Messrs. Popley and Philips have been good enough to reply to my letter
"To Every Englishman in India." I recognise and appreciate the friendly
spirit of their letter. But I see that there are fundamental differences
which must for the time being divide them and me. So long as I felt
that, in spite of grievous lapses the British Empire represented an
activity for the worlds and India's good, I clung to it like a child to
its mother's breast. But that faith is gone. The British nation has
endorsed the Punjab and Khilsfat crimes. The is no doubt a dissenting
minority. But a dissenting minority that satisfies itself with a mere
expression of its opinion and continues to help the wrong-doer partakes
in wrong-doing.
And when the sum total of his energy represents a minus quantity one may
not pick out the plus quantities, hold them up for admiration, and ask
an admiring public to help regarding them. It is a favourite design of
Satan to temper evil with a show of good and thus lure the unwary into
the trap. The only way the world has known of defeating Satan is by
shunning him. I invite Englishmen, who could work out the ideal the
believe in, to join the ranks of the non-co-operationists. W.T. Stead
prayed for the reverse of the British arms during the Boer war. Miss
Hobbhouse invited the Boers to keep up the fight. The betrayal of India
is much worse than the injustice done to the Boers. The Boers fought and
bled for their rights. When therefore, we are prepared to bleed, the
right will have become embodied, and idolatrous world will perceive it
and do homage to it.
But Messers. Popley and Phillips object that I have allied myself with
those who would draw the sword if they could. I see nothing wrong in
it. They represent the right no less than I do. And is it not worth
while trying to prevent an unsheathing of the sword by helping to win
the bloodless battle? Those who recognise the truth of the Indian
position can only do God's work by assisting this non-violent campaign.
The second objection raised by these English friends is more to the
point. I would be guilty of wrong-doing myself if the Muslim cause was
not just. The fact is that the Muslim claim is not to perpetuate foreign
domination of non-Muslim or Turkish races. The Indian Mussalmans do not
resist self-determination, but they would fight to the last the
nefarious plan of exploiting Mesopotamia under the plea of
self-determination. They must resist the studied attempt to humiliate
Turkey and therefore Islam, under the false pretext of ensuring Armenian
independence.
The third objection has reference to schools. I do object to missionary
or any schools being carried on with Government money. It is true that
it was at one time our money. Will these good missionaries be justified
in educating me with funds given to them by a robber who has robbed me
of my money, religion and honour because the money was originally mine.
I personally tolerated the financial robbery of India, but it would
have been a sin to have tolerated the robbery of honour through the
Punjab, and of religion through Turkey. This is strong language. But
nothing less would truly describe my deep conviction. Needless to add
that the emptying of Government aided, or affiliated, schools does not
mean starving the young mind National Schools are coming into being as
fast as the others are emptied.
Messrs. Popley and Phillips think that my sense of justice has been
blurred by the knowledge of the Punjab and the Khilafat wrongs. I hope
not. I have asked friends to show me some good fruit (intended and
deliberately produced) of the British occupation of India. And I assure
them that I shall make the amplest amends if I find that I have erred in
my eagerness about the Khilafat and the Punjab wrongs.