Slowly but surely the Mussulmans are preparing for the battle before
them. They have to fight against odds that are undoubtedly heavy but
not half as heavy as the prophet had against him. How often did he not
put his life in danger? But his faith in God was unquenchable. He went
forward with a light heart, for God was on his side, for he represented
truth. If his followers have half the prophet's faith and half his
spirit of sacrifice, the odds will be presently even and will in little
while turn against the despoilers of Turkey. Already the rapacity of the
Allies is telling against themselves. France finds her task difficult.
Greece cannot stomach her ill-gotten gains. And England finds
Mesopotamia a tough job. The oil of Mosul may feed the fire she has so
wantonly lighted and burn her fingers badly. The newspapers say the
Arabs do not like the presence of the Indian soldiery in their midst. I
do not wonder. They are a fierce and a brave people and do not
understand why Indian soldiers should find themselves in Mesopotamia.
Whatever the fate of non-co-operation, I wish that not a single Indian
will offer his services for Mesopotamia whether for the civil or the
military department. We must learn to think for ourselves and before
entering upon any employment find out whether thereby we may not make
ourselves instruments of injustice. Apart from the question of Khilafat
and from the point of abstract justice the English have no right to hold
Mesopotamia. It is no part of our loyalty to help the Imperial
Government in what is in plain language daylight robbery. If therefore
we seek civil or military employment in Mesopotamia we do so for the
sake of earning a livelihood. It is our duty to see that the source is
not tainted.
It surprises me to find so many people shirking over the mention of
non-co-operation. There is no instrument so clean, so harmless and yet
so effective as non-co-operation. Judiciously hauled it need not produce
any evil consequences. And its intensity will depend purely on the
capacity of the people for sacrifice.
The chief thing is to prepare the atmosphere of non-co-operation. "We
are not going to co-operate with you in your injustice," is surely the
right and the duty of every intelligent subject to say. Were it not for
our utter servility, helplessness and want of confidence in ourselves,
we would certainly grasp this clean weapon and make the most effective
use of it. Even the most despotic government cannot stand except for the
consent of the governed which consent is often forcibly procured by the
despot. Immediately the subject ceases to fear the despotic force his
power is gone. But the British government is never and nowhere entirely
or laid upon force. It does make an honest attempt to secure the
goodwill of the governed. But it does not hesitate to adopt unscrupulous
means to compel the consent of the governed. It has not gone beyond the
'Honesty is the best policy' idea. It therefore bribes you into
consenting its will by awarding titles, medals and ribbons, by giving
you employment, by its superior financial ability to open for its
employees avenues for enriching themselves and finally when these fail,
it resorts to force. That is what Sir Michael O'Dwyer did and that is
almost every British administrator will certainly do if he thought it
necessary. If then we would not be greedy, if we would not run after
titles and medals and honorary posts which do the country no good, half
the battle is won.
My advisers are never tired of telling me that even if the Turkish peace
terms are revised it will not be due to non-co-operation. I venture to
suggest to them that non-co-operation has a higher purpose than mere
revision of the terms. If I cannot compel revision I must at least cease
to support a government that becomes party to the usurpation. And if I
succeed in pushing non-co-operation to the extreme limit, I do compel
the Government to choose between India and the usurpation. I have faith
enough in England to know that at that moment England will expel her
present jaded ministers and put in others who will make a clean sweep of
the terms in consultation with an awakened India, draft terms that will
be honourable to her, to Turkey and acceptable to India. But I hear my
critics say "India has not the strength of purpose and the capacity for
the sacrifice to achieve such a noble end. They are partly right. India
has not these qualities now, because we have not--shall we not evolve
them and infect the nation with them? Is not the attempt worth making?
Is my sacrifice too great to gain such a great purpose?"