CHAPTER XVI

THE GREAT AMERICAN

Death closes all; but something ere the end,

Some work of noble note, may yet be done....

Tho' much is taken, much abides; and tho'

We are not now that strength which in old days

Moved earth and heaven, that which we are, we are,--

One equal temper of heroic hearts,

Made weak by time and fate, but strong in will

To strive, to seek, to find and not to yield.

Tennyson's _Ulysses_.

Not many months after Roosevelt came back from South America, the Great

War in Europe broke out. It is but dreaming now to surmise what might

have been done in those fearful days of July 1914, when the German

hordes were gathering for their attack upon the world. Once before,

and singlehanded, this country had made the German Kaiser halt. Had

there been resolution in the White House in 1914, could all the neutral

nations have been rallied at our side, and could we have spoken in

tones so decisive to the Hun that he would have drawn back even then,

have left Belgium unravaged, and spared the world the misery of the

next four years? It may be so; Germany did not expect to have to take

on England as an enemy. If she had been told, _so that there was no

mistaking our meaning_, that she would have us against her as well,

then it might have been her part to hesitate, and finally put back her

sword.

Roosevelt supported the President at first, in his policy of

neutrality, supposing him to have some special information. He

supported him with hesitation, and with qualifications however,

pointing out that neutrality is no proud position, and has many

disadvantages. Perhaps he had some inklings of the danger to the

country when our foreign affairs are managed by pacifists. Certainly

America had noticed the grim fact that a Government which forever

talked about peace had in actual practice, shed more blood in a few

hours at Vera Cruz than had been spilled in all the seven years while

Roosevelt was President. Moreover, this blood was shed uselessly; no

object whatever having been gained by it.

It is impossible to understand Roosevelt; it is impossible to get any

idea of what he did during his term of office; it is impossible to

learn anything from his career, unless we contrast him and his beliefs

and actions with the conduct of our Government during the Great War.

An object lesson of the most illuminating sort is afforded by this

contrast, and we may make up our minds about the wisest paths to be

followed in the future if we notice what Roosevelt said and did at this

time, how far and how wisely his counsel was accepted or rejected.

He disapproved, for instance, President Wilson's speech, made a day or

two after the sinking of the _Lusitania_ in which the President spoke

of a nation being "too proud to fight." Roosevelt said that a nation

which announced itself as too proud to fight was usually about proud

enough to be kicked; and it must be admitted that the Germans took

that view of it, and for a year and more continued to kick. He did not

deem it wise, when President Wilson informed the Germans, ten days

later, that we remembered the "humane attitude" of their Government

"in matters of international right," for he happened to recall that

Belgium was at that moment red with the blood of its citizens, slain

by the Germans in a sort of warfare that combined highway robbery with

revolting murder. Neither did it seem useful to him to speak about

German influence as always "upon the side of justice and humanity."

Mr. Roosevelt had always been strong for having the nation ready

for war if war should come. Mr. Wilson first said that persons who

believed this were nervous and excited. Next he joined these persons

himself, so far as words went, and finally he let the matter drop until

we were at war. Mr. Roosevelt believed that when you once were at war

it was a crime to "hit softly." Mr. Wilson waited until we had been

at war a year and over, and then announced in a speech that he was

determined to use force!

Mr. Roosevelt wrote regularly for _The Outlook_, later for the

_Metropolitan Magazine_ and the _Kansas City Star_. Thousands of his

countrymen read his articles, and found in them the only expression of

the American spirit which was being uttered. Americans were puzzled,

troubled and finally humiliated by the letters and speeches which

came from Washington. To be told that in this struggle between the

blood-guilty Hun, and the civilized nations of the earth, that we must

keep even our minds impartial seemed an impossible command. School-boys

throughout the country must have wondered why President Wilson, with

every means for getting information, should have to confess that he did

not know what the war was about! And when Mr. Wilson declared in favor

of a peace without victory, his friends and admirers were kept busy

explaining, some of them, that he meant without victory for the Allies,

and others that he meant without victory for Germany, and still others

that he meant without victory for anybody in particular.

It was not strange that Americans began to wonder what country they

were living in, and whether they had been mistaken in thinking that

America had a heroic history, in which its citizens took pride.

No wonder they turned their eyes to Europe, where scores of young

Americans, sickening at the state of things at home, had eagerly

volunteered to fight with France or England against the Hun. One of

these, named Alan Seeger, who wrote the fine poem "I have a Rendezvous

with Death," died in battle on our Independence Day. He also wrote a

poem called "A Message to America."[27] In it he said that America had

once a leader:

[27] Seeger. Poems, pp. 164, 165.

... the man

Most fit to be called American.

In it he spoke further of the same leader

I have been too long from my country's shores

To reckon what state of mind is yours,

But as for myself I know right well

I would go through fire and shot and shell

And face new perils and make my bed

In new privations, if _Roosevelt_ led.

One did not have to be long with the men who volunteered at the

beginning of the war to know that Roosevelt's spirit led these men,

and that they looked to him and trusted him as the great American. The

country's honor was safe in his hands, and no mawkish nor cowardly

words ever came from his lips.

He pointed out the folly of the pacifist type of public men, like Mr.

Bryan and Mr. Ford. The latter, helpless as a butterfly in those iron

years, led his quarreling group of pilgrims to Europe, on his "Peace

Ship," and then left them to their incessant fights with each other.

The American public was quick to see the contrast, when war came,

and Roosevelt's four sons and son-in-law all volunteered, while Mr.

