CHAPTER III

POPULATION--COSTUMES--USAGES--FESTIVALS

I

It is on the western coast of India, in the Bombay Presidency,

that we find the most compact gathering of the members of the Parsi

community. Since their exodus from Persia the refugees here have

maintained themselves successfully, and have gradually acquired wealth

and the intellectual superiority which distinguishes them from the

other natives of India.

The Bombay Presidency, or, to be more exact, the province of Bombay,

[64] comprises twenty-four British districts, and nineteen Native

States (Agencies) under the protection of the English Government. Its

boundaries are: To the north, the State of Balouchistan, the Panjaub,

and the native States of Rajputana; to the east, the Mahratta State

of Indore, the Central Provinces, Western Berar and the States of

the Nizam of Hyderabad; to the south, the Madras Presidency and the

State of Mysore; and to the west, the Arabian Sea. It is divided into

four great divisions, made according to the local dialects. On the

north lies Sindh or the lower valley and delta of the Indus, a region

essentially Mahomedan both historically and as regards the population;

then more to the south, Gujerat, containing, on the contrary, the most

diverse and mixed elements, and comprising all the districts of the

northern coast, the Mahratta country, and the interior districts of

the Deccan; and, finally, the provinces where the Canarese language

is spoken, divided in their turn into four British districts and

eight Native States. [65]

This territory has been formed little by little round the Island

of Bombay, ceded to England by the King of Portugal as the dowry of

the Infanta Catherine of Braganza. The Portuguese were the first to

occupy these parts; in 1498 they arrived at Calicut with Vasco de

Gama, and five years later, thanks to the bravery of Albuquerque,

they took possession of Goa. Bombay came into their possession in

1532, and for a hundred years they managed to maintain themselves at

the head of commerce and traffic. Two rival factories, one English

and the other Dutch, were established in Surat in 1613 and 1618. It

must be stated that the acquisition of the island of Bombay gave but

little pleasure to the English, for in 1668, on account of great

difficulties, the King transferred it to the East India Company,

and in 1686 the control of all the possessions of the Company was

transferred from Surat to Bombay, which was made into an independent

Presidency (1708) at the time of the amalgamation of the two English

Companies. Finally, in 1773, Bombay was placed in a state of dependence

under the Governor-General of Bengal, who has since been replaced by

the Viceroy of India.

It is from Bombay that the English have spread their influence

at present so firmly established in these territories. Simply

merchants at first, they gradually supplanted their rivals from

the Portuguese and Dutch settlements. Soon they aspired to a more

solid power, and came into direct conflict with the natives--the

Mahrattas--whom they hastened to drive from Colaba, finding their

nearness troublesome. After the first Mahratta war, which arose from

the contested succession of the Peishwa (1774), the treaty of Salbai

permitted the English to settle in Salsette, Elephanta, Karanja, Hog

Island, &c. (1782). The fort of Surat was in their hands from 1759,

and in 1800 the administration of this town was made over to them

by the Nawab, whose descendants contented themselves with the vain

title till 1842.

The second Mahratta war had its origin in the treaty of Bassein (1802),

by which the Peishwa accepted the subsidiary system--a system since

adopted by the English. It resulted in an accession of territory

in Gujerat and an increase of moral influence in the Court of the

Peishwas and of the Gaekwars. The interval of peace was employed in

repressing the invasions of the pirates who were infesting the Gulfs

of Cambay and Cutch.

In 1807 the States of Kathiawar were placed under the British

protectorate, and in 1809 the Rao of Cutch was forced to sign a treaty

by which he bound himself to help in the destruction of the pirates;

whilst, on the other hand, scarcely had the Peishwa Baji Rao been

placed on the throne by an English army when he began plotting for

the expulsion of the English from the Deccan. In 1817 he attacked the

Resident himself, Mountstuart Elphinstone, who withdrew to Kirkee,

where with a few troops he succeeded in routing the entire army of

the Peishwa. Soon after the prince submitted to Sir John Malcolm. A

pension of L80,000 was secured to the Prince, but he was deprived of

his States, and Bombay gained in this manner the districts of Poona,

Ahmadnagar, Nasik, Kolahpoor, Belgaum, Kaladji, Dharwar, Ahmedabad,

and the Konkan. At the same time Holkar abandoned his rights over

the districts of Kandesh, and Satara fell into the hands of the

English in 1848 on the death of the last descendant of the Mahratta

Shivaji. In 1860 the Non-Regulation Districts [66] of the Panch

Mahals were ceded by Scindhia, and in 1861 the southern limits of

the Presidency were still further extended by the annexation of the

northern district of Canara taken from Madras. From this time the

history of the Bombay Presidency is free of incidents; peace reigned,

even at the time of the mutiny of 1857. The local army has, however,

rendered important services in Afghanistan, Persia, Burmah, China,

Aden, and Abyssinia. Entirely occupied in administrative reforms

and the welfare of the country, the Government has attained a state

of complete prosperity under such men as Mountstuart Elphinstone,

Malcolm, and Lord Reay. [67]

According to the general census of 1891 [68] the number of Parsis in

India rose to 89,904; that is, an increase of 491 over that of the

17th of February, 1881, which gave a total of 85,397. On the 26th

of February, 1891, the entire population of the Bombay Presidency,

including the Native States and Aden, formed a total of 26,960,421

inhabitants, [69] of whom 76,774 were Parsis (39,285 males and

37,489 females). The surplus is divided between Madras, Bengal, and

the districts of the Gaekwar of Baroda, where is to be seen among

other flourishing settlements the ancient community of Naosari. To

this number must be added the Parsis of China, and of some foreign

localities, and the Iranians, 9,269 in number. The exact number of

Zoroastrians scattered over the globe we thus find to be a hundred

thousand at the most!

We refer to the Zoroastrian Calendar for all information concerning

statistics, and in a special chapter (pp. 119 et seq.) we find a

detailed list of the population of the city and the Presidency of

Bombay. [70] We take from it the following table (see next page),

which gives the assessment of the population in the different

centres. Occupying the first rank we find Bombay with its 47,458

Parsis, and Surat with 12,757; then Broach, Thana, Poona, Karachi,

down to the least of the localities, some of which stand for only a

simple unit.

-----------------+---------------+---------------+---------------+---------

| | | Widowers and |

Names of Towns | Not Married. | Married.[2] | Widows. | Total.

and Districts. |-------+-------|-------+-------|-------+-------+

| M. | W. | M. | W. | M. | W. |

-----------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+---------

Bombay | 14091| 10153| 9804| 9258| 810| 3342| 47458

Ahmedabad | 230| 175| 203| 175| 12| 40| 835

Kheda | 49| 31| 39| 27| ...| 7| 153

Panch-Mahal | 43| 15| 40| 13| 3| 3| 108

Bharooch | 754| 623| 702| 865| 70| 259| 3273

Surat | 2990| 2535| 2597| 3212| 266| 1157| 12757

Thana | 1001| 802| 845| 860| 78| 334| 3920

Colaba | 39| 29| 51| 32| 7| 9| 167

Ratnagiri | 6| 3| 4| 2| ...| ...| 15

Kanara | 1| ...| 8| ...| 1| ...| 10

Khandeish | 119| 73| 199| 99| 10| 8| 508

Nasik | 127| 77| 108| 75| 6| 14| 407

Ahmednagar | 51| 45| 41| 37| 5| 10| 188

Poona | 622| 476| 402| 386| 42| 98| 2026

Sohlapore | 67| 59| 54| 41| 3| 8| 232

Satara | 32| 40| 29| 24| 1| 8| 134

Belgaum | 17| 3| 22| 15| 1| 3| 61

Dharwar | 37| 23| 40| 41| 2| 2| 135

Bijapoor | 8| 4| 5| 4| 1| 2| 24

Karachi | 424| 301| 310| 282| 26| 65| 1408

Hyderabad | 17| 10| 11| 8| ...| ...| 46

Shikarpoor | 20| 9| 27| 12| 1| 2| 71

Thar and Parkar | ...| ...| 1| ...| ...| ...| 1

Upper Sindh | 2| ...| 3| 2| 1| ...| 8

|-------|-------|-------|-------|-------|-------|-------

| 20738| 15486| 15545| 15459| 1346| 5371| 73945

Native States | 606| 480| 761| 495| 55| 114| 2511

Aden | 88| 37| 138| 40| 8| 7| 318

|=======|=======|=======|=======|=======|=======|=======

| 21432| 16003| 16444| 15994| 1409| 5492| 76774

-----------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+---------

Considering the importance of Bombay, we will quote from a paper

on it, read by Mr. B. B. Patel before the Anthropological Society of

Bombay. [73] We find there the lists of births, deaths and marriages in

the city of Bombay from 1881 to 1890. During that period of time the

average of births has risen per year to 1,450, and that of married

women bearing children to 13.293 per cent. The average of deaths

has reached 1,135 (575 of the male sex, 500 of the female sex), and

92 still-born (52 of the male sex and 40 of the female sex). The

annual average of mortality among children below the age of five

years has been 469 (236 of the male sex and 233 of the female sex);

between the ages of five and ten, 27 (13 of the male sex and 14 of

the female sex); between the ages of eleven and twenty, 47 (20 of the

male sex and 27 of the female sex); between the ages of twenty-one

and thirty, 65, in the proportion of 27 to 38 for the two sexes;

between the ages of thirty-one and forty, 62, in equal proportions

for the two sexes; between the ages of forty-one and sixty, 177 (67

males and 90 females). Above the age of eighty the average reaches 37,

of whom 13 are males and 24 females.

