OTHER FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES
I have always found Mr. Cox very sound on economic problems. His ideas
on taxation are not popular with the politicians; but are sound from
the economist point of view. He is opposed to the present form of
taxation which increases prices and retards development. He believes
that present Federal taxes should be repealed and instead constructive
laws should be enacted. He believes in taxation which will tend to
develop improvements rather than retard them; taxation which will tend
to retard consumption rather than increase it; taxation which will
result in reducing waste rather than in encouraging it. On the other
hand he believes that the Government should do all it can to suppress
profiteering, and concerning this he states as follows:
OPPOSED TO PROFITEERING BY CAPITAL OR LABOR
“If I am called to service as President, means will be found, if they
do not already exist, for compelling these exceptions to the great
mass of square-dealing American business men to use the same
yardstick of honesty that governs most of us or else suffer the
penalty of criminal law. To avoid such action on my part these
profiteers are today working for my defeat.”
Concerning industrial disputes, the Governor says:
“Many captains of industry, guided by a most dangerous industrial
philosophy, believe that in controversies between employer and
employee their will should be enforced, even at the point of the
bayonet. I speak knowingly. I have passed thru many serious industrial
troubles. I know something of their psychology, the stages thru which
they pass, and the dangerous attempts that are sometimes made to end
them. Disputes between labor and capital are inevitable. The
disposition to gain the best bargain possible characterizes the whole
field of exchange, whether it be product for product or labor for
money. If strikes are prolonged public opinion always settles them.
Public opinion should determine results in America. Public opinion is
the most interesting characteristic of a democracy, but it is the real
safety valve to the institutions of a free government. It at times is
necessary for the Government to inquire into the facts of a tieup, but
facts, and not conclusions, should be submitted. The determining form
of unprejudiced thought will do the rest. During this process,
governmental agencies must give a vigilant eye to the protection of
life and property, and maintain firmness but absolute impartiality.
This is always the real test, but if official conduct combines courage
and fairness our governmental institutions come out of these affairs
untarnished by distrust.
“Morals cannot easily be produced by statute. The writ of injunction
should not be abused. Intended as a safeguard to person and property,
it could easily by abuse cease to be the protective device it was
intended to be. Capital develops into large units without violence to
public sentiment or injury to public interest--the same principle
should not be denied to labor. Collective bargaining thru the means of
representatives selected by the employer and the employee respectively
will be helpful rather than harmful to the general interest. Besides,
there is no ethical objection that can be raised to it. We should not,
by law, abridge a man’s right either to labor or to quit his
employment. However, neither labor nor capital should at any time or
in any circumstance take action that would put in jeopardy the public
welfare.”
“We need a definite and precise statement of policy as to what
business men and workingmen may do and may not do by way of
combination and collective action. The law is now so nebulous that it
almost turns upon the economic predilections of judge or jury. This
does not make for confidence in the courts nor respect for the laws,
nor for a healthy activity in production and distribution. There
surely will be found ways by which coöperation may be encouraged
without the destruction of enterprise. The rules of business should be
made more certain so that on a stable basis men may move with
confidence.”
EDUCATION
James M. Cox is an ardent advocate of education. He believes that the
chief function of government is to protect men in their freedom of
effort and rights of ownership and that other things must be left
largely to the church and the schools. He believes that it is
impossible to make men honest by legislation and only as men’s hearts
are changed can legislation be of any avail. He is especially
interested in the education of the great mass of aliens, negroes and
others in this country who have been attracted here by various causes.
Concerning this he says:
“Unrest has been reinforced in no small degree by the great mass of
unassimilated aliens. Attracted by an unprecedented demand for labor,
they have come to our shores by the thousands. As they have become
acquainted with the customs and opportunities of American life,
thousands of them have become citizens, and are owners of their own
homes. However, the work of assimilation too long was merely
automatic. One million six hundred thousand foreign-born in this
country cannot read or write our language. Our interest in them in the
main has been simply as laborers assembled in the great trade centers,
to meet the demand of the hour. Without home or community ties, many
have been more or less nomadic, creating the problem of excessive
turn-over, which has perplexed manufacturing plants.
“But this has not been the worst phase of the situation; unfamiliar
with law, having no understanding of the principles of our Government,
they have fallen an easy prey to unpatriotic and designing persons.
Public opinion has had no influence upon them because they have been
isolated from the current of opinion, all due to their not being able
to read or write our language. It is the duty of the Federal
Government to stimulate the work of Americanization on the part of
church, school community agencies, State governments and industry
itself.
“In the past, many industries that have suffered from chronic
restlessness have been the chief contributors to their own troubles.
The foreigner with European standards of living was welcomed, but too
often no attempt was made to educate him to domestic ideals, for the
simple reason that it adversely affected the ledger. It has been my
observation that the man who learns our language yields to a
controlling public opinion and respects our laws; besides, in
proportion as his devotion to American life develops, his interest in
the impulsive processes of revolution diminishes. We must be patient
in the work of assimilation and studiously avoid oppressive measures
in the face of mere evidence of misunderstanding. We have a composite
nation. The Almighty doubtless intended it to be such. We will not,
however, develop patriotism unless we demonstrate the difference
between despotism and democracy.
“There must be an awakened interest in education. The assumption that
things are all right is an error. There is more or less of a general
idea that because our school system generally is satisfactory and in
most instances excellent, sufficient progress is being made. The plain
facts reveal two startling things: one, a growing decimation in the
ranks of teachers, and the other, the existence of 5,500,000
illiterates. It is true that 1,600,000 of these are foreign born. The
army of instructors has been more or less demoralized thru financial
temptation from other activities which pay much better. We owe too
much to the next generation to be remiss in this matter.
“Very satisfactory progress is being made in several States in the
teaching of native-born illiterates. The moonlight school in Kentucky,
has, in fact, become a historic institution. The practice has spread
in other Commonwealths, and bands of noble men and women are rendering
great service. There should be no encroachment by the Federal
Government on local control. It is the healthful, reasonable
individualism of American national life that has enabled the citizens
of this republic to think for themselves, and, besides, State and
community initiative would be impaired by anything approaching
dependence. The Central Government, however, can inventory the
possibilities of progressive education, and in helpful manner create
an enlarged public interest in this subject.”
INTERESTED IN THE FARMERS
From boyhood Mr. Cox has always been interested in the farmers. He
believes that agriculture is the most important form of industry. He
insists it is the basis of industry because upon it depends the food
supply. The drift from countryside into the city carries disquieting
portents. If our growth in manufacturing in the next few years holds
its present momentum, it will be necessary for America to import
foodstuffs. It, therefore, develops upon government, thru intensive
scientific coöperation, to help in maintaining as nearly as possible
the existing balance between food production and consumption. Farming
will not inspire individual effort unless profits, all things
considered, are equal to those in other activities. To check the
depleted ranks in the fields Governor Cox recommends the establishment
of modern state rural school codes. Concerning this and other rural
questions, he says:
“The Federal Government should maintain active sponsorship of such.
Rural parents would be lacking in the elements which make civilization
enduring if they did not desire for their children educational
opportunities comparable to those in the cities.
“The price the consumer pays for foodstuffs is no indication of what
the producer receives. There are too many turn-overs between the two.
Society and Government, particularly local and State, have been remiss
in not modernizing local marketing facilities. Municipalities must in
large measure interest themselves in, if not directly control,
community markets. This is a matter of such importance that the
Federal Government can profitably expend money and effort in helping
to evolve methods and to show their virtues.
“The preservation of foodstuffs by cold storage is a boon to humanity,
and it should be encouraged. However, the time has come for its
vigilant regulation and inasmuch as it becomes a part of interstate
commerce, the responsibility is with the Federal Government. Supplies
are gathered in from the farm in times of plenty. They can easily be
fed out to the consumer in such manner as to keep the demand in excess
of that part of the supply which is released from storage. This is an
unfair practice and should be stopped. Besides, there should be a time
limit beyond which perishable foodstuffs should not be stored.”
INTERESTED IN THE HOME OWNER
I have often referred to Secretary Wilson’s statement that no man was
ever known to hang the red flag of anarchy over his own hearthstone.
