I
On June 6, 2211 (by Euro-American dating) an open letter was sent to
the President and Congress of the United Commonwealth by Gen. Charles
William Hayes, then acting as its Secretary of State. On June 12 it
was read to a specially convened Joint Session by Defense Secretary
Aaron Brown, himself a distinguished veteran. Copies of the transcript
were then made available to the press. The President did not attend
the reading.
My Fellow Americans:
We have embarked upon a Great Crusade. On May the 30th, under my
direction and leadership, The Third Fleet, in conjunction with the
forces of the Democratic Alliance of Belgium and Switzerland, engaged
and defeated the combined fleets of the Communist Coalition before the
star system commonly known as Tarkus Minor, thus achieving the
liberation of its peoples, who have labored so long under the
oppressive yoke of Marxism.
In the wake of its dictatorial regime we have established democracy: a
provisional government under the auspices of the Belgians and Swiss.
Though this outside hand in the political affairs of another nation is
regrettable, it must be remembered the that inhabitants of these
colonies, though proud and courageous, have been kept in the darkness
of atheistic communist doctrines for many years, and that some will not
at first be willing, over even able, to accept the blessings of true
freedom. The freedom of thought, speech and worship which we enjoy,
will at first seem strange and painful to them, just as dazzling
sunlight is painful to the eyes of one long imprisoned beneath the
ground. But just as the doctor's slap which startles the new-born
child to life, though sudden and unexpected, is wholly necessary and
the catalyst to a new life, so these first steps toward democracy,
however painful, must be taken boldly and resolutely.
And this victory is but the beginning. For the first time in nearly
three centuries, we are given the power to rid the cosmos forever of
the spreading and malignant cancer of communism. Not since 1946 at
Malta, when our predecessors, out of blindness and misguided
compassion, declined to use the birth of nuclear weapons to rid Eastern
Europe of the Soviets---Slavic hordes which would dominate her peoples
to this day---have we been given the necessary tactical advantage to
realize this great dream. Once again we have the capability to strike
and overwhelm in the same motion.
It has been said that those who do not learn from the mistakes of
history are doomed to repeat them. Never has there been a clearer or
more urgent example. We must not let faltering spirit and moral
weakness send us down that same cowardly and shameful road. We must
not let this second opportunity pass! For God has delivered into our
hands, and at the precise moment, a weapon which makes the defenses of
our enemies useless, and his attempts to thwart our offensive thrusts,
utterly futile.
I speak of the Clarke-Medvekian 'Star Gate' potential, perfected only
recently by our gallant scientists at the Top Secret laboratories of
Mobius VI. I speak of it openly now, since to our enemies it is no
longer a fearful rumor, but deadly reality. With it we are able to
move our omnipotent SuperCarriers (along with escort, if necessary)
virtually anywhere in the galaxy, completely undetected, in less time
than it takes to lace a boot. Distance is no longer a deterrent, and
fuel consumption need only be calculated for the duration of the battle
itself. The strongest defense shield is easily breached, since the
Carrier does not pass 'through' it, but rather, emerges on the other
side.
But do not misunderstand my words. Military secrets are the most
fleeting of all, and we are far from invincible. . .if we delay. An
effective defense or tracking system will inevitably be devised, and
our ability to strike without warning taken from us. For this reason,
as well as others, there is need of haste. If we do not utilize this
weapon now, it may well be used against us in the future.
And so, my fellow patriots, I ask you for the official power to execute
this bold plan, this glorious, God given crusade, proved under
Executive Order, and on the field of battle. Give to me your
consensus---a formal Declaration of War on the remaining colonies of
the Communist Coalition---and we will begin this first campaign in
earnest.
I will not deceive you. Despite the advantages of superior weaponry,
especially the stealth and mobility afforded us by Star Gate potential,
men's lives will be lost in the cause of lasting peace. It will not be
an easy road. But if we can again find in ourselves that which is
courageous and noble---the fighting spirit that won our Independence
and established the world's first true democracy, and later carried us
through nearly two hundred years of patriotic wars without a
defeat---ours will be hailed as the greatest era known by man, the
Golden Age of Liberty. It will be remembered as a time when freedom
loving peoples everywhere, their hearts aflame with the glory of the
task, rose up to expel forever the totalitarian Marxists, and tear free
from all the galaxy the shackles of dictatorial communism.
Lastly, let me apologize if my words are not fair, my manner of speech
unsubtle. I am neither orator nor philosopher, but a plain thinking
Christian general of Southern stock, born on the Earth, proud of my
roots and my heritage.
But let none doubt my integrity and insight on this matter, which I
have studied closely, and made my life's work. For God does not always
choose the sophisticated or genteel to do His holy bidding. Like
George Washington before me, I do not pretend to know all the
subtleties of diplomacy and constitution which lie before us, only the
true and unalterable road which our armies must follow to secure the
liberty and prosperity of future generations.
With your blessing I will carry our proud banner to heights our
forefathers could not have dreamed, and the God-given torch which they
passed down to us shall not diminish, but shine from every corner of
the galaxy, eternal beacon of peace and freedom.
I know in my heart that you will hear my entreaty, and grant me the
moment for which I am destined.