During these ten years, four persons have died at the age of 100,

two at the ages of 101 and 105, and lastly one at the age of 110

years. These centenarians have been all women. The principal cause of

mortality among Parsis is fever (Table D); thus of 1,135 deaths, 293

may be attributed to it, 150 to nervous disorders, 91 to affections of

the respiratory organs, 70 to dysentery, 38 to phthisis, one hundred

to old age, and the rest to diverse other causes, such as measles,

pleurisy, diarrhoea, &c., &c. According to the table drawn up by

Mr. Patel (Table E), the highest rate of mortality in Bombay is in

the Fort, and next to it in Dhobitalao, Baherkote, Khetwady, &c.,

in proportion to the population of these localities.

After the crisis of 1865 a serious decrease of the population in

Bombay had been apprehended for a time; but it was an exaggerated

fear which disappeared with the census of 1881. It has been proved,

on the contrary, that the conditions of life among the Parsis, both as

regards mortality and hygiene, have reduced the average of mortality

among the individuals, grown-up men, women and children. These

latter, well-tended and carefully brought up, supply a splendid race,

susceptible of culture, and endowed with perfect health. Accordingly,

from 1872 to 1881, the Parsi population has increased nearly ten per

cent. This increase has continued, and, as we have said, the highest

increase has been estimated in 1891 to be 4.91.

It is in vain that communities of Parsis have been sought for outside

those regions which we have indicated. [74] About sixty years ago

a Mahomedan traveller did try to persuade others of the existence

of a Parsi colony at Khoten, a country situated to the south-east of

Kaschgar; but Sir Alexander Burnes, in a communication to Mr. Naoroji

Fardunji, dissipated this illusion. [75]

We cannot attach any more importance to an assertion recently put

forward, and according to which the members of the tribe of the

Shiaposch Kafirs, inhabiting the country to the north-east of Cabul,

are descendants of the same race, because certain of their usages,

as for example their manner of exposing their dead, are similar to

those of the Zoroastrians. Sir Alexander Burnes [76] in narrating

his travels in Cabul in 1836-37-38, relates that the most curious

of all the visitors to the country of the Kafirs [77] was a man

who came from Cabul towards the year 1829. He gave himself out as

a Guebre (fire-worshipper), and an Ibrahumi (follower of Abraham),

who had quitted Persia to find some traces of his ancestors. During

his sojourn in Cabul he willingly mixed with the Armenians and

used to get himself called Sheryar, a name common enough among the

modern Parsis. They tried, but in vain, to dissuade him from risking

himself amongst the Kafirs; he went to Jalalabad and Lughman, where

he left his baggage, and as a simple beggar entered Kafristan by

way of Nujjeet. He was absent several months, and on his return was

assassinated by the Huzaras of the tribe of Ali-Purast. Malik-Usman,

furious at the conduct of his countrymen, exacted a fine of Rs. 2,000

as compensation for the blood shed by them. All these details were

given by the Armenians of Cabul to Sir Alexander Burnes, but he could

not discover whether the unfortunate Sheryar was a Parsi of Bombay

or a Guebre of Kirman. However, a document found in the possession

of the traveller, and coming from the Shah of Persia, leads us to

believe that the latter hypothesis is the true one.

The Census of 1881 enables us to state some interesting facts, which

give us an idea of the occupations of the Parsis of Bombay, and of

the kind of life led by them. Thus there were at that time 855 priests

and persons devoted to religion, 141 teachers, 34 school-mistresses,

33 engineers, 1,384 clerks, and 115 employees. Naval construction

seemed to be one of their favourite occupations, for out of 46

ship-builders 26 were Parsis. As for the Dubashes or ship-brokers,

out of a total of 159, 146 were Parsis. All professions and manual

trades were largely represented, with the exception of that of tailor,

which was exercised by only one member of the community. At one time,

out of 9,584 beggars in the town of Bombay, there were only five Parsis

and one Parsi woman. As to the class of the unfortunate victims of

vice and debauchery, a Parsi has not hesitated to affirm that not one

of his co-religionists could have been accused of living on the wages

of shame. [78] Travellers have made the same remarks. Thus, according

to Mandelslo, adultery and lewdness were considered by the Parsis as

the greatest sins they could commit, and which they would doubtless

have punished with death if they themselves had the administration

of justice (see Voyages, &c., trans. Wicquefort, p. 184). We may

state in this connection that Anquetil gives a precise account of a

summary execution under the sanction of the Punchayet, and with the

approbation of the Mahomedan governor of Bharooch (see Zend-Avesta,

vol. ii. p. 606); and Stavorinus, at the end of the century, makes

mention of Parsi women who had been preserved in the right path by

the fear of punishment (see Voyages, &c., vol. I, ch. xxviii. p. 363).

The following is a division, under seven heads, of the occupations

of the Parsis, as shown in the census of 1881:--

----------------+-----------+----------

| Men. | Women.

----------------+-----------+----------

Professions | 1,940 | 59

Servants [79] | 2,079 | 416

Merchants | 3,317 | 2

Agriculturists | 67 | 2

Manufacturers | 3,610 | 87

Not classified | 565 | 139

Sundry | 13,737 | 22,579

----------------+-----------+----------

There is some reason for not wondering at the disinclination of the

Parsis for agriculture and the profession of arms. Agriculture had

been very flourishing in the hands of the first colonists; but tastes

changed, and from men of the field they became men of the town. At

the beginning of the century some of them were still in possession

of vast tracts of land, and spent much money in improving them. But

these gradually passed into other hands, a circumstance in any case

greatly to be regretted. [80]

As to their apparent repugnance for military service we will see

what an enlightened Parsi, who has in this case made himself the

spokesman of his co-religionists, has to say. As a matter of fact,

the Persians in olden times had distinguished themselves amongst all

by their valour and courage. In the inscription engraved on his tomb

at Nakch-i-Roustam, King Darius might well say, with a just feeling of

pride, that they had only to look at the images of those who supported

his throne to know into what distant places the Persian soldier had

carried his arms! The famous struggles maintained by the Ardeshirs,

the Shapoors, and the Noshirvans show that this warlike temper had not

subsided. Why then should the descendants of such heroes abstain from

taking part in military exercises and in defending the country [81]?

Mr. Dosabhai Framji Karaka gives the following explanation of this

aversion. [82] In the first place he indignantly repudiates the

theory put forward by certain European authors that it proceeds purely

from religious motives, on account of the worship they are supposed

to pay to fire, which would prevent them from handling a cannon or

shouldering a gun. Nothing at all in fact prevents them from making

use of fire in the handling of offensive and defensive weapons. At

the time of certain riots in Bombay, gunsmiths' shops were seen to be

rapidly emptied by the Parsis, and thirty-five years back they were

enthusiastic in joining the first volunteer movement; but in 1877

only Europeans were invited to join. Still, protests Mr. D. F. Karaka,

there are certainly no natives more eager than the Parsis to share in

the defence of British interests. In several places they have joined

the volunteers and have obtained much-envied distinctions. [83] They

are able to attain a high degree of skill in the handling of firearms;

for example, Mr. Dorabji Padamji, son of the late Khan Bahadur Padamji

Pestonji, is one of the best shots in India. [84]

The most serious consideration which prevents a Parsi from enrolling

himself in the army seems therefore, to us, to be the insufficiency

of the pay. We only repeat it: it is a Parsee who says this. We

have no desire either to weaken their motives or to exaggerate their

grievances. We are well aware that these are very delicate questions,

and require to be treated with care and skill, since they concern

the relations of devoted subjects with a government of which they

are proud. On the other hand, when we take into consideration the

moral worth and intelligent co-operation which the Parsis bring to

the service of this same government, we are not at all surprised at

the conclusion which we see so clearly formulated. [85]

Native soldiers, whether Hindoos or Mussulmans, are paid at the rate

of seven rupees a month, about fourteen shillings (17 fr. 50 c.),

including rations, while a Parsi filling the most modest employment of

a cook or a servant earns double that sum. During certain disturbances

when Bombay was deprived of its European troops, many Parsis would

willingly have enrolled themselves in the army if they had been given

the pay of European soldiers. It is a matter of regret to them,

perhaps a sort of degradation of which they feel the keenness, at

being obliged to put forward pecuniary considerations; but their mode

of life, even that of the poorest among them, cannot be compared with

that of Hindoos and Mussalmans of the same class. These can live on

seven rupees a month; Hindoos and Mahomedans of the same family are

content with one room, a thing which the humblest Parsi would never

allow. The Hindoo or Mussulman woman hardly requires more than one

or two saris, costing about three rupees, to clothe herself, and

her children can go naked till the age of ten years. But as for the

Parsi woman she requires several saris, trousers, shirts and slippers,

besides suitable clothing for her children. How can a Parsi soldier

then manage to live and bring up his family on seven rupees a month?

Mr. Karaka ends his long and eloquent appeal with a sentence which

sounds the true keynote of the regret felt by the Parsis at being

merely compared with the natives when they felt themselves to

be morally and intellectually their superiors. Why are they not

provided with commissions in the army like the Germans and other

Europeans? [86] Then only will they feel completely identified with

the British nation. [87]

The Parsis in India are divided into two sects, the Shahanshahis and

the Kadmis. [88] When Anquetil Duperron visited India this division

already existed, and he found them "more excited against each other

than the Mahomedan sects of Omar and Ali." The Parsis, however, do

not admit this. This division has nothing to do with their faith,

and has nothing in common with the division between the Shiahs and

the Sunnis. The schism [89] has arisen simply out of a difference

of opinion concerning the exact date of computation of the era

of Yezdezard, the last king of the ancient Persian monarchy. This

division does not exist amongst the Zoroastrians who have remained

behind in their own country.