Mr. Cox says:
“Multiply our home owners, and you will make the way of the seditious
agitator more difficult. Bring into the picture of American life more
families having a plot of garden and flowers all their own and you
will find new streams running into the national current of
patriotism. Help to equalize the burdens of taxation by making the
holders of hidden wealth pay their share with those whose property is
in sight. In short, remove the penalty imposed upon home-building
thrift and thousands of contented households under the shelter of
their own roof will look upon government with affection, recognizing
that in protecting it they protect themselves.
“Common prudence would suggest that we increase to our utmost our area
of tillable land. The race between increased consumption and added
acreage has been an unequal one. Modern methods of soil treatment have
been helpful, but they have their limitations. There are still vast
empires in extent, in our country, performing no service to humanity.
They require only the applied genius of men to cover them with the
bloom and harvest of human necessities. The Government should turn its
best engineering talent to the task of irrigation projects. Every
dollar spent will yield compensating results.”
MISCELLANEOUS MATTERS
A study of James M. Cox’s speeches shows very clearly that he stands
for a budget system, the right of free speech and assembly, the
strengthening of the Federal Reserve System, the re-organization of
our consular service, and some liberal provision for our ambassadors
and foreign officers especially in countries where we have foreign
missionaries together with improvement of the various executive
branches of the government.
Mr. Cox insists that if elected he would surround himself with
unselfish men with highest purposes who are unselfish in their desire
to be of service to all alike. He insists that he will be no “party
President,” but will work for the entire people whatever their creed,
color or political faith. In talks with him and a story of his
records, I believe this is true.
In closing this story of Cox I cannot do better than quote his
concluding remarks to his Acceptance Speech which were as follows:
“How misguided some of our people are: Recognizing that readjustment
must be made, they believe that they will fare better if they cast
their fortunes with those with whom they voted in days gone by. They
do not sense the dangers that threaten. The sort of readjustment which
will appeal to our self respect and ultimately to our general
prosperity is the _honest_ readjustment. Any unfair adjustment simply
delays the ultimate process, and we should remember the lesson of
history that one extreme usually leads to another. We desire
industrial peace. We want our people to have an abiding confidence in
government, but no readjustment made under reactionary auspices will
carry with it the confidence of the country.
“If I were asked to name in these trying days the first essential
overshadowing every other consideration, the response would be
confidence in government. It would be nothing less than a calamity if
the next administration were elected under corrupt auspices. There is
unrest in the country; our people have passed thru a trying
experience. The European war before it engulfed us, aroused every
radical throb in a nation of composite citizenship. The conflict in
which we participated carried anxieties into every community and
thousands upon thousands of homes were touched by tragedy.
“We want to forget war and be free from the troubling thought of its
possibility in the future. We want the dawn and the dews of a new
morning. We want happiness in the land, the feeling that the square
deal among men and between men and Government is not to be interfered
with by a purchased preference. We want a change from the old world of
yesterday, where international intrigue made the people mere pawns in
the chessboard of war. We want a change from the old industrial world
where a man who toiled was assured ‘a full dinner pail’ as his only
lot and portion.
“Now how are we to make the change? Which way shall we go? We stand at
the forks of the road and must choose which to follow. One leads to a
higher citizenship, a freer expression of the individual and a fuller
life for all. The other leads to reaction, the rule of the few over
the many, and the restriction of the average man’s chances to grow
upward. Cunning devices backed by unlimited prodigal expenditures will
be used to confuse and lure.
“I have an abiding faith that the pitfalls will be avoided and the
right road chosen. The leaders opposed to democracy promise to put the
country ‘back to normal.’ This can only mean the so-called normal of
former reactionary administrations, the outstanding feature of which
was a pittance for farm produce and a small wage for a long day of
labor. My vision does not turn backward to the ‘normal’ desired by the
Senatorial oligarchy, but to a future in which all shall have a normal
opportunity to cultivate a higher stature amidst better environments
than that of the past. I am praying toward the sunrise of tomorrow
with its progress and its eternal promise of better things. The
opposition stands in skyline of the setting sun, looking backward, to
the old days of reaction.”