God bless America!
Yours in Liberty,
Gen. Charles William Hayes
Secretary of State
Among the inaccuracies and half-truths contained in the Secretary's
call to arms were the following, pointed out by some, but not generally
regarded as important.
1) General Hayes referred to the 'Communist Coalition' as if it were a
single nation. Its actual name was The Coalition of Independent
Socialist States, and it was not a nation at all, but rather a military
alliance, similar to NATO.
2) He spoke of having 'engaged and defeated the combined fleets' of
the Coalition, when in fact he had only beaten the Tri-Colony Defense
Force under Col. Ivan Dubcek, already weakened by the frontal assaults
of the Belgians and Swiss. The Coalition First Command Fleet, under
the command of Gen. Helmut Itjes, had engaged the enemy in defensive
skirmishes only, holding its own while evacuating roughly one-third of
the inhabitants of the planets Premislyde and Goethe. Athena II,
because of its proximity to the American thrust, was wholly lost.
3) The Athena Star System had not been referred to as Tarkus Minor for
nearly eighty years, since an earlier error in mapping had been
corrected. Perhaps the reference to Athens was uncomfortable for
Hayes---the fact that a 'dictatorial regime' had chosen not to alter
the name---or perhaps it threatened his claim that the United States
had been the first true democracy. The argument that Greek Athens was
not wholly democratic because it relied on the use of slave labor made
little difference, since 18th Century America also kept slaves.
4) Whether or not the Commonwealth Supercarriers were omnipotent
remained to be seen, since not all functions had been tested under full
combat conditions. The Soviets were also said to possess four very
large and formidable carriers.
5) The metaphor comparing the use of star-gate potential to the lacing
of a boot was a good one---the time required for the final passage was
relatively slight---but it neglected one very important step. First
one had to construct the boot. Star-gate potential was not some
magician's trick. The commander of a fleet could not simply press a
button and 'poof', make his ships appear in another part of the galaxy.
The creation of the star-gate was a very real, and therefore
complicated process. Reduced to layman's terms, it utilized principals
of anti-matter similar to those found in the implosion of a star (thus
forming a black hole), to forge a corridor between two given points in
Space, thus cheating the normal laws of space and time. Preparing such
a corridor could take days, away from any kind of supporting base,
possibly weeks.
For this reason one had to be certain he could defeat his enemy upon
arrival, and control the designated area (or be prepared to retreat by
conventional means) before any attack could be considered. In short,
as an offensive weapon it was virtually unstoppable; but it offered
absolutely nothing in the way of defense.
6) The Secretary referred to the Soviets of the 1940's as 'Slavic
hordes which would dominate Eastern Europe.....' In fact the Slavs had
dominated it for some time, having settled there centuries before, and
forming a large segment of the population. Coincidentally, the
expression 'Slavic hordes' had first been popularized by Nazi German
propagandists, just prior to the outbreak of World War II.
7) Hayes' reference to the Yalta Conference of 1945 was confused at
best. While this historic meeting of Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin
may have anticipated (in Stalin's mind only) the Soviet occupation of
eastern Europe at the end of World War II, work on the atomic bomb had
not yet been completed, and the Western powers were in no position
either to divine Stalin's ultimate goal, or to prevent it through the
use of nuclear weapons.
8) According to protocol, only the President could ask Congress for a
Declaration of War. Also, by attacking the colonies without a 'formal
declaration', General Hayes had violated International Law.
*
That these distortions were not looked upon with gravity by the
American public, can perhaps be attributed to the social conditions
prevalent at the time. Largely a cultural island, despite its vast
trade and high international standing, the United Commonwealth had
developed national characteristics not wholly conducive to truth and
perspective.
For example, if the average American saw a historical character (say
Abraham Lincoln) portrayed in a popular movie or book, it became set in
his or her mind that he/she now possessed a complete understanding of
both the man himself, and the tempestuous events in which he took part.
Thus, any subsequent input of contradictory facts or unclear morals
was discounted. Because as a general rule what appeared visually or in
print, larger (and often better) than life, seemed infinitely more real
and comprehensible than the confusing puzzle of actual events. The
fact that Hayes presented his version of the truth in a frank,
straightforward manner (why would he lie?) also tended to work in his
favor, lulling to sleep---they were barely awake to begin with---the
deeper sensibilities of his countrymen.
And in truth very little was known about the Battle of Athena. The
Commonwealth forces who had taken part in the mission were sworn to
secrecy, denied direct communication, and there was no way to obtain
more complete, unbiased information. Also, since it happened far away
and no casualties were announced, it all seemed less a prelude to
actual war than some vaguely exciting patriotic adventure and (to the
press) the possibility of some first-rate news footage.
This is not to say that all Americans were this bland or naive. Very
vocal opposition arose at once, along with equally vocal support. But
here again, the popular opinion of the middle class was the real power
in the Commonwealth, and for the most part this bulk society had not
yet made up its mind. Most were still, at the core, opposed to
bloodshed. But the economy WAS in difficult straits, which tended to
make them angrier and more aggressive, and there WERE nasty rumors
circulating about Soviet preparations for a military push in the
quadrant. That military preparedness was standard Soviet policy, and
that the grimