpose of making nominations.
[Illustration: THE WHITE HOUSE AT WASHINGTON, D.C.]
The perfected method appeared in New Jersey as early as 1812, in
Pennsylvania in 1817, and in New York in 1825. There was no clearly
defined plan followed in making the presidential nominations for 1824,
and four years later the legislative caucus system was almost
universally followed. After that, the system which had been applied in
various States was applied to national matters.
THE FIRST PRESIDENTIAL CONVENTION.
In the year 1826, William Morgan, a worthless character, living in
Batavia, New York, attempted to expose the secrets of the order of Free
Masons, of which he had become a member. While he was engaged in
printing his book, he disappeared and was never afterward seen. The
Masons were accused of making way with him, and a wave of opposition
swept over the country which closed many lodges and seemed for a time to
threaten the extinction of the order. An anti-Masonic party was formed
and became strong enough to carry the election in several States. Not
only that, but in September, 1831, the anti-Masons held a National
nominating convention in Baltimore and put forward William Wirt, former
attorney-general of the United States, as their nominee for the
Presidency, with Amos Ellmaker, candidate for the Vice-Presidency. The
ticket received seven electoral votes. The noteworthy fact about this
almost forgotten matter is that the convention was the first
presidential one held in this country.
CONVENTION IN BALTIMORE IN 1832.
The system was now fairly launched, for in December of the same year the
National Republicans met in convention in Baltimore and nominated Henry
Clay, and in May, 1832, Martin Van Buren was nominated by a Democratic
convention. He was renominated at the same place and in the same manner
in 1835, but the Whigs did not imitate their opponents. In 1840,
however, the system was adopted by both parties, and has been followed
ever since.
Our whole country seethes with excitement from the hour when the first
candidate is hinted at until his nomination is made, followed by his
election or defeat a few months later. Some persons see a grave peril in
this periodic convulsion, which shakes the United States like an
earthquake, but it seems after all to be a sort of political
thunderstorm which purifies the air and clarifies the ideas that
otherwise would become sodden or morbid. It is essentially American, and
our people's universal love of fair play leads them to accept the
verdict at the polls with philosophy and good nature.
And yet there have been many exciting scenes at the nominating
conventions of the past, as there doubtless will be in many that are yet
to come. Coming down to later times, how often has it proved that the
most astute politicians were all at sea in their calculations. The
proverbial "dark horse" has become a potent factor whom it is not safe
to forget in making up political probabilities.
THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1820.
Probably the most tranquil presidential campaign of the nineteenth
century was that of 1820, when James Monroe was elected for the second
time. He was virtually the only candidate before the country for the
exalted office. When the electoral college met, the astounding fact was
revealed that he had every vote--the first time such a thing had
occurred since Washington's election.
But there was one elector who had the courage to do that which was
never done before and has never been done since: he voted contrary to
his instructions and in opposition to the ticket on which he was
elected. Blumer, of New Hampshire, explained that, as he viewed it, no
President had the right to share the honor of a unanimous election with
Washington, and, though an ardent friend of Monroe, he deliberately cast
his one vote for Adams, in order to preserve Washington's honor
distinct. His motive was appreciated, and Blumer was applauded for the
act, Monroe himself being pleased with it.
"OLD HICKORY"
It is hardly necessary to repeat that this incident has not been
duplicated since that day. Andrew Jackson, "Old Hickory," was probably
the most popular man in the country when the time came for naming the
successor of Monroe. It may sound strange, but it is a fact, that when
the project of running him for the presidency was first mentioned to
Jackson, he was displeased. It had never entered his head to covet that
exalted office.
"Don't think of it," he said; "I haven't the first qualification; I am a
rough, plain man, fitted perhaps to lead soldiers and fight the enemies
of our country, but as for the presidency, the idea is too absurd to be
held."
But what American cannot be convinced that he is pre-eminently fitted
for the office? It did not take long for the ambition to be kindled in
the breast of the doughty hero. His friends flattered him into the
conviction that he was the man of all others to assume the duties, and
the "bee buzzed" as loudly in Jackson's bonnet as it ever has in that of
any of his successors.
ANDREW JACKSON'S POPULARITY.
