THE COMPARATIVE MORALITY OF NATIONS

We had, four or five weeks ago, a few words of controversy with the

_Christian Union_ as to the comparative morality of the Prussians

and Americans, or, rather, their comparative religiousness--meaning

by religiousness a disposition "to serve others and live as in God's

sight;" in other words, unselfishness and spirituality. We let it

drop, from the feeling that the question whether the Americans or

Prussians were the better men was only a part, and a very small

part, of the larger question. How do we discover which of any two

nations is the purer in its life or in its aims? and, is not any

judgment we form about it likely to be very defective, owing to the

inevitable incompleteness of our premises? We are not now going to

try to fix the place of either Prussia or the United States in the

scale of morality, but to point out some reasons why all comparisons

between them should be made by Americans with exceeding care and

humility. There is hardly any field of inquiry in which even the

best-informed man is likely to fall into so many errors; first,

because there is no field in which the vision is so much affected by

prejudices of education and custom; and, secondly, because there is

none in which the things we see are so likely to create erroneous

impressions about the things we do not see. But we may add that it

is a field which no intelligent and sensible man ever explores

without finding his charity greatly stimulated.

Let us give some illustrations of the errors into which people

are apt to fall in it. Count Gasparin, a French Protestant, and

as spiritually minded a man as breathed, once talking with an

American friend expressed in strong terms his sense of the pain

it caused him that Mr. Lincoln should have been at the theatre

when he was killed, not, the friend found, because he objected in

the least to theatre-going, but because it was the evening of

Good Friday--a day which the Continental Calvinists "keep" with

great solemnity, but to which American non-episcopal Protestants

pay no attention whatever. Count Gasparin, on the other hand,

would have no hesitation in taking a ride on Sunday, or going to

a public promenade after church hours, and, from seeing him

there, his American friend would draw deductions just as

unfavorable to the Count's religious character as the Count

himself drew with regard to Mr. Lincoln's.

Take, again, the question of drinking beer and wine. There is a

large body of very excellent men in America who, from a long

contemplation of the evils wrought by excessive indulgence in

intoxicating drinks, have worked themselves up to a state of mind

about all use of such drinks which is really discreditable to

reasonable beings, leads to the most serious platform excesses,

and is perfectly incomprehensible to Continental Europeans. To

the former, the drinking even of lager beer connotes, as the

logicians say, ever so many other vices--grossness and sensuality

of nature, extravagance, indifference to home pleasures,

repugnance to steady industry, and a disregard of the precepts of

religion and morality. To many of them a German workman, and his

wife and children, sitting in a beer-garden on a summer's

evening, which to European moralists and economists is one of the

most pleasing sights in the world, is a revolting spectacle,

which calls for the interference of the police. Now, if you go to

a beer-garden in Berlin you may, any Sunday afternoon, see

doctors of divinity--none of your rationalists--but doctors of

real divinity, to whom American theologians go to be taught,

doing this very thing, and, what is worse, smoking pipes. An

American who applied to this the same course of reasoning which

he would apply to a similar scene in America, would simply be

guilty of outrageous folly. If he argued from it that the German

doctor was selfish, or did not "live as in the sight of God," the

whole process would be a model of absurdity.

Foreigners have drawn, on the other hand, from the American

"diligence in business," conclusions with regard to American

character far more uncomplimentary than those the _Christian Union_

has expressed with regard to the Prussians. There are not a few

religious and moral and cultivated circles in Europe in which the

suggestion that Americans, as a nation, were characterized by

thoughtfulness for others and a sense of God's presence would be

received with derisive laughter, owing to the application to the

phenomena of American society of the process of reasoning on which,

we fear, the _Union_ relies. Down to the war, so candid and

perspicacious a man as John Stuart Mill might have been included in

this class. The earlier editions of his "Elements of Political

Economy" contained a contemptuous statement that one sex in America

was entirely given up to "dollar-hunting" and the other to "breeding

dollar-hunters." In other words, he held that the American people

were plunged in the grossest materialism, and he doubtless based

this opinion on that intense application of the men to commercial

and industrial pursuits which we see all around us, which no church

finds fault with, but which, we know, bad as its effects are on art

and literature, really coexists with great generosity, sympathy,

public spirit, and ideality.

Take, again, the matter of chastity, on which the _Union_

touched. We grant at the outset that wherever you have classes,

the women of the lower class suffer more or less from the men of

the upper class, and anybody who says that seductions, accomplished

through the effect on female vanity of the addresses of "superiors

in station," while almost unknown here, are very numerous in Europe,

would find plenty of facts to support him. But, on the other hand,

an attempt made to persuade a Frenchman that the familiar

intercourse which the young people of both sexes in this country

enjoy was generally pure, would fail in ninety-nine cases out of

a hundred. That it should be pure is opposed to all his experience

of human nature, both male and female; and the result of your

argument with him would be that he would conclude either that you

were an extraordinarily simple person, or took him for one.

