Perhaps the best way of answering the fears and criticism as to
non-co-operation is to elaborate more fully the scheme of
non-co-operation. The critics seem to imagine that the organisers
propose to give effect to the whole scheme at once. The fact however is
that the organisers have fixed definite, progressive four stages. The
first is the giving up of titles and resignation of honorary posts. If
there is no response or if the response received is not effective,
recourse will be had to the second stage. The second stage involves much
previous arrangement. Certainly not a single servant will be called out
unless he is either capable of supporting himself and his dependents or
the Khilafat Committee is able to bear the burden. All the classes of
servants will not be called out at once and never will any pressure be
put upon a single servant to withdraw himself from the Government
service. Nor will a single private employee be touched for the simple
reason that the movement is not anti-English. It is not even
anti-Government. Co-operation is to be withdrawn because the people must
not be party to a wrong--a broken pledge--a violation of deep religious
sentiment. Naturally, the movement will receive a check, if there is any
undue influence brought to bear upon any Government servant or if any
violence is used or countenanced by any member of the Khilafat
Committee. The second stage must be entirely successful, if the response
is at all on an adequate scale. For no Government--much less the Indian
Government--can subsist if the people cease to serve it. The withdrawal
therefore of the police and the military--the third stage--is a distant
goal. The organisers however wanted to be fair, open and above
suspicion. They did not want to keep back from the Government or the
public a single step they had in contemplation even as a remote
contingency. The fourth, _i.e.,_ suspension of taxes is still more
remote. The organisers recognise that suspension of general taxation is
fraught with the greatest danger. It is likely to bring a sensitive
class in conflict with the police. They are therefore not likely to
embark upon it, unless they can do so with the assurance that there will
be no violence offered by the people.
I admit as I have already done that non-co-operation is not unattended
with risk, but the risk of supineness in the face of a grave issue is
infinitely greater than the danger of violence ensuing form organizing
non-co-operation. To do nothing is to invite violence for a certainty.
It is easy enough to pass resolutions or write articles condemning
non-co-operation. But it is no easy task to restrain the fury of a
people incensed by a deep sense of wrong. I urge those who talk or work
against non-co-operation to descend from their chairs and go down to the
people, learn their feelings and write, if they have the heart against
non-co-operation. They will find, as I have found that the only way to
avoid violence is to enable them to give such expression to their
feelings as to compel redress. I have found nothing save
non-co-operation. It is logical and harmless. It is the inherent right
of a subject to refuse to assist a Government that will not listen
to him.
Non-co-operation as a voluntary movement can only succeed, if the
feeling is genuine and strong enough to make people suffer to the
utmost. If the religious sentiment of the Mahomedans is deeply hurt and
if the Hindus entertain neighbourly regard towards their Muslim
brethren, they will both count no cost too great for achieving the end.
Non-co-operation will not only be an effective remedy but will also be
an effective test of the sincerity of the Muslim claim and the Hindu
profession of friendship.
There is however one formidable argument urged by friends against my
joining the Khilafat movement. They say that it ill-becomes me, a friend
of the English and an admirer of the British constitution, to join hands
with those who are to-day filled with nothing but ill-will against the
English. I am sorry to have to confess that the ordinary Mahomedan
entertains to-day no affection for Englishmen. He considers, not without
some cause, that they have not played the game. But if I am friendly
towards Englishmen, I am no less so towards my countrymen, the
Mahomedans. And as such they have a greater claim upon my attention than
Englishmen. My personal religion however enables me to serve my
countrymen without hurting Englishmen or for that matter anybody else.
What I am not prepared to do to my blood-brother I would not do to an
Englishman, I would not injure him to gain a kingdom. But I would
withdraw co-operation from him if it becomes necessary as I had
withdrawn from my own brother (now deceased) when it became necessary. I
serve the Empire by refusing to partake in its wrong. William Stead
offered public prayers for British reverses at the time of the Boer war
because he considered that the nation to which he belonged was engaged
in an unrighteous war. The present Prime Minister risked his life in
opposing that war and did everything he could to obstruct his own
Government in its prosecution. And to-day if I have thrown in my lot
with the Mahomedans, a large number of whom, bear no friendly feelings
towards the British, I have done so frankly as a friend of the British
and with the object of gaining justice and of thereby showing the
capacity of the British constitution to respond to every honest
determination when it is coupled with suffering, I hope by my 'alliance'
with the Mahomedans to achieve a threefold end--to obtain justice in the
face of odds with the method of Satyagrah and to show its efficacy over
all other methods, to secure Mahomedan friendship for the Hindus and
thereby internal peace also, and last but not least to transform
ill-will into affection for the British and their constitution which in
spite of the imperfections weathered many a storm. I may fail in
achieving any of the ends. I can but attempt. God alone can grant
success. It will not be denied that the ends are all worthy. I invite
Hindus and Englishman to join me in a full-hearted manner in shouldering
the burden the Mahomedans of India are carrying. Theirs is admittedly a
just fight. The Viceroy, the Secretary of State, the Maharaja of
Bikuner and Lord Sinha have testified to it. Time has arrived to make
good the testimony. People with a just cause are never satisfied with a
mere protest. They have been known to die for it. Are a high-spirited
people like the Mahomedans expected to do less?