Mr. Chairman and friends,--To my brother Shaukat Ali and me it was a
pleasure to go through this beautiful garden of India. The great
reception that you gave us this afternoon, and this great assembly are
most welcome to us, if they are a demonstration of your sympathy with
the cause which you have the honour to represent. I assure you that we
have not undertaken this incessant travelling in order to have
receptions and addresses, no matter how cordial they may be. But we have
undertaken this travelling throughout the length and breadth of this
dear Motherland to place before you the position that faces us to-day.
It is our privilege, as it is our duty, to place that position before
the country and let her make the choice.
Throughout our tour we have received many addresses, but in my humble
opinion no address was more truly worded than the address that was
presented to us at Kasargod. It addressed both of us as 'dear revered
brothers.' I am unable to accept the second adjective 'revered.' The
word 'dear' is dear to me I must confess. But dearer than that is the
expression 'brothers.' The signatories to that address recognized the
true significance of this travel. No blood brothers can possibly be more
intimately related, can possibly be more united in one purpose, one aim
than my brother Shaukat Ali and I. And I considered it a proud privilege
and honour to be addressed as blood brother to Shaukat Ali. The contents
of that address were as equally significant. It stated that in our
united work was represented the essence of the unity between the
Mussalmans and Hindus in India. If we two cannot represent that very
desirable unity, if we two cannot cement the relation between the two
communities, I do not know who can. Then without any rhetoric and
without any flowery language the address went on to describe the
inwardness of the Punjab and the Khilafat struggle; and then in simple
and beautiful language it described the spiritual significance of
Satyagrah and Non-co-operation. This was followed by a frank and simple
promise. Although the signatories to the address realised the momentous
nature of the struggle on which we have embarked, and although they
sympathise with the struggle with their whole heart, they wound up by
saying that even if they could not follow non-co-operation in all its
details, they would do as much as they could to help the struggle. And
lastly, in eloquent, and true language, they said 'if we cannot rise
equal to the occasion it will not be due to want of effort but to want
of ability.' I can desire no better address, no better promise, and if
you, the citizens of Mangalore, can come up to the level of the
signatories, and give us just the assurance that you consider the
struggle to be right and that it commands your entire approval, I am
certain you will make all sacrifice that lies in your power. For we are
face to face with a peril greater than plagues, greater than influenza,
greater than earthquakes and mighty floods, which sometimes overwhelm
this land. These physical calamities can rob us of so many Indian
bodies. But the calamity that has at the present moment overtaken India
touches the religious honour of a fourth of her children and the
self-respect of the whole nation. The Khilafat wrong affects the
Mussalmans of India, and the Punjab calamity very nearly overwhelms the
manhood of India. Shall we in the face of this danger be weak or rise to
our full height. The remedy for both the wrongs is the spiritual solvent
of non-co-operation. I call it a spiritual weapon, because it demands
discipline and sacrifice from us. It demands sacrifice from every
individual irrespective of the rest. And the promise that is behind this
performance of duty, the promise given by every religion that I have
studied is sure and certain. It is that there is no spotless sacrifice
that has been yet offered on earth, which has not carried with it its
absolute adequate reward. It is a spiritual weapon, because it waits for
no mandate from anybody except one's own conscience. It is a spiritual
weapon, because it brings out the best in the nation and it absolutely
satisfies individual honour if a single individual takes it, and it will
satisfy national honour if the whole nation takes it up. And therefore
it is that I have called non-co-operation in opposition to the opinion
of many of my distinguished countrymen and leaders--a weapon that is
infallible and absolutely practicable. It is infallible and practicable,
because it satisfies the demands of individual conscience. God above
cannot, will not expect Maulana Shaukat Ali to do more than he has been
doing, for he has surrendered and placed at the disposal of God whom he
believes to be the Almighty ruler of everyone, he has delivered all in
the service of God. And we stand before the citizens of Mangalore and
ask them to make their choice either to accept this precious gift that
we lay at their feet or to reject it. And after having listened to my
message if you come to the come to the conclusion that you have no other
remedy than non-co-operation for the conservation of Islam and the
honour of India, you will accept that remedy. I ask you not to be
confused by so many bewildering issues that are placed before you, nor
to be shaken from your purpose because you see divided counsels amongst
your leaders. This is one of the necessary limitations of any spiritual
or any other struggle that has ever been fought on this earth. It is
because it comes so suddenly that it confuses the mind if the heart is
not tuned properly. And we would be perfect human beings on this earth
if in all of us was found absolutely perfect correspondence between the
mind and the heart. But those of you who have been following the
newspaper controversy, will find that no matter what division of opinion
exists amongst our journals and leaders there is unanimity that the
remedy is efficacious if it can be kept free from violence, and if it is
adopted on a large scale. I admit the difficulty the virtue however lies
in surmounting it. We cannot possibly combine violence with a spiritual
weapon like non-co-operation. We do not offer spotless sacrifice if we
take the lives of others in offering our own. Absolute freedom from
violence is therefore it condition precedent to non-co-operation. But I
have faith in my country to know that when it has assimilated the
principle of the doctrine In the fullest extent, it will respond to it.