On the other hand, we believe the German, who thinks nothing of

drinking as much wine or beer as he cares for, draws from the

conduct of the American young woman whom he sees abroad, and from

what he reads in our papers about "free love," Indiana divorces,

abortion, and what not, conclusions with regard to American chastity

very different from those of the _Union_; and, if you sought to meet

him in discussion, he would overwhelm you with facts and cases

which, looked at apart from the general tenor of American life and

manners, it would be very hard to dispose of. He would say, for

instance, that we are not, perhaps, guilty of as many violations of

the marriage vows as Europeans; but that we make it so light a vow

that, instead of violating it, we get it abrogated, and then follow

our will; and then he would come down on us with boarding-house and

hotel life, and other things of the same kind, which might make us

despise him, but would make it a little difficult to get rid of him.

There is probably no minor point of manners which does more to

create unfavorable impressions of Europeans among the best class

of Americans--morally the best, we mean--than the importance

attached by the former to their eating and drinking; while there

is nothing which does more to spread in Europe impressions

unfavorable to American civilization than the indifference of

Americans, and, we may add, as regards the progressive portion of

American society--cultivated indifference--to the quality of

their meals and the time of eating them. In no European country

is moderate enjoyment of the pleasures of the table considered

incompatible with high moral aims, or even a sincerely religious

character; but a man to whom his dinner was of serious importance

would find his position in an assembly of American reformers very

precarious. The German or Frenchman or Englishman, indeed, treats

a man's views of food, and his disposition or indisposition to

eat it in company with his fellows as an indication of his place

in civilization. Savages love to eat alone, and it has been

observed in partially civilized communities relapsing into

barbarism, that one of the first indications of their decline was

the abandonment of regular meals on tables, and a tendency on the

part of the individuals to retire to secret places with their

victuals. This is probably a remnant of the old aboriginal

instinct which we still see in domesticated dogs, and was,

doubtless, implanted for the protection of the species in times

when everybody looked on his neighbor's bone with a hungry eye,

and the man with the strong hand was apt to have the fullest

stomach. Accordingly, there is in Europe, and indeed everywhere,

a tendency to regard the growth of a delicacy in eating, and

close attention to the time and manner of serving meals and their

cookery, and the use of them as promoters of social intercourse,

as an indication of moral as well as material progress. To a

large number of people here, on the other hand, the bolting of

food--ten-minute dinners, for instance--and general unconsciousness

of "what is on the table," is a sign of preoccupation with serious

things. It may be; but the German love of food is not necessarily a

sign of grossness, and that "overfed" appearance, of which the

_Union_ spoke, is not necessarily a sign of inefficiency, any more

than leanness or cadaverousness is a sign of efficiency. There is

certainly some power of hard work in King William's army, and,

indeed, we could hardly point to a better illustration of the truth,

that all the affairs of men, whether political, social, or

religious, depend for their condition largely on the state of the

digestion.

Honesty, by which we mean that class of virtues which Cicero

includes in the term _bona fides_, has, to a considerable extent,

owing, we think, to the peculiar humanitarian character which the

circumstances of the country have given to the work of reform, been

subordinated in the United States to brotherly kindness. Now, this

right to arrange the virtues according to a scale of its own, is

something which not only every age, but every nation, has claimed,

and, accordingly, we find that each community, in forming its

judgment of a man's character, gives a different degree of weight to

different features of it. Keeping a mistress would probably,

anywhere in the United States, damage a man's reputation far more

seriously than fraudulent bankruptcy; while horse-stealing, which in

New England would be a comparatively trifling offence, out in

Montana is a far fouler thing than murder. But in the European

scale, honesty still occupies the first place. Bearing this in mind,

it is worth any man's while who proposes to pass judgment on the

morality of any foreign country, to consider what is the impression

produced on foreign opinion about American morality by the story of

the Erie Railroad, by the career of Fisk, by the condition of the

judicial bench in the commercial capital of the country, by the

charges of corruption brought against such men as Trumbull and

Fessenden at the time of the impeachment trial; by the comically

prominent and beloved position which Butler has held for some years

in our best moral circles, and by the condition of the civil

service.

The truth is that it is almost impossible for anybody to compare

one nation with another fairly, unless he possesses complete

familiarity with the national life of both, and therefore can

distinguish isolated facts from symptomatic facts.

The reason why some of the phenomena of American society which

shock foreigners greatly, do not shock even the best Americans so

much, is not that the latter have become hardened to them--though

this counts for something--but that they know of various

counteracting and compensating phenomena which prevent, or are

sure to prevent, them in the long run from doing the mischief

which they seem to threaten. In other words, they understand the

checks and balances of their society as well as its tendencies.

Anybody who considers these things will be careful how he

denounces people whose manners differ from his own for want of

spirituality or morality, and we may add that any historical

student engaged in comparing the morality of the age in which he

lives with that of any other age which he knows only through

chronicles, will do well to exercise the same caution for the

same reasons.

Reflections and Comments 1865-1895 · 第 6 / 33 题