It cannot be denied that "Old Hickory" was a great man, and though he
was deficient in education, lacking in statesmanship, and obstinate to
the last degree, he was the possessor of those rugged virtues which
invariably command respect. He was honest, clean in his private life, a
stanch friend, an unrelenting enemy, and an intense patriot--one who was
ready to risk his life at any hour for his country. In addition, he
never knew the meaning of personal fear. No braver person ever lived.
When the sheriff in a court-room was afraid to attempt to arrest a
notorious desperado, Jackson leaped over the chairs, seized the ruffian
by the throat, hurled him to the floor, and cowed him into submission.
When a piece of treachery was discovered on a Kentucky racecourse,
Jackson faced a mob of a thousand infuriated men, ruled off the
dishonest official, and carried his point. He challenged the most noted
duelist of the southwest, because he dared to cast a slur upon Jackson's
wife. It mattered not that the scoundrel had never failed to kill his
man, and that all of Jackson's friends warned him that it was certain
death to meet the dead-shot. At the exchange of shots, Jackson was
frightfully wounded, but he stood as rigid as iron, and sent a bullet
through the body of his enemy, whom he did not let know he was himself
wounded until the other breathed his last.
Above all, had not "Old Hickory" won the battle of New Orleans, the most
brilliant victory of the War of 1812? Did not he and his unerring
riflemen from the backwoods of Tennessee and Kentucky spread
consternation, death, and defeat among the red-coated veterans of
Waterloo? No wonder that the anniversary of that glorious battle is
still celebrated in every part of the country, and no wonder, too, that
the American people demanded that the hero of all these achievements
should be rewarded with the highest office in the gift of his
countrymen.
JACKSON NOMINATED.
Jackson, having "placed himself in the hands of his friends," threw
himself into the struggle with all the unquenchable ardor of his nature.
On July 22, 1822, the Legislature of Tennessee was first in the field by
placing him in nomination. On the 22d of February, 1824, a Federalist
convention at Harrisburg, Pa., nominated him, and on the 4th of March
following a Republican convention did the same. It would seem that he
was now fairly before the country, but the regular Democratic nominee,
that is, the one named by the congressional caucus, was William H.
Crawford, of Georgia. The remaining candidates were John Quincy Adams
and Henry Clay, and all of them belonged to the Republican party, which
had retained the presidency since 1800. Adams and Clay were what was
termed _loose_ constructionists, while Jackson and Crawford were
_strict_ constructionists.
"OLD HICKORY" DEFEATED.
The canvass was a somewhat jumbled one, in which each candidate had his
ardent partisans and supporters. The contest was carried out with vigor
and the usual abuse, personalities, and vituperation until the polls
were closed. Then when the returns came to be made up it was found that
Jackson had received 99 electoral votes, Adams 84, Crawford 41, and Clay
37. "Old Hickory" was well ahead, but his strength was not sufficient to
make him President, even though on the popular vote he led Adams by more
than 50,000. Consequently the election went to the House of
Representatives, where the supporters of Clay combined with those of
Adams and made him President. Thus came the singular result that the man
who had the largest popular and electoral vote was defeated.
It was a keen disappointment to Jackson and his friends. The great
Senator Benton, of Missouri, one of the warmest supporters of "Old
Hickory," angrily declared that the House was deliberately defying the
will of the people by placing a minority candidate in the chair. The
senator's position, however, was untenable, and so it was that John
Quincy Adams became the sixth President of our country.
JACKSON'S TRIUMPH.
But the triumph of "Old Hickory" was only postponed. His defeat was
looked upon by the majority of men as a deliberate piece of trickery,
and they "lay low" for the next opportunity to square matters. No fear
of a second chance being presented to their opponents. Jackson was
launched into the canvass of 1828 like a cyclone, and when the returns
were made up he had 178 electoral votes to 83 for Adams--a vote which
lifted him safely over the edge of a plurality and seated him firmly in
the White House.
[Illustration: OLD SPANISH HOUSE ON BOURBON STREET, NEW ORLEANS.]