And in no case will India make any headway whatsoever until she has
learnt the lesson of self-sacrifice. Even if this country were to take
up the doctrine of the sword, which God forbid, it will have to learn
the lesson of self-sacrifice. The second difficulty suggested is the
want of solidarity of the nation. I accept it too. But that difficulty I
have already answered by saying that it is a remedy that can be taken up
by individuals for individual and by the nation for national
satisfaction; and therefore even if the whole nation does not take up
non-co-operation, the individual successes, which may be obtained by
individuals taking up non-co-operation will stand to their own credit as
of the nation to which they belong.
The first stage in my humble opinion is incredibly easy inasmuch as it
does not involve any very great sacrifice. If your Khan bahadurs and
other title-holders were to renounce their titles I venture to submit
that whilst the renunciation will stand to the credit and honour of the
nation it will involve a little or no sacrifice. On the contrary, they
will not only have surrendered no earthly riches but they will have
gained the applause of the nation. Let us see what it means, this first
step. The able editor of _Hindu_, Mr. Kastariranga Iyengar, and almost
every journalist in the country are agreed that the renunciation of
titles is a necessary and a desirable step. And if these chosen people
of the Government were without exception to surrender their titles to
Government giving notice that the heart of India is doubly wounded in
that the honour of India and of muslim religion is at stake and that
therefore they can no longer retain their titles, I venture to suggest,
that this their step which costs not a single penny either to them or to
the nation will be an effective demonstration of the national will.
Take the second step or the second item of non-co-operation. I know
there is strong opposition to the boycott of councils. The opposition
when you begin to analyse it means not that the step is faulty or that
it is not likely to succeed, but it is due to the belief that the whole
country will not respond to it and that the Moderates will steal into
the councils. I ask the citizens of Mangalore to dispel that fear from
your hearts. United the voters of Mangalore can make it impossible for
either a moderate or an extremist or any other form of leader to enter
the councils as your representative. This step involves no sacrifice of
money, no sacrifice of honour but the gaining of prestige for the whole
nation. And I venture to suggest to you that this one step alone if it
is taken with any degree of unanimity even by the extremists can bring
about the desired relief, but if all do not respond the individual need
not be afraid. He at least will have laid the foundation for true self
progress, let him have the comfort that he at least has washed his hands
clean of the guilt of the Government.
Then I come to the members of the profession which one time I used to
carry on. I have ventured to ask the lawyers of India to suspend their
practice and withdraw their support from a Government which no longer
stands for justice, pure and unadulterated, for the nation. And the step
is good for the individual lawyer who takes it and is good for the
nation if all the lawyers take it.
And so for the Government and the Government aided schools, I must
confess that I cannot reconcile my conscience to my children going to
Government schools and to the programme of non-co-operation is intended
to withdraw all support from Government, and to decline all help
from it.
I will not tax your patience by taking you through the other items of
non-co-operation important as they are. But I have ventured to place
before you four very important and forcible steps any one of which if
fully taken up contains in it possibilities of success. Swadeshi is
preached as an item of non-co-operation, as a demonstration of the
spirit of sacrifice, and it is an item which every man, woman and child
can take up.
_August_ 1920.