PLEDGES BROKEN

After the forgoing was printed the long-expected peace terms regarding

Turkey were received. In my humble opinion they are humiliating to the

Supreme Council, to the British ministers, and if as a Hindu with deep

reverence for Christianity I may say so, a denial of Christ's teachings.

Turkey broken down and torn with dissentions within may submit to the

arrogant disposal of herself, and Indian Mahomedans may out of fear do

likewise. Hindus out of fear, apathy or want of appreciation of the

situation, may refuse to help their Mahomedan brethren in their hour of

peril. The fact remains that a solemn promise of the Prime Minister of

England has been wantonly broken. I will say nothing about President

Wilson's fourteen points, for they seem now to be entirely forgotten as

a day's wonder. It is a matter of deep sorrow that the Government of

India _communique_ offers a defence of the terms, calls them a

fulfilment of Mr. Lloyd George's pledge of 5th January 1918 and yet

apologises for their defective nature and appeals to the Mahomedans of

India as if to mock them that they would accept the terms with quiet

resignation. The mask that veils the hypocrisy is too thin to deceive

anybody. It would have been dignified if the _communique_ had boldly

admitted Mr. Lloyd George's mistake in having made the promise referred

to. As it is, the claim of fulfilment of the promise only adds to the

irritation caused by its glaring breach. What is the use of the Viceroy

saying, "The question of the Khilafat is one for the Mahomedans and

Mahomedans only and that with their free choice in the matter Government

have no desire to interfere," while the Khalif's dominions are

ruthlessly dismembered, his control of the Holy places of Islam

shamelessly taken away from him and he himself reduced to utter

impotence in his own palace which can no longer be called a palace but

which can he more fitly described us a prison? No wonder, His Excellency

fears that the peace includes "terms which must be painful to all

Moslems." Why should he insult Muslim intelligence by sending the

Mussalmans of India a of encouragement and sympathy? Are they expected

to find encouragement in the cruel recital of the arrogant terms or in a

remembrance of 'the splendid response' made by them to the call of the

King 'in the day of the Empire's need.' It ill becomes His Excellency to

talk of the triumph of those ideals of justice and humanity for which

the Allies fought. Indeed, the terms of the so called peace with Turkey

if they are to last, will be a monument of human arrogance and man-made

injustice. To attempt to crush the spirit of a brave and gallant race,

because it has lost in the fortunes of war, is a triumph not of humanity

but a demonstration of inhumanity. And if Turkey enjoyed the closest

ties of friendship with Great Britain before the war, Great Britain has

certainly made ample reparation for her mistake by having made the

largest contribution to the humiliation of Turkey. It is insufferable

therefore when the Viceroy feels confident that with the conclusion of

this new treaty that friendship will quickly take life again and a

Turkey regenerate full of hope and strength, will stand forth in the

future as in the past a pillar of the Islamic faith. The Viceregal

message audaciously concludes, "This thought will I trust strengthen you

to accept the peace terms with resignation, courage and fortitude and to

keep your loyalty towards the Crown bright and untarnished as it has

been for so many generations." If Muslim loyalty remains untarnished it

will certainly not be for want of effort on the part of the Government

of India to put the heaviest strain upon it, but it will remain so

because the Mahomedans realise their own strength--the strength in the

knowledge that their cause is just and that they have got the power to

vindicate justice in spite of the aberration suffered by Great Britain

under a Prime Minister whom continued power has made as reckless in

making promises as in breaking them.

Whilst therefore I admit that there is nothing either in the peace terms

or in the Viceregal message covering them to inspire the Mahomedans and

Indians in general with confidence or hope, I venture to suggest that

there is no cause for despair and anger. Now is the time for Mahomedans

to retain absolute self-control, to unite their forces and, weak though

they are, with firm faith in God to carry on the struggle with redoubled

vigour till justice is done. If India--both Hindu and Mahomedan--can act

as one man and can withdraw her partnership in this crime against

humanity which the peace terms represent, she will soon secure a

revision of the treaty and give herself and the Empire at least, if not

the world, a lasting peace. There is no doubt that the struggle would be

bitter sharp and possibly prolonged, but it is worth all the sacrifice

that it is likely to call forth. Both the Mussalmans and the Hindus are

on their trial. Is the humiliation of the Khilafat a matter of concern

to the former? And if it is, are they prepared to exercise restraint,

religiously refrain from violence and practise non-co-operation without

counting the material loss it may entail upon the community? Do the

Hindus honestly feel for their Mahomedan brethren to the extent of

sharing their sufferings to the fullest extent? The answer to these

questions and not the peace terms, will finally decide the fate of

the Khilafat.

Freedom's Battle Being a Comprehensive Collection of Writings and Speeches on the Present Situation · 第 176 / 189 题