AUTHORITY OF THE GERMAN MIND.

More than any other nation Germany has suffered from war. Without

that fatal gift of beauty, "a dowry fraught with never-ending

pain," which tempted the foreigner to Italy, her lot has been

hardly less wretched; but Germany has differed from Italy in the

successful bravery with which she repelled the invader. Tacitus

says of her people, that, "surrounded by numerous and very

powerful nations, they are safe, not by obsequiousness, but by

battles and braving danger"; [Footnote: "Plurimis ac valentissimis

nationibus cincti, non per obsequium, sed prutiis et periclitando

tuti sunt."--_Germania_, Cap. XL.] and this same character,

thus epigrammatically presented, has continued ever since. Yet

this was not without that painful experience which teaches what

Art has so often attempted to picture and Eloquence to describe,

"The Miseries of War." Again in that same fearless spirit has

Germany driven back the invader, while War is seen anew in its

atrocious works. But it was not merely the Miseries of War which

Germans regarded. The German mind is philosophical and scientific,

and it early saw the irrational character of the War System. It is

well known that Henry the Fourth of France conceived the idea of

Harmony among Nations without War; and his plan was taken up and

elaborated in numerous writings by the good Abbe de Saint-Pierre,

so that he made it his own. Rousseau, in his treatise on the

subject, [Footnote: J. J. Rousseau, Extrait du Projet de Paix

Perpetuelle de M. l'Abbe de Saint-Pierre; avec Lettre a M. de

Bastide, et Jugement sur la Paix Perpetuelle: Oeuvres, (edit.

1788-93,) Tom. VII. pp. 339-418.] popularized Saint-Pierre. But it

is to Germany that we must look for the most complete and

practical development of this beautiful idea. If French in origin,

it is German now in authority.

The greatest minds in Germany have dealt with this problem, and

given to its solution the exactness of science. No greater have

been applied to any question. Foremost in this list, in time and

in fame, is Leibnitz, that marvel of human intelligence, second,

perhaps, to none in history, who, on reading the "Project of

Perpetual Peace" by the Abbe de Saint-Pierre, pronounced this

judgment: "I have read it with attention, and am persuaded that

such a project is on the whole feasible, and that its execution

would be one of the most useful things in the world." [Footnote:

Observations sur le Projet d'une Paix Perpetuelle de M. l'Abbe de

Saint-Pierre: Opera, ed. Dutens, (Genevae, 1768,) Tom. V. p. 56.]

Thus did Leibnitz affirm its feasibility and its immense

usefulness. Other minds followed, in no apparent concert, but in

unison. I may be pardoned, if, without being too bibliographical,

I name some of these witnesses.

At Goettingen, renowned for its University, the question was

opened, at the close of the Seven Years' War in 1763, in a work by

Totze, whose character appears in its title, "Permanent and

Universal Peace in Europe, according to the Plan of Henry IV."

[Footnote: Der ewige und allgemeine Friede in Europa, nach dem

Entwurf Heinrichs IV.] At Leipsic, also the seat of a University,

the subject was presented in 1767 by Lilienfeld, in a treatise of

much completeness, under the name of "New Constitution for

States," [Footnote: 2 Neues Staatsgebaeude.] where, after exposing

the wretched chances of the battlefield and the expense of

armaments in time of peace, the author urges submission to

Arbitrators, unless a Supreme Tribunal is established to

administer International Law and to judge between nations. In 1804

appeared another work, of singular clearness and force, by Karl

Schwab, entitled "Of Unavoidable Injustice," [Footnote: Ueber das

unvermeidliche Unrecht.] where the author describes what he calls

the Universal State, in which nations will be to each other as

citizens in the Municipal State. He is not so visionary as to

imagine that justice will always be inviolate between nations in

the Universal State, for it is not always so between citizens in

the Municipal State; but he confidently looks to the establishment

between nations of the rules which now subsist between citizens,

whose differences are settled peaceably by judicial tribunals.

These works, justly important for the light they shed, and as

expressions of a growing sentiment, are eclipsed in the

contributions of the great teacher, Immanuel Kant, who, after his

fame in philosophy was established, so that his works were

discussed and expounded not only throughout Germany, but in other

lands, in 1795 crave to the world a treatise entitled "On

Perpetual Peace," [Footnote: Zum ewigen Frieden.] which was

promptly translated into French, Danish, and Dutch. Two other

works by him attest his interest in the subject, the first

entitled "Idea for a General History in a Cosmopolitan View,"

[Footnote: Idee zu einer allgemeinen Geschichte in weltburgerlicher

Absicht.] and the other, "Metaphysical Elements of Jurisprudence."

[Footnote: Metaphysische Anfangsgrunde der Rechtslehre.]

His grasp was complete. A treaty of peace which tacitly acknowledges

the right to wage war, as all treaties now do, according to

Kant is nothing more than a truce. An individual war may be

ended, but not the _state of war_; so that, even after cessation

of hostilities, there will be constant fear of their renewal,

while the armaments known as Peace Establishments will tend

to provoke them. All this should be changed, and nations should

form one comprehensive Federation, which, receiving other

nations within its fold, will at last embrace the civilized world;

and such, in the judgment of Kant, was the irresistible tendency

of nations. To a French poet we are indebted for the most

suggestive term, "United States of Europe"; [Footnote: Victor

Hugo, Discours d'Ouverture du Congres de la Paix a Paris, 21

1849: Treize Discours, (Paris, 1851,) p. 19.] but this is nothing

but the Federation of the illustrious German philosopher. Nor was

Kant alone among his great contemporaries. That other philosopher,

Fichte, whose name at the time was second only to that of Kant, in

his "Groundwork of the Law of Nature," [Footnote: Grundlage des

Naturrechts.] published in 1796, also urges a Federation of

Nations, with an established tribunal to which all should submit.

Much better for civilization, had the King at Konigsberg, instead

of grasping the sword, hearkened to the voice of Kant, renewed by

Fichte.

With these German oracles in its support, the cause cannot be put

aside. Even in the midst of war, Philosophy will be heard,

especially when she speaks words of concurring authority that

touch a chord in every heart. Leibnitz, Kant, and Fichte, a mighty

triumvirate of intelligence, unite in testimony. As Germany,

beyond any other nation, has given to the idea of Organized Peace

the warrant of philosophy, it only remains now that she should

insist upon its practical application. There should be no delay.

Long enough has mankind waited while the river of blood flowed on.

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