It is not our province to treat of the administration of Andrew Jackson,
for that belongs to history, but the hold which that remarkable man
maintained upon the affections of the people was emphasized when, in
1832, he was re-elected by an electoral vote of 219 to 49 for Clay, 11
for Floyd, and 7 for Wirt. Despite the popular prejudice against a third
term, there is little doubt that Jackson would have been successful had
he chosen again to be a candidate. He proved his strength by selecting
his successor, Martin Van Buren.
THE "LOG-CABIN AND HARD-CIDER" CAMPAIGN OF 1840.
The next notable presidential battle was the "log-cabin and hard-cider"
campaign of 1840, the like of which was never before seen in this
country. General William Henry Harrison had been defeated by Van Buren
in 1836, but on the 4th of December, 1839, the National Whig Convention,
which met at Harrisburg to decide the claims of rival candidates,
placed Harrison in nomination, while the Democrats again nominated Van
Buren.
General Harrison lived at North Bend, Ohio, in a house which consisted
of a log-cabin, built many years before by a pioneer, and was afterward
covered with clapboards. The visitors to the house praised the
republican simplicity of the old soldier, the hero of Tippecanoe, and
the principal campaign biography said that his table, instead of being
supplied with costly wines, was furnished with an abundance of the best
cider.
[Illustration: THE MARIGNY HOUSE, NEW ORLEANS.
(Where Louis Philippe stopped in 1798.)]
The canvass had hardly opened, when the _Baltimore Republican_ slurred
General Harrison by remarking that, if some one would pension him with a
few hundred dollars and give him a barrel of hard cider, he would sit
down in his log-cabin and be content for the rest of his life. That
sneer furnished the keynote of the campaign. Hard cider became almost
the sole beverage of the Whigs throughout the country. In every city,
town and village, and at the cross-roads, were erected log-cabins, while
the amount of hard cider drank would have floated the American navy. The
nights were rent with the shouts of "Tippecanoe and Tyler too," and
scores of campaign songs were sung by tens of thousands of exultant,
even if not always musical, voices. We recall that one of the most
popular songs began:
"Oh, where, tell me where, was the log-cabin made?
'Twas made by the boys that wield the plough and the spade."
There was no end to the songs, which were set to the most popular airs
and sung over and over again. You would hear them in the middle of the
night on some distant mountain-top, where the twinkling camp-fire showed
that a party of Whigs were drinking hard cider and whooping it up for
Harrison; some singer with a strong, pleasing voice would start one of
the songs from the platform, at the close of the orator's appeal, and
hardly had his lips parted, when the thousands of Whigs, old and young,
and including wives and daughters, would join in the words, while the
enthusiasm quickly grew to a white heat. The horsemen riding home late
at night awoke the echoes among the woods and hills with their musical
praises of "Old Tippecanoe." The story is told that in one of the
backwoods districts of Ohio, after the preacher had announced the hymn,
the leader of the singing, a staid old deacon, struck in with a Harrison
campaign song, in which the whole congregation, after the first moment's
shock, heartily joined, while the aghast preacher had all he could do to
restrain himself from "coming in on the chorus." There was some truth in
the declaration of a disgusted Democrat that, from the opening of the
canvass, the whole Whig population of the United States went upon a
colossal spree on hard cider, which continued without intermission until
Harrison was installed in the White House.
And what did November tell? The electoral vote cast for Martin Van
Buren, 60; for General Harrison, 234. No wonder that the supply of hard
cider was almost exhausted within the next three days.
PECULIAR FEATURE OF THE HARRISON CAMPAIGN.
As we have noted, the method of nominating presidential candidates by
means of popular conventions was fully established in 1840, and has
continued uninterruptedly ever since. One peculiar feature marked the
Harrison campaign of 1840. The convention which nominated Martin Van
Buren met in Baltimore in May of that year. On the same day, the young
Whigs of the country held a mass-meeting in Baltimore, at which fully
twenty thousand persons were present. They came from every part of the
Union, Massachusetts sending fully a thousand. When the adjournment took
place, it was to meet again in Washington at the inauguration of
Harrison. The railway was then coming into general use, and this greatly
favored the assembling of mass-conventions.
[Illustration: FREMONT, THE GREAT PATHFINDER, ADDRESSING THE INDIANS AT
FORT LARAMIE.]