Ford's son took advantage of some law and avoided military duty, in

order to add more millions to his already enormous heap. The lesson

of Roosevelt's teaching and example was not lost, and the people

recognized that the country would endure while it had men like the

Roosevelts, but that it would go down in infamy if the other sort

became numerous.

In the election of 1916 Mr. Roosevelt, after refusing the Progressive

nomination, supported Mr. Hughes, the Republican, against President

Wilson. He tried hard to get Mr. Hughes to come out with some utterance

which would put him plainly on record against the Germans and

Pro-Germans who were filling America with their poisonous schemes. For

we continued to entertain German diplomats and agents (paymasters, as

they were, of murderers and plotters of arson) and to run on Germany's

errands in various countries. The cry "He kept us out of war" was

effectively used to reelect Mr. Wilson, although members of the

Government must have been thoroughly well aware that war was coming and

coming soon.

It had long been Mr. Roosevelt's hope that if war came he might be

allowed to raise a division, as he had once helped to raise a regiment,

and take them, after suitable training, to the front. He knew where he

could put his hands on the men, regular army officers, ex-volunteers

and Rough Riders of the Spanish War, and other men of experience, who

in turn could find other men, who could be made into soldiers, for they

knew the important parts of a soldier's work, and could be trained

quickly.

But the War Department and the President would have none of Mr.

Roosevelt's services. The President replied that the high officers of

the Army advised him against it, which was undoubtedly true. It is

also extremely likely that the high officers of the Democratic Party

would advise against letting Mr. Roosevelt serve his country, as they

still feared him, and still vainly hoped that they could lessen his

influence with the American people. Unlike President Lincoln, who would

gladly accept the services of any man who could serve the country,

Mr. Wilson could work only with men who were personally pleasing,

who thought as he did on all subjects. The officer of the Army best

known to European soldiers, and the one who trained one of the best

divisions, was Roosevelt's old commander, General Leonard Wood. But

he, like a statesman, had been advising preparedness for years, and he

was therefore displeasing to the politicians who only began to prepare

after war was declared. America and the Allies did not have the benefit

of this distinguished officer's services in France.

Against the slothfulness of the Government in these years, Roosevelt

voiced the true opinion of America. He did not merely criticize, for

he offered his own services, and when he disapproved of what was being

done, he pointed out what might be done by way of improvement. In spite

of much condemnation of his course, his suggestions were nearly all

adopted--six months or a year later. His offer to raise a division

showed how many men were eager to fight, and spurred the Government

into action.

The Germans and their friends in this country, the peace-at-any-price

folk who defended or apologized for the worst crimes of the Germans,

and all the band of disloyal persons who think that patriotism is

something to be sneered at,--all these hated Roosevelt with a deadly

hatred. It was not a proud distinction to be numbered with these, and

all who joined with them have made haste to forget the fact.

In his own family, his eldest son, Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., became

first a Major and later a Lieutenant-Colonel of Infantry; Kermit and

Archibald were both Captains; and Quentin was a Lieutenant in the

Aviation force. His son-in-law, Dr. Richard Derby, was a Major in the

Medical Corps. All of them sought active service, made every effort to

get to the front, and succeeded. Two of them were wounded, and Quentin

was killed in a battle in the air.

The death of his youngest son was a terrible blow to him, but he would

not wince. His son had been true to his teaching; he had dared the high

fortune of battle.

"You cannot bring up boys to be eagles," said he, "and expect them to

act like sparrows!"

Some distinguished Japanese visitors calling on Mr. Roosevelt at this

time came away deeply affected. To them he recalled the Samurai, with

their noble traditions of utter self-sacrifice.

Throughout his life, but now as never before, he told his

countrymen, there was no place in America for a divided loyalty. No

German-Americans, nor Irish-Americans, nor Scotch-Americans. He would

have no man try to split even, and be a "50-50 American."

Shortly after war had ended, he sent this message to a patriotic

meeting:

There must be no sagging back in the fight for Americanism merely

because the war is over. Any man who says he is an American, but

something else also, isn't an American at all. We have room for but

one flag, the American flag, and this excludes the red flag, which

symbolizes all wars against liberty and civilization, just as much

as it excludes any foreign flag of a nation to which we are hostile.

We have room for but one language here, and that is the English

language, for we intended to see that the crucible turns our people

out as Americans, of American nationality, and not as dwellers in a

polyglot boarding-house; and we have room for but one soul loyalty,

and that is loyalty to the American people.[28]

[28] Hagedorn, p. 384.

It was practically his last word to the country he had loved and served

so well. That was on January 5, 1919.

Years before, when he and his children had played together, he had told

them a story about lions. Some of the boys had been called the lion

cubs, and henceforth their father was to them "The Old Lion."

On the sixth of January, one of his sons, who was at home recovering

from his wounds, sent a message to his brothers in France:

The Old Lion is dead.

He was buried in a small cemetery near his Long Island home. A

plain grave-stone marks the place. To his grave have come a King

and a Prince and other men of great name from Europe, to lay

wreaths there, as they put them on the tombs of Washington and

Lincoln. But what would have pleased him even more is that every

Sunday and holiday thousands of men, women and children who knew

him, thousands who loved him, although they never saw him, men who

fought at his side, and men who fought against him, go out to

stand for a moment at his grave, because they know him now as a

wise, brave, and patriotic American.

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

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Theodore Roosevelt · 第 16 / 16 章