The Parsis reckon their year on a calculation of three hundred and

sixty-five days, each month consisting of thirty days. Their year

commences with the month of Farvardin, and ends with the month of

Spendarmad. At the end of three hundred and sixty days, five days,

called the Gathas are added. The period of five hours and fifty-four

seconds does not enter into their computation. The old Persians,

therefore, in order to make their calculation agree with the

solar year, had made at the end of every hundred and twenty years

an intercalation or Kabisa, that is to say, they added one month

to that period. The Persian Zoroastrians, after the loss of their

independence, either through ignorance or simple forgetfulness, had

ceased to practise this Kabisa, whilst the Parsis had continued this

intercalation during their residence in Khorassan. Hence the origin

of the sects with which we have to deal.

In 1720 [90] Jamasp Vilayati, a learned Zoroastrian from Persia,

settled in Surat to advise the Mobeds, and it was he who discovered

that his co-religionists of India were one month behind their Iranian

brethren. Little importance however was attached to this fact. But

in 1746 another Iranian, Jamshed, and some Mobeds adopted the date

accepted by the Persian Zoroastrians, and took the name of Kadmis. The

rest of the community were called Shahanshahis, and preserved the

ancient system. Little by little the number of the adherents of

Jamshed increased. Now it should be noticed that it was in Surat that

this schism among the Parsis first took place, and for some time the

harmonious relations between the two did not suffer by it. But two

respectable men, Mancherji Kharshedji Seth, of the Shahanshahi sect,

and Dhanjisha Manjisha, of the Kadmi sect, managed literally to ignite

the powder in spite of their benevolent intentions. In order to get

some enlightenment Dhanjisha Manjisha sent to Persia at his own expense

a priest from Bharooch, Kavas Rustam Jalal. Born at Bharooch in 1733,

this man was well versed in the Arabic and Persian languages. For

twelve years he remained in Persia and Turkey, visited Yezd, Ispahan,

Shiraz, and Constantinople, and returned to Surat in 1780. During his

sojourn in Persia he had obtained an audience with Kerim Khan. Some

months before his return Dhanjisha Manjisha had come to Bombay, and

had there founded the Kadmi sect under the auspices of Dadiseth,

one of the most influential men of the time. Mulla Kavas followed

his patron to Bombay and was appointed Dastoor of the Atash-Behram

erected by Dadiseth himself (Dadibhai Nasarwanji) for the Kadmi sect,

which he consecrated on the 29th of September, 1783. The following

year he quitted Bombay and settled in Hyderabad, in the Deccan, where

he was honoured with the friendship of the Nizam. He remained there

till his death, which took place in 1802 (Parsee Prakash, p. 92).

The Kadmi sect continued to flourish in Bombay, when, at the

commencement of the century, rose the great dispute of the Kabisa, that

is to say, the famous month by which the Kadmis were in advance of the

Shahanshahis (Parsee Prakash, pp. 62, 198, 863, 867, &c.). Mulla Firoz,

[91] son of Mulla Kavas, and another distinguished priest, Fardunji

Marazbanji, constituted themselves the champions of the Kadmi sect,

while the mass of the people, guided by Kharshedji Manockji Shroff,

grouped themselves under the patronage of the pious Dastoor of the

Shahanshahis, Edulji Dorabji Sanjana, [92] and clung to the date

observed by the Parsis since their arrival in India. Meetings were

organised to which learned Moguls were invited, in order to offer

explanations, and, if possible, to terminate the discussion. The

newspapers were full of virulent articles, pamphlets appeared in great

numbers, and the people in some cases seemed disposed to settle the

question by the right of might, an irrefutable argument.

The Shahanshahis maintained that the Zoroastrian religion admitted a

month's intercalation at the end of a period of 120 years, and that at

the time of the fall of the Persian Empire there had indeed been one

intercalation during their sojourn in Khorassan, but once they were

in India this usage had been abandoned; hence the backwardness by one

month from the computation of the Kadmis. The latter declared on the

other hand that the intercalation was forbidden in the Zoroastrian

calendar, that it was only meant for political emergencies, and that

this mode of calculation had never been practised in Khorassan.

Modern learning has brought this vexed question within its true

limits. Mr. Kharshedji Rustamji Kama, of the Kadmi sect, known by

his study of the Zoroastrian religion, has proved, or rather has

attempted to prove, in a work on the computation of Yezdezard, that

the Shahanshahis and the Kadmis were both in error (1870). The Kadmis

were wrong in denying that the Parsee new year commenced on the 21st of

March, for from a more exact knowledge of the language of the Avesta,

and the deciphering of Pehlvi coins, it is demonstrated that the

Zoroastrian religion admitted the intercalation; and the Shahanshahis

were equally wrong, for, since the downfall of the Persian Empire,

there had been no intercalation as they affirmed. The opinion of

the Kadmis, in accordance with the date accepted by the Zoroastrians

of Persia, which proves that there had been no intercalation after

the fall of the national dynasty, is absolutely correct; but as the

intercalation was not ordered by the Zoroastrian religion, it appears

that both sides were wrong in the controversy of the Kabisa.

The greatest disputes had arisen from this religious quarrel; scenes

of surprising violence had resulted from it. For instance, in Bharooch

(1782-1783) a certain Homaji Jamshedji had struck a pregnant woman and

been condemned to death; others got off with mere fines. In the heat

of the disputes families became divided; marriages between Kadmis and

Shahanshahis were very rare. [93] At present most of the difficulties

have been smoothed down. It happens sometimes that the husband and

wife belong to different sects; in that case the children invariably

belong to the father's sect. There are no appreciable differences,

the pronunciation alone being at times not quite the same. Thus

Ahu, Vohu, is pronounced Ahi, Vohi among the Kadmis. There is also

some difference in certain religious ceremonies, and in certain

liturgical formulas. But the greatest divergence is in the mention

of the month and the date of the day when the worshipper is reciting

his prayers. All the feasts are observed by both the sects, but at

different dates.

The Shahanshahis are greatly superior in numbers to the Kadmis. [94]

The latter can hardly count more than ten to fifteen thousand

adherents. Many of them occupy the highest position. Mr. F. N. Patel,

the members of the Cama, Dadiseth, and Banaji families, &c., are among

them. The Shahanshahis are represented by Sir Jamshedji Jijibhoy,

Sir Dinsha Manockji Petit, and many other not less respectable names.

II

The Parsis, at the time of their arrival in India, had made some

changes in their national costume with a view to please the princes

who had received them. Thus we note the resemblance of the angarakha

and the turban of the men, and of the saris of the women, with the

dress of the Hindoos of Gujerat.

NOTES

[1] The first mention of the Persians is made in Jeremiah xxxix. 3.

[2] Herodotus, Ctesias, Deinon, Theopompe, Hermippe, Plutarch,

Diogenes Laertius, Pliny, Strabo, Pausanias, Dion Chrysostom,

Damascius, Theodorus of Mopsuestia, &c.

[3] Mahomedan writers: Firdousi, Mirkhoud, Tabari, Masoudi,

Shahrastani, Dimisqhi, Ibn Fozlan, &c. Armenian writers: Eznik,

Elisee, &c.

[4] The cuneiform Achaemenian inscriptions found in Persia and in

other places, deciphered and published by Grotefend, Burnouf, Lassen,

Rawlinson, Norris, Spiegel, de Saulcy, Oppert, Menant, Kossowicz,

&c., &c.

[5] Arrien, Expedition d'Alexandre, liv. iii., cxxii.

[6] Weil, Geschichte der Khalifen nach handschrift, Grosstentheils

Quellen, &c., &c., ch. ii. pp. 54 et seq.; Mannheim, 1864. Caussin

de Perceval, Histoire des Arabes, liv. ix. p. 400, 1848. Malcolm,

Hist. of Persia, from the most early period to the present time,

vol. i. c. vi. p. 170, London, MDCCCXV.

[7] "Quadesyeh--A place celebrated for the battles fought there between

the Mussulmans and the Persians. (The town of Elkadder, not far from

Kerbela, marks the old site of Kadesia. As to Koufah a collection of

ruins marks the site of the capital of the Caliphate, which is said to

have been as great as Babylon.) It is about fifteen farsakhs from

Koufah and four miles from Ozhaib; longitude, 69 deg.; latitude, 31 deg. 2'

3''. It was in the year 16 of the Hejira, under the Caliphate of Omar

ben Khatthab, that the Mussulmans, commanded by Sa'd ben Abi Waqqas,

fought against the infidels. During the action, Sa'd had withdrawn into

the castle ("There was at Ozhaib a castle belonging to the Persians

called Qodais, whence, it is said, the name Quadesyeh. Sa'd occupied it

with his harem, as he was suffering from gout, and could neither sit

nor ride. Lying on the top of this fortress he watched his army, and

some men posted below transmitted his military orders and arrangements"

(Merasid) (See Essai sur l'Histoire des Arabes by Caussin de Perceval,

iii. 481-485, and Weil, Gesch. der Chal. i. pp. 65 et seq.) to watch

the movements of his troops. This step was regarded as a proof of

cowardice, and a Mussulman in the army composed the following verses

against him (thawil metre):--

"Seest thou not that God has sent us the victory, whilst Sa'd

is hiding behind the gates of Quadesyeh?

He was thinking then of increasing his family and of making

his wives mothers, for the wives of Sa'd know not

the privations of celibacy."

Another poet, Bischer ben Rebi'ah, has spoken of the battle of

Quadesyeh in these terms (same metre):--

"My camel stopped at the gates of Quadesyeh; my chief was

Sa'd ben (Abi) Waqqas.

Remember (may God guide thee) our prowess near Qodais,

and the blindness of our perfidious enemies.

That evening many of us would willingly have borrowed

the wings of the birds to fly away,

When their battalions advanced one after another against us,

like unto moving mountains.

With my sword I threw their ranks into disorder, and my lance

dispersed them; for I am a man worthy of wielding the

lance,

I and my companions: Amr, father of Thawr, the martyr,

Haschem, Qais, No'man the brave, and Djerir."

There exists a great number of poems composed in honour of this

battle, one of the most celebrated, and fraught with the greatest

blessings for the Mussulmans. Omar having written to Sa'd to ask for

some information regarding the position of Quadesyeh, the latter

sent him the following:--"Quadesyeh is situated between the moat

and el-'Atiq (the canal of the Euphrates). On its left is the sea,

a sort of bay, whence lead two roads to Hirah: the first, over high

hills; the second, over the banks of a river called Khousous, which

passes out between Khawarnaq and Hirah; on its right are numerous

streams which water the country. All the tribes who have made peace

with the Mussulmans before my arrival tremble before the Persians,

and are ready to assist me." The historians of the first conquests

divide this affair at Quadesyeh into four battles. The first is called

the battle of Ermath; the second, the battle of Aghwath; the third,

the battle of Amas; the evening preceding the fourth, they called

the evening of Herir or of the storm; and the last, the battle of

Quadesyeh. The celebrated Rustam, son of Farrokh-Zad, lost his life

in this battle, and the Persians could not replace this skilful

general. (Dictionnaire geographique, historique et litteraire de la

Perse et des Contrees adjacentes, taken from the Mo'd'jem el-Bouldan

of Yaqout, &c. Trans. Barbier de Meynard, Paris, 1861, p. 432.)

[8] Malcolm, Hist. of Persia, vol. i. ch. vi. p. 174. Weil, Geschichte

der Chalifen, ch. ii. pp. 54 et seq. Caussin de Perceval, Histoire des

Arabes, bk. x. pp. 481 et seq. Masoudi, Prairies d'or, trans. Barbier

de Meynard, c. lxxvi. p. 207. Tabari, trans. H. Zotenburg, part

iv. ch. xli. pp. 385 et seq.

[9] Nehawend.--A large town about three days' journey from Hamadan,

in the direction of the qiblah (south-west). Aboul-Moundher Hischam

says it received this name because it was found wholly built, and in

the same condition as at present. Others carry back its foundation to

Noah, and think that its present name is an abbreviation of Nouh-Awend

or Nouh-Wand, that is to say, the city of Noah. Hamzah thinks that its

old name was Nouha-Wend, which means "the well multiplied." Nehawend

is situated in the fourth climate, 72 deg. longitude and 36 deg. latitude;

it is one of the oldest cities of Djebal. It was conquered about

the year 19 or 20 of the Hejira. Abou Bekr el-Hodhaili, relying

upon the testimony of Mohammed, son of Hasan, says: "The battle of

Nehawend was fought in the year 21, under the Caliphate of Omar, son

of Khatthab. The Mussulmans were commanded by No'man ben Mokarren

el-Mouzeni; this general had under him Hodhaifah, son of Yemani,

Djerir ben 'Abd Allah, el-Moghairah ben Scha'bah and el-Asch'ath ben

Qais." When No'man, who was one of the companions of the Prophet,

was killed, the commandership passed into the hands of Hodhaifah;

it was this chief who concluded the peace, as we attribute it to the

word Mah-Dinar. This is what el-Moubarek ben Saib, who derived this

information from his father, relates: "Nehawend was taken by the army

of Koufah, and Dinewer by the troops of Basrah. As the population

of Koufah had considerably increased, some of its inhabitants were

obliged to emigrate into the countries newly pacified and subject to

Kharadj. It is thus that they came to inhabit Dinewer. The province

of Koufah was received in exchange for Nehawend, which was annexed to

the province of Ispahan, the remainder of Kharadj being taken off from

Dinewer and Nehawend. It was in the reign of Mo'awiah ben Abi Soufian

that Nehawend was called Mah-el-Basrah and Dinewer Mah-el-Koufah. The

Persians, before the battle of Nehawend, had gathered together

considerable troops; it is said that their army numbered about

150,000 men commanded by Firouzan. After this important battle,

which was called the 'Victory of Victories,' the resistance of the

Persians became less and less. The most accredited opinion is that

these events took place during the fifth year of Omar's Caliphate,

the year 19 of the Hejira." (Cf. Essai sur l'Histoire des Arabes,

by Caussin de Perceval, vol. iii. p. 491, and the Annales of Abou'l

Feda, ed. of Reiske, vol. i. p. 242. See B. de Meynard, Dict. geog.,

hist., &c., p. 573.)

[10] Malcolm, Hist. of Persia, vol. i. ch. vi. p. 176. G. Weil,

Geschichte der Chalifen, &c., ch. ii. p. 54. Masoudi, Prairies d'or,

trans. Barbier de Meynard, ch. lxxvi. p. 233. Tabari, trans. Zotenberg,

part iv. ch. xlvii. p. 467.

[11] Khorassan--A large country stretching from Iraq (Persian)

to Azadwar (the chief town of the province of Djouein) and to

Beihaq. It is bounded on the side of India (on the south and east) by

Thokharistan, Ghaznee, Sedjestan, and Kirman. It contains fine cities,

such as Nisabour, Merve, which has been the capital of Balk, Herat,

Thaleqan, Nesa, Abiwerd, Serakhs, and other large cities situate

on this side of the river Oxus. Some geographers have placed the

provinces of Kharezm and a part of Transoxiana in Khorassan, but that

is an error.... When Islam appeared in the world, the Khorassanians,

by a quite special favour of Providence, eagerly welcomed it. They

accepted without opposition the peace offered them; hence they were

subjected to a light tax only, and escaped being massacred or made

prisoners. The conquest itself took place in the eighteenth year of

the Hejira. 'Omar ben Khattab sent into Khorassan El-Ahnef ben Qais,

who in a short time took possession successively of the two Thabes,

Herat, Merv esch-Schahidjan and Nisabour, after having forced the

Persian king Yezdezard, son of Schahriar, to take refuge in Transoxiana

with the Khan of the Turks. (See B. de Meynard, Dict. geog., hist.,

&c., p. 197.)

[12] This town is situated on an arm of the sea, communicating with

Fars. It serves as a port to Kirman, and it is there that vessels

from India deposit the merchandise destined for Kirman, Sedjestan,

and Khorassan. Some authors write and pronounce it Hormouz. (See

B. de Meynard, Dict. geog., hist., &c., p. 595.)

Mohammed Medjdi gives some historical details concerning the old town

and island of Hormuz up to the time of the conquest of Albuquerque

(1514): "The town of Hormuz is situated in the second climate, and

the heat there is excessive. Founded by Ardeschir Babegan, it was

abandoned (in 715) by King Schems ed-din, who feared the attacks of the

neighbouring brigands. This king built another town in the island of

Djeroun, about one farsakh from the coast, and kept for it the name of

Hormuz. For a hundred and twenty years the Franks have exercised there

an absolute power. Its governor, Nour ed-Din, having conceived the

fatal idea of asking their assistance when in a difficult situation,

allowed them a tenth part of its revenue. In a short time they so

skilfully usurped the authority that the king and the vezir of the

country had not the least share in the government." (Zinet, chapter

ix.) Before the Portuguese conquest, this island, tributary to Persia

and annexed to Kirman, paid an annual contribution of sixty thousand

dinars. (Nouzhet, fol. 670. See also the Arabic text of Abou'l Feda,

p. 339, and the Voyages of Ibn Batoutah, Vol. ii. p. 230.) B. de

Meynard, Dict. geog., hist., &c., p. 595 (note).

[13] See Translation from the Persian of Kissah-i-Sanjan, or

History of the Arrival and Settlement of the Parsees in India, by

E. B. Eastwick, in the Journal of the Bombay Branch, Royal Asiatic

Society, vol. i. p. 167. As for us, we have followed the order of

events, such as it is presented by Mr. B. B. Patell in his admirable

work, the Parsee Prakash, and the interesting resume of Mr. Dosabhai

Framji Karaka. See Bomanji Byramji Patell, Parsee Prakash, being

a record of important events in the growth of the Parsee community

in Western India, chronologically arranged from the date of their

immigration into India to the year 1860 A.D., vol. in 4to, Bombay,

1878-1888, 1,053 pages (in Gujerati), and Dosabhai Framji Karaka,

History of the Parsis, 2 vols. in 8vo, London, 1884.

[14] Diu--Portuguese possession--latitude, 20 deg. 43' 20'' North;

longitude, 71 deg. 2' 30'' East--at the entrance of the Gulf of Cambay,

to the south of the Gujerat Peninsula. Its length from east to west

is six miles and a half, and its greatest extent from north to south

is one mile. It has a small but very fine harbour. The climate is

dry and stifling, the soil barren, water scarce, and agriculture

much neglected. Its principal products are wheat, millet, nachni,

bajri, cocoanut, and some kinds of fruits. The population of Diu

consists of about 10,765 inhabitants, of whom 419 are Christians,

9,575 Hindoos, and 771 Mahomedans. At its most flourishing period

the number had risen, it is said, to nearly 50,000. Now there are

not more than 3,107 houses, very poor and uncomfortable for the most

part. In fact, the commerce of Diu is now ruined. The resources of

the inhabitants consisted formerly in weaving and dyeing; fishing

is their only occupation. Some bold minds attempt trading on the

Mozambique coast. The appearance of Diu is interesting. The fortress,

rebuilt after the siege of 1545 by Dom Joan de Castro, is imposing in

appearance. To the west, the town extends divided in two quarters,

that of the Christians and that of the Pagans. Of the fine edifices

of Diu, there still remains the college of the Jesuits turned into

the Cathedral church; of the other convents, that of Saint Francois

serves as a military hospital, and that of Saint Jean-de-Dieu as a

cemetery, while that of Saint Dominique is in ruins. (See W. W. Hunter,

Imperial Gazetteer of India, vol. iii. p. 171.)

[15] Sanjan--A small village of the Thana district, formerly an

important town known to the Portuguese, and called, after them, under

the name of Saint John. (See Imp. Gaz. of India, vol. iii. p. 174.)

[16] Damman--A Portuguese town, about one hundred miles to the north

of Bombay. Its superficial area is eighty-two square miles, comprising

the pargana of Nagar Haveli. The population consists of about 40,980

souls. The settlement is composed of two distinct parts; Damman and

the pargana of Nagar Haveli, separated by a territory belonging to

the English and by a railroad running through Bombay, Baroda, and

Central India. The town was sacked by the Portuguese in 1532, then

rebuilt by the natives, and re-taken by the Portuguese in 1558, and

made by them one of their settlements in India. They have converted the

mosque into a church, and have built eight others. Commerce flourished

there before the fall of the Portuguese power in India, and extended

even as far as the African coasts, where ships carried the cotton

stuffs manufactured at Damman. From 1817 to 1837 the trade in opium,

brought from Karachi and imported into China, was prosperous; but since

the conquest of Sind by the English the transport of opium has been

prohibited, and Damman has thus been deprived of its greatest source

of wealth. The soil is moist and fertile, specially in the pargana

of Nagar Haveli; rice, wheat, and tobacco are grown there; but in

spite of the facilities for agriculture, only a twentieth part of

the territory is cultivated. (See Imp. Gaz. of India, vol. iii. p. 21.)

[17] The Parsis call him Jade Rana; Dr. Wilson suggests that he

was doubtless Jayadeva or Vana Raja of Anahillawada, who reigned in

Gujerat from 745 to 806.

[18] There are several manuscripts of the "Slokas" in Sanscrit and in

Gujerati. In the Indian Antiquary, p. 214 (July 5, 1872), we find a

version of it, according to the translation prepared by Dastoor Hoshang

Jamasp, the High Priest at Poona. The author compares it to another

more ancient one, then in the hands of Dr. Wilson, and points out

numerous divergences; besides, according to Dr. Wilson himself, there

are no two manuscripts, either in Gujerati or in Sanscrit, similar

in wording, though identical so far as the substance is concerned.

[19] Cambay--Capital of the country of that name, a province of

Gujerat, down the Gulf of Cambay, to the north of the estuary

of the Mahi. Population (1872) 33,709. (See Imp. Gaz. of India,

vol. ii. p. 334.)

[20] Ankleswar--Capital of the subdivision of that name in the district

of Bharooch. Population (1872) 9,414 inhabitants. (See Imp. Gaz. of

India, vol. i. p. 203.)

[21] Thana--A British District in the Bombay Presidency. The territory,

which formed part of the States of the Peishwa, was annexed by

the English Government in 1818 on the overthrow of Baji-Rao. The

population is 847,424 inhabitants (1872), including 3,920 Parsis. Thana

is 26 miles north of Bombay. It possesses a station and a port. (See

Imp. Gaz. of India, vol. ix. p. 34.)

[22] Some Parsis who, since their arrival in India, in 636, had

remained in the south of Gujerat, were attracted to the temple of

Kumarika Kshetra, on the mouth of the Mahi (tenth century). These

new-comers succeeded in commerce, and were followed by others, so that

the Parsi element became sufficiently strong to drive the Hindoos

from the town. Amongst those who fled there was a certain Kalianrai

who, taking refuge in Surat, acquired a great fortune by trading in

pearls. His wealth gained him some importance; so that he gathered

together a band of Rajputs and Kolis, who attacked the Parsis one

night, set fire to their houses, and put some to the sword; the rest

took to flight. Kalianrai then formed a project to build a town on the

ruins of the Parsi colony. (See Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency.)

[23] The translation of the first inscription is due to Mr. K. R. Cama

in his Studies of the Zoroastrian Religion (vol. iii. p. 160); and

the second to Mr. M. S. Watcha, in the collection entitled Zarthoshti

Abhyas (vol. iv. p. 212). (See Parsee Prakash, p. 2.)

[24] Naosari--A town in the territory of the Gaekwar of Baroda, on

the banks of the Pourna, 12 miles from the sea, 18 from Surat, and 149

from Bombay. Lat. 22 deg. 7' N.; long. 73 deg. 40' E. The population in 1872

amounted to 14,700 inhabitants. Naosari is a very flourishing town;

its prosperity depending on the Parsi colony. (See Imp. Gaz. of India,

vol. vii. p. 179.)

[25] Sari--A fallen town of Thabarestan (Mazanderan). It was here,

says Beladori, that the Governor of the province under the Taherides

resided. The author of the Nouzhet, to indicate the great antiquity

of this place, attributes its foundation to Thahomurs. (See also

B. de Meynard, Dict, geo., hist., &c., p. 295.) It is a ruined

city. According to Fraser it had a population of 30,000 inhabitants

towards the commencement of the century. D'Anville and Rennell have

tried to identify Sari with the ancient Zadra-Karta, the greatest

city of Hyrcania, where the army of Alexander stopped to sacrifice

to the gods. It was here that the great achievements of the heroic

times of Persia are supposed to have been accomplished. Feridoon,

the legendary hero of the Persians, is supposed to be buried under

the threshold of a mosque, which is erected on the site of a Fire

Temple. Sari is surrounded by immense gardens, and the country around

is covered with mulberry trees, cotton plants, sugar cane, and rice

fields. It has a port on the Caspian Sea, at the mouth of the Tedjun,

called Farahabad, the abode of joy, founded by Shah 'Abbas. Pietro

della Valle speaks of it as the principal city of Mazanderan.

[26] Westergaard, Zend-Avesta, p. 304.

[27] Bharooch--A British District in the Bombay Presidency; population

350,332 souls (1872). There are about 3,116 Parsis there, nearly

all traders or agriculturists. Its capital on the Nerbudda has a

population of 36,932 inhabitants. The English had a factory there

since 1616; they took possession of Bharooch in 1703. The Parsis must

have settled there since the eleventh century; many quitted Bharooch

for Bombay. (See Imp. Gaz. of India, vol. ii. pp. 224 et seq.)

[28] See Voyages en Asie du Frere Odoric de Pordenone, religieux

de Saint Francois. Edited and annotated by M. H. Cordier, p. 82,

Paris, 1891.

[29] Thana was abandoned for over three centuries. In 1774 the Parsis

returned and took possession of it, according to the terms of a treaty

concluded with a Maratha Sardar, Ragunathrao Dada Saheb. Kavasji

Rastamji, of Bombay, accompanied them, and he was entrusted with

the office of patel in the following places: Charnibanda, Munpesar,

Trombay, Muth, Murve, Manori, Vesava, Danda, Bandora, Kalyan, Bhimardi,

and other places in the island of Salsette.

[30] Dr. Wilson (J.B.B.R.A.S., 1,182) has suggested that the Mahmood

Shah of the Kissah-i-Sanjan was Mahmood Begada, who reigned over

Gujerat from 1459-1513. The mention of Champaner (A fort and village

in the Panch-Mahals district, situated on an isolated rock of great

height. (See Imp. Gaz. of India, vol. ii. p. 375.)) as his capital

seems to indicate that the author of the Kissah-i-Sanjan thought that

the Mussulman prince was the famous Mahmood Begada. But the conquest

of Gujerat by Alp Khan was so complete that it leaves no doubt that

Sanjan fell into his hands. The conqueror might possibly, though

less likely, be Mahmood Shah Tughlik, who re-conquered Gujerat and

the Thana coast in 1348, and not Mahmood Begada, as the authorities

agree in saying that, after long wanderings, the Fire was brought

from Sanjan to Naosari about the beginning of the fifteenth century

(1419). Alp Khan may be either Ulugh Khan, Ala-ud-din's brother,

who is sometimes called by mistake Alp Khan, or he may be Alp Khan,

Ala-ud-din's brother-in-law. Ulugh Khan conquered Gujerat (1295-1297)

and Alp Khan governed it (1300-1320). The Alp Khan of the text was

doubtless Ulugh Khan. (Elliot, iii. 157, 163.) (See Gazetteer of the

Bombay Presidency.)

[31] In 1839, when Dr. J. Wilson visited Sanjan, he found only one or

two Parsi families there. The ruins of a dokhma constructed before

400 are still to be seen, but there is not a single Parsi to be

found there.

[32] Bansdah.--A tributary State (in the province of Gujerat) bounded

on the north and west by the Surat district, on the south east by

the Baroda State, on the east by the Dang States, and on the south by

the State of Dharampoor. The capital contains 2,321 inhabitants. (See

Imp. Gaz. of India, vol. ii. pp. 401-2.)

[33] A New Account of East India and Persia, in Eight Letters, from

1672-1681, by John Fryer, in 1698. Letter ii. p. 67.

[34] This dokhma still exists on the Malabar Hill. It was built in

1670 by Modi Hirji Watcha, an ancestor of the Watcha Ghandi family.

[35] Renan has summarised, in these few terse lines, the long

dissertations in the Sixth Book, tenth chapter, of the Praeparatio

Evangelica of Eusebius. (See Marcus Aurelius, ch. xxiv. pp. 439-440.)

[36] See Malcolm, Hist. of Persia, vol. i. ch. viii. p. 275 et seq.

[37] Shah Abbas the Great, desirous of increasing the commerce of

Ispahan, caused 1,500 Guebre families to come and settle outside

the town on this side of the river Zenderoud. Under Abbas II. they

quitted Gehr-Abad and returned to the mountains. We see in Kaempfer

that Abbas II. transported, in fact, nearly six hundred agricultural

families into the Armenian Colony of Sulpha, or Sjulfa, founded by

his ancestor, and which to the south bordered on the quarters of the

Guebres. (Amaenitates exoticae, &c., p. 164, Lemgoviae, 1712.)

[38] The Parsis, their History, Manners, Customs, and Religion,

ch. ii. pp. 31 et seq., London, 1884.

[39] In fifteen years the number has risen by 18 per cent., or 1

1/5 per cent. per year; thus, in February, 1878, there were 1,341

Zoroastrians in Kirman; in August, 1879, the number had risen to 1,378,

viz., an increase of 1 4/5 per cent.

[40] A. Houtum-Schindler. Die Parsen in Persien, ihre Sprache und

einige ihrer Gebraeuche. (See Z. D. M. G., 36 ter Band, pp. 54 et

seq., Leipzig, 1882.) Dupre (1807-1809) and Kinneir (1810) register

the number of Zoroastrians in Persia, and put it down at 4,000

families. Trezel (1807-9) raises it to 8,000 Guebres in Yezd and in

the neighbouring villages; Christie (1819) and Fraser (1821) count

about 3,000 families in all Persia; Abbot (1845) lowers the number to

800 families in Yezd and in the surrounding places. Petermann (1854)

counts 3,000 families, of whom 1,200 men are in Yezd; Goldsmid (1865),

4,500 Guebres in Yezd and Kirman; and finally Capt. Evan Smith (1870)

3,800 families.

[41] Two young officers of the Indian Army have lately attempted

to cross the frightful solitudes of Dusht-i-Kavir. (See Proc. of

the R.G.S., November, 1891, and Asiatic Quarterly Review, October,

1891.) Dush-i-Sut has been more easy to explore, although the danger

is not less, owing to the clouds of sand raised by the winds.

[42] Yezd.--"Yezd enjoys a temperate climate. It is surrounded by

canals and aqueducts which carry the water into the interior of the

town. There are constructed there reservoirs and cisterns, structures

as remarkable as those which are seen at Kaschan. Most of the houses

and edifices, although built of raw bricks, are of great solidity;

besides, the rainfall is very scarce in that country. The town is well

built and very clean, because care is taken to have the rubbish removed

every day from it, which rubbish is used to manure the fields. Wheat,

cotton, and silk are produced there, but the wheat is not abundant

enough to suffice for food, and some wheat is therefore imported from

Kirman and Schiraz, so that its price is somewhat high. Among the

fruits of Yezd are praised figs, called misqali, and pomegranates. The

inhabitants, formerly Schafeites, belong now to the Schiite sect;

they are almost all weavers, and are known for their honesty and by

their gentleness, which degenerates even into weakness. Hamd Allah

Mustofi, while doing justice to the loyalty of the merchants, accuses

the brokers of that town of intolerable arrogance and pride." (Zinet

el-Medjalis). (Cf. Nouzhet, fol. 602.) See B. de Meynard, Dict. geog.,

hist., &c., p. 611, note 1.

During nearly two centuries the governors (atabegs) of Yezd, like those

of Lauristan, maintained their independence; but in the thirteenth

century Ghazan Khan supplanted them. As for the modern travellers who

have visited those regions, this is what is known of them: Marco Polo

traversed Yezd in 1272, the monk Odoric in 1325, and Josafa Barbaro

in 1474. It was then a city surrounded with walls nearly five miles

in circumference, and well known by its silk trade. Tavernier, in the

seventeenth century, stayed there for three days, enough to make him

extol the fruits and the beauty of the women of that place; similarly

in the nineteenth century the European savants made acquaintance with

that region. Christie, having left Pottinger in Baloochistan, traversed

it while returning from Herat (1810). (See A. Dupre (1808), Voyage in

Persia, vol. ii. ch. xlii.; Dr. A. Petermann (1854), Reisen im Orient,

vol. ii. ch. xii. pp. 203 et seq.; N. de Khamkoff (1859), Memoir,

pp. 200-204; A. H. Schindler (1879), Zeit. f. Gesell d. Erd. zu Berlin;

Curzon (1889), Persia, vol. ii. ch. xxiii. pp. 238-243, London, 1892.)

[43] Kerman--The word is written sometimes Kirman; but the first

pronunciation seems more correct. It is a vast and populated

country, situate in the third climate; longitude 90 deg., latitude

30 deg. It contains a great number of districts, towns, and

boroughs. Its boundaries are: To the east, Mokran and the desert

which extends between Mokran and the sea, near the country of the

Belouth (Beloochees); to the west, Fars; to the north, the deserts

of Khorassan and Sedjestan; to the south, the sea of Fars. On the

frontier of Sirdjan, Kirman makes an angle and advances into the

boundaries of Fars; it has also a bend on its southern sides. Kirman

is rich in palm-trees, corn, cattle, and beasts of burden; it offers

an analogy to the province of Basrah by the number of its rivers and

the fertility of its territory. This is what has been said by Mahomed

bin Ahmed el-Beschari: "Kerman participates in the natural qualities

of Fars; it resembles by its productions the country of Basrah, and it

has also some analogical reference to Khorassan. In fact, its sides are

washed by the sea; it unites the advantages of hot and cold climates;

it produces the nut-tree and the palm-tree, and yields in abundance

the two best species of dates, and produces the most varied trees and

fruits. Its principal cities are, Djiraft, Menouqan, Zarend, Bemm,

Sirdjan (or Schiradjan), Nermasir, and Berdesir. Tutenag (toutia) is

collected there and is imported in large quantities. The inhabitants

are virtuous, honest, and much attached to Sunnism and orthodoxy. But

a great part of this country is depopulated and ruined, on account of

the different masters who possessed it, and the tyrannical domination

of its Sultans. For many years, instead of having been governed by

a particular dynasty, it has been administered by governors who have

had no other occupation than to amass wealth and to make it pass into

Khorassan. Now, this emigration of the resources of a country to the

profit of another is one of the surest causes of its ruin; besides,

the presence of a king and a court contributes much to the prosperity

of a State. The epoch of the glory and splendour of Kerman reaches to

the reign of the Seldjouqide dynasty, and during that happy period,

a great number of foreigners fixed their residence there." See B. de

Meynard, Dict. geog., hist., &c., pp. 482 et seq.

Among the modern travellers who have visited Kirman since the

commencement of the century, see Sir H. Pottinger (1810), Travels in

Beloochistan, cap. x.; N. de Khanikoff (1859), Memoirs, pp. 186-198;

Curzon (1889), Persia, vol. ii. ch. xxii. pp. 243-246.

[44] In 1878 the numbers were 39,718 Mussalmans, 1,341 Parsis,

85 Jews, and 26 Hindoos, which gives a total of 41,170 souls. The

Hindoos are Mussulmans who have come for the most part from Scind and

Shikarpur. Some have established at Bahramabad some great commercial

firms.

[45] Malcolm, History of Persia, vol. ii. ch. xxi. p. 271.

[46] It is reported that the conqueror caused to be presented to

himself on dishes 35,000 pairs of eyes! Thirty thousand women and

children were reduced to slavery.... It is at Bam, a small village

140 miles to the south-east of Kirman, that Luft Ali Khan was made

a prisoner and delivered over to his enemy who, with his own hands,

tore out his eyes before causing him to perish. Sir H. Pottinger saw,

in 1810, a trophy of 600 skulls raised in honour of the victory of

Aga Mohammed.

[47] See Dieulafoy, Acropole de Suse, &c. Appendix, The Human Races

of Persia, pp. 87 and following. See also Duhousset, The Populations

of Persia, pp. 4-7; N. de Khanikoff, Ethnography of Persia, pp. 19,

47, 50, 56, &c.

[48] According to General Houtum-Schindler (see Memoir already cited,

pp. 82-84), the hairs of the Zoroastrians are smooth and thick,

generally black, or of a dark brown colour; one seldom meets with

a clear brown colour, never with the red. In Kirman some beards do

assume this colour, but they incline rather to the yellowish. The

eyes are black, or of an intense brown, sometimes grey or blue,

the eyebrows habitually thick and well furnished among men, delicate

and well shaped among women. The complexion is generally tawny; the

cheeks are coloured only among some women. The inhabitants of the

cities are pale in appearance, and not robust; those of the towns

are robust and well proportioned. We regret not to be able to insert

certain types sent for us from Yezd, the printing of this work being

too far advanced to enable us to make use of them.

[49] Malcolm, History of Persia, vol. i. ch. xv. pp. 607 et seq.

[50] Hanway, vol. ii. p. 153.

[51] Malcolm, History of Persia, vol. i. ch. xv. p. 642.--The chief

of one of the corps of Guebres at the siege of Ispahan was called by

the Mussulman name of Nasser-ullah. Hanway considers him as a Parsi

or Guebre.

[52] Letter from Prof. W. to the Rev. Dr. Wilson, written in 1843,

in Journ. As. of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. viii., 1846, p. 350.

[53] We cannot recount here odious details which a single word will

characterise: they were veritable dragonnades.

[54] General Houtum-Schindler ascertained that, before the abolition of

the Jazia, the position of the Guebres was good enough, and infinitely

better than that of the Jews at Teheran, Kaschan, Shiraz, and Bushire,

whilst at Yezd and in Kirman, on the contrary, the position of the

Jews was preferable. The hardships endured were very cruel. (See

Houtum-Schindler, Memoir already cited, p. 57.) Here are the principal

grievances of the Guebres: they were threatened with forced conversion;

property belonging to a Zoroastrian family was confiscated for the

use and profit of the proselytes, in disregard to the rights of the

legitimate heirs; property newly acquired was susceptible of being

burdened with taxes for the benefit of the "Mullas" up to a fifth of

its value; there was a prohibition against building new houses and

repairing old ones; the Guebres could not put on new or white coats,

nor could they ride on horseback; the traders had to submit to taxes

in addition to the Government duties of the custom house; and finally

the murder of a Zoroastrian was not punished, and often sanctuaries

were invaded and profaned.

[55] It is well to notice that the Persian Government, very careful to

please the ambassadors of the European and Christian courts, accords

voluntarily its protection to the natives who are in the neighbourhood

of the capital; but this protection ceases in the provinces where there

prevails the rule of local governors maintained by the fanaticism of

the inhabitants.

[56] The Parsees: their History, Manners, Customs, and Religion,

ch. ii. pp. 49 et seq.

[57] The members of the committee were: Messrs. Maneckji Nasarwanji

Petit, Rastamji Nusserwanji Wadia, Merwanji Framji Panday, Kavasji

Ardesir Sahair.

[58] For the negotiations on the subject of the Jazia, see Parsee

Prakash, pp. 659-662.

[59] Messrs. Naorozji Fardunji, Dadabhoy Naorozji, Ardeshir Kharshedji

Wadia, Dr. Rastamji Kavasji Bahadurji.

[60] Here is a translation of the text of the firman relieving the

Zoroastrians of Persia from the impost of the "Jazia":

"In consideration of the innumerable benedictions which it has pleased

the Almighty to accord to us, and as an act of grace towards Him who

has given us the Royal Crown of Persia, with the means of promoting the

welfare of its inhabitants, has devolved on us the duty of securing

tranquillity and happiness for all our subjects, to whatever tribe,

community, or religion they belong, so that they may be profited and

refreshed by the beneficent waters of our special favour.

"Amongst these are the Zoroastrians of Yezd and Kirman, who are

descended from the ancient and noble race of Persia, and it is now our

desire to make their peace and well-being more complete than before.

"That is why, by this royal firman, we ordain and command that the

taxes and imposts of the Crown, levied previously on our Musulman

subjects of Yezd and Kirman, may be recovered in the same way from the

Zoroastrians who reside there. In this manner the impost which exacts

from this community the sum of eight hundred and forty-five tomans,

is abolished, and in the commencement of this propitious year of the

Horse, we make an abatement of this sum and free the Zoroastrians from

it for ever. We therefore order and command our mustaufis and officers

of the debt of the Royal Exchequer to remove it from the revenues which

have to be paid in by Yezd and Kirman. The governors now in office,

or who will be nominated subsequently at the head of these provinces,

ought to consider all right to the payment of this tribute abolished

for ever, and, as regards the present year, and the following years,

if this sum should happen to be exacted, they will be held responsible

and will be punished for it. Moreover, in the tribute of the tithes and

imposts on water and land, and for all trade duties, the Zoroastrians

must be treated in the same manner as our other subjects.

"Given at Teheran, in the month of Ramzan, 1299 (August, 1882), &c."

[61] The Committee has now a fund of 275,000 Rs. (646,250 francs) made

up of subscriptions and of gifts made on the occasion of marriages

or after the death of relatives, at the Uthamna ceremony of the third

day. Out of these funds are supported twelve schools, opened in 1882

in Teheran, Yezd, and Kirman.

[62] Mr. Maneckji Limji Antaria is dead, but his successor is not

less zealous. The present president is Sir Dinsha Maneckji Petit,

and the honorary secretary Mr. Bomanji Byramji Patell.

[63] We reserve for a subsequent work certain documents which we have

been able to collect on the subject of the Zoroastrian communities

of Persia.

[64] Originally the affairs of the three establishments of the East

India Company, in Bengal, Madras, and Bombay, were administered

separately, each with a president and a council formed of agents

of the Company. The name of Presidency was applied to the whole

territory subject to this authority. This expression has no longer

its real signification; however, it is still employed in official

acts. British India is no longer divided into presidencies, but into

provinces, eight of which are very extensive countries, having separate

governments. The presidencies of Bombay and Madras are to-day only

the provinces of those names.

[65] Its territory extends from latitude 28 deg. 47' to 13 deg. 53' N.,

and from latitude 60 deg. 43' to 76 deg. 30' E. British districts, including

Sind, contain a total superficial area of 124,465 square miles, and a

population, according to the census of 1872, of 16,349,206 souls. The

Native States cover a surface of nearly 71,769 square miles, with a

population of 8,831,730 inhabitants, which gives, for the surface,

a total of 196,234 square miles, and for the population a total

of 25,180,936 inhabitants. The State of Baroda is no longer under

the direct administration of Bombay, but under that of the Supreme

Government; we may, however, consider it from the geographical point of

view as forming a part of Bombay. The Portuguese possessions of Goa,

Damman, and Diu, with a superficial area of 1,146 square miles and

a population of nearly 428,955 souls, are equally comprised in the

limits of the Presidency. See Imp. Gazetteer of India, vol. ii. p. 172

(Ed. of 1881).

[66] See for the explanation of this word, Sir John Strachey, India,

pref. and trans. of J. Harmand, chap. vi. p. 145, Paris, 1892.

[67] See Sir William Wilson Hunter, K.C.S.I., Bombay 1885 to 1890,

a study in Indian Administration. London, 1892.

[68] The whole population of India comes to 287,223,431: Brahmins,

207,731,727; aboriginal tribes, 9,280,467; Sikhs, 190,783; Jains,

1,416,633; Zoroastrians, 89,904; Buddhists, 7,131,361; Jews,

17,194; Christians, 2,284,380; Mussulmans, 58,321,164; diverse races,

42,763. See Statistical Abstract relating to British India from 1883-84

to 1892-93, 28th November, London, 1894. Distribution of Population

according to Religion, Sex and Civil Condition, &c., p. 26, No. 14.

[69] Parsis, 76,774; Hindoos, 21,440,957; Mussulmans, 4,390,995;

Christians, 170,009; Jains, 555,209; Jews, 13,547; aboriginal tribes,

292,023; Buddhists, 674; Sikhs, 912; Brahmo-Samaj, 34; diverse

races, 51. In no part of India are religions and sects so mixed up

as in the Presidency of Bombay. See Ethnology of India by Mr. Justice

Campbell, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society. Supplementary number,

vol. xxxv. pt. ii. pp. 140, &c., &c.

[70] The Zoroastrian Calendar for the year of Yezdezard 1262, 16th

September, 1892, to 15th September, 1893; printed and published at the

Bombay Vartman Press, by Muncherji Hosunji Jagosh, 1892 (Gujerati). The

tables are very carefully done; an inquisitive reader will find there

the enumeration of the Parsi population of Bombay according to the

different districts, comparisons with the previous census and remarks

on the community.

[71] See Zoroastrian Calendar, p. 126.

[72] The disproportion between the two sexes is explained by the

general custom, which does not allow the Parsi servants to bring

their wives to the cities where they are employed.

[73] Statistics of births, deaths, and marriages amongst the

Parsis of Bombay, during the last ten years, in the Journal of the

Anthropological Society of Bombay, ii., November 1, pp. 55-65.

[74] We refer to the Parsee Prakash, for all those interesting details,

those of our readers who can read and understand Gujerati.

[75] "If I have not yet replied to your letter of the 19th November,"

he writes, "it is because I desired to make special researches

concerning the strange rumour which has been spread by the Syed on

the subject of a tribe of Parsis established at Khoten, remaining

faithful to the Zoroastrian customs, and still governed by its own

kings. I can tell you that it is a legend devoid of foundation,

and that Major Rawlinson, so learned in these matters, partakes of

my view. I suppose that the Syed, seeing the prosperous condition

of his co-religionists in Bombay, imagined that in flattering your

vanity he would act on your purse. Besides, the country of Khoten is

not the terra incognita which he has depicted. I have been in touch

with the people who have sojourned there; it is a dependency of China,

inhabited by Mussulman subjects of the Empire: the only Chinese who

are there form part of the garrison. According to all that has been

said to me of Khoten and the adjacent countries, the only difficulty

I have had is to define who are the Christian traders who frequent

those markets. I think that they are Russians or Nestorian Christians."

[76] See Cabool: being a Narrative of a Journey to, and Residence in

that City in the years 1836-7-8. By the late Lieut.-Col. Sir Alexander

Burnes. London, 1842.

[77] Vivien Saint Martin, New Dictionary of Universal Geography,

vol. iii. p. 9. Paris, 1887.

[78] "Returned herself as living on the wages of shame" (see Dosabhai

Framji Karaka, Hist. of Parsis, vol. i. chap. iii. p. 99).

[79] The Parsis have never followed certain occupations, as those of

a day labourer, palanquin bearer, barber, bleacher, &c., &c.

[80] Let us note the efforts of Sir Richard Temple, Governor of Bombay

(1877-80), who, on his way to Naosari, reminded the Parsis of certain

verses of the Vendidad relating specially to agricultural or pastoral

occupations, and exhorted them to continue such traditions. Since

then a rich Parsi of Bharooch, Mr. Rastamji Maneckji, has taken

on lease from the chief of Rajpipla, a great stretch of land in

the Panch-Mahals, and has cultivated it with success. He has been

outstripped by Kavasji Framji Banaji in his beautiful domain of

Pawai. Lord Mayo has highly recognised the great importance of

agricultural studies, and in 1870 he declared that the progress

of India in riches and in civilisation depended on the progress

of agriculture. See Strachey, India, trans. Harmand, chap. ix.;

Hunter, Bombay, &c., about the question of agricultural education

(chap. vi. pp. 158, 159-166), and about the foundation of a Chair

of Agriculture at Baroda under the auspices of the Gaekwar, at the

suggestion of Lord Reay, (p. 168.)

[81] See for the army in India, Strachey, India, trans. Harmand,

chap. iii. pp. 52 et seq.; Hunter, Bombay, &c., chap. xiv. pp. 448

et seq.

[82] Dosabhai Framji Karaka, Hist. of the Parsis, vol. i. pp. 101

et seq.

[83] The enrolment of the Parsis as volunteers, to the exclusion of

the other nationalities, has reappeared since the publication of the

work of Mr. D. F. Karaka. At Quetta, at Karachi, at Poona the Parsis

are admitted freely into the corps of the European Volunteers, and

lastly (June, 1894) Mr. Dinsha Dosabhai Khambatta is enrolled as a

lieutenant in the "Poona Volunteers"; he is now a lieutenant in the

"Quetta Corps."

[84] Padamji Pestanji is the chief of the Parsi community of Poona;

since the last riots, he obtained as a reward of his services the

title of Khan Bahadur; he is a member of the Legislative Council and

has the rank of a Sirdar of the First Class in the Dekkan.

[85] "We have not the slightest hesitation in saying that the Parsis

would be found to be as good and brave soldiers as the Anglo-Saxons,

while their loyalty and attachment to the Government they are called

upon to serve would always be above suspicion" (see Hist. of the

Parsis, vol. i. chap. iii. p. 103).

[86] "For if a German or a European of another nationality can secure

a commission in the British Army, why should not a Parsee, who is

the born subject of the Queen-Empress?" (See Hist. of the Parsis,

vol. i. chap. iii. p. 104.)

[87] Opinions are divided amongst the Parsis themselves on the subject

of their nationality and position in India. The Hon. Mr. P. M. Mehta

considers them as natives to the backbone. Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji,

M.P., is of the same opinion, whilst a certain number decline to

recognise this.

[88] The name of Shahanshahi means "imperial," and that of Kadmi is

drawn from qadim, "ancient." The Shahanshahis are also called Rasmis,

from Rasm, "custom," that is to say, that which is followed in India.

[89] On this schism, see Anquetil Duperron, Zend-Avesta,

Disc. Prel. p. ccccxxvi.; Wilson, The Parsi Religion, pp. 35, 36; Haug,

Essays, pp. 57, 58. Aspandiarji Kamdin resumed the controversy of the

Kabisa in a book appearing in Surat, in 1826: A Historical Account of

the Ancient Leap-Year of the Parsis (Gujerati). Mr. K. R. Kama held,

in 1869, a series of conferences on the ancient computation of time,

and has published The Era of Yezdezard (Gujerati).

[90] This is how Anquetil Duperron relates the incidents of this

memorable struggle: (Disc. Prel. pp. cccxxvi. et seq.) "About

forty-six years ago there came from Kirman a very clever Dastoor

named Djamasp. He had been sent to re-unite the Parsis divided on the

question of the Penom, a double piece of cloth with which the Parsis,

on certain occasions, cover a part of the face. Some wished that

it should be placed on the dead, others did not like this. Djamasp

decided in favour of the latter, according to the custom of Kirman. If

this Dastoor had not made the voyage to India, this frivolous contest

would have caused streams of blood to flow.

"Djamasp is believed to have examined the Vendidad, which was

current in Gujerat. He found the Pehlvi translation of it too long

and not correct in several places. Ignorance was the predominating

vice of the Parsis of India. In order to remedy it, the Dastoor of

Kirman formed some disciples, Darab at Surat, Djamasp at Naosari,

and a third at Bharooch, to whom he taught Zend and Pehlvi. Some

time after, tired of the contradictions which he had to endure, he

returned to Kirman. The books which this Dastoor has left in India

are an exact copy of the Zend and Pehlvi Vendidad, the Feroueschi,

the translation of the Vadjerguerd, and the Nerenguestan. These two

works are in Persian, mixed with Zend, and purely on ceremonials.

"Darab, the first disciple of Djamasp, and a Dastoor Mobed perfect

in the knowledge of Zend and Pehlvi, wished to correct the Pehlvi

translation of the Vendidad and rectify some portions of the Zend Text,

which appeared to him either to have been transposed or to present

useless repetitions. He began explaining to young Parsi theologians

the works of Zoroaster, which the Mobeds read every day without

understanding them. An enslaved people who for a long time practised a

thousand ceremonies, the sense and reason of which they were ignorant

of, would naturally fall into innumerable abuses. This was what

Darab, more learned than the others, observed. The purifications were

multiplied; the Zend text was inundated with Pehlvi commentaries, often

very inconsistent. Darab at first attempted the way of instruction. But

he found a powerful adversary in the person of Manscherdji, the chief

of the party who did not like reform, and himself the son of a Mobed.

"Another subject of division animated them again, one against

the other. Darab had for his father Kaous, of whom I have spoken

before, who had received from Dastoor Djamasp the first smatterings

of astronomy, according to the principles of Oulough Beg. This

Dastoor Mobed having been perfected since then under another Parsi

come from Kirman about thirty-six years ago, showed by the Tables of

Oulough Beg that the Nao rouz (the first day of the year) ought to be

advanced by a month, and that consequently there had been an error

till then. A letter of the Dastoors of Yezd, dated the 22nd of the

month Aban, of the year 1111 of Yezdezard (1742, A.D.) and brought

by the Parsi Espendiar, confirmed the discovery of Kaous, but did

not tend to protect him from the hatred of his compatriots. It went

so far that Darab, sixteen or seventeen years ago, was obliged to

withdraw to Damann amongst the Portuguese, and Kaous to Cambay among

the English. When I arrived at Surat, almost all the Parsis of India

followed the party of Manscherdji because he was rich and powerful;

Darab, whose knowledge was recognised even by his adversaries, had

some disciples who, in the sequel, showed themselves more freely when

the authority of Manscherdji had been lowered at Surat with that of

the Dutch, whose agent he was."

[91] Mulla Firoz succeeded his father Mulla Kavas as Dastoor of the

Kadmis (1802); when hardly eight years old he had accompanied Mulla

Kavas to Persia and had learned Persian and Arabic. In 1786 he wrote

in Persian a curious recital of his voyage, Derich Kherde Manjumi. In

1830 he published the Avijeh Din to refute the arguments of Dastoor

Edalji Dorabji Sanjana. The governor of Bombay, Mr. Jonathan Duncan,

engaged him to teach Persian, and to translate the Desatir. Mr. Duncan

having died, Mulla Firoz continued his work in concert with Mr. William

Erskine, and finished it in 1819. He died in 1830 (Parsee Prakash,

p. 229) and bequeathed his collection of books in Zend, Pehlvi,

&c., to the Kadmi community; the library which contains them is

situate in "Fort," and bears his name. We owe to Mulla Firoz a poem

on the conquest of India by the English, the George Namah, which

was terminated and published in 1837 by his nephew and successor,

Dastoor Rastamji Kaikobadji. On the death of the latter (1854)

(Parsee Prakash, p. 635), the Kadmis combined to found a madressa

which they called Mulla Firoz (Parsee Prakash, p. 647).

[92] Edalji Dorabji Sanjana was esteemed for his piety and merits. He

was in his time one of the first savants in Zend and Pehlvi; he

was equally perfect in Sanscrit. We owe to him several works on the

Mazdiene religion, amongst others a book entitled Khorehe Vehijak,

which brought forth in reply the Avijeh Din of Mulla Firoz. He died

in 1847 (Parsee Prakash, p. 495).

[93] Most offensive epithets were interchanged between Kadmis and

Shahanshahis, such as that of churigar ("churi," bracelets, bangles;

and "gar," workman) a term of contempt carrying with it an idea of

weakness; the children of the two sects pursued one another in the

streets, insulting one another. This was hardly fifty years ago.

[94] The sect of the Shahanshahis possesses in Bombay two High

Priests--Dastoor Jamaspji Minocherji and Shams ul ulma Dastoor Peshotan

Behramji Sanjana; at Poona there is only one, Dastoor Hoshangji

Jamaspji. The sect of the Kadmis has also High Priests--Dastoor

Kharshedji Phirozji Mulla Firoz, elected by the whole community,

who is attached to the Dadiseth Atash-Behram, and Dastoor Kharshedji

Bezonji, attached to the Framji Kavasji Banaji Atash-Behram.

Unwin Brothers, Limited, The Gresham Press, Woking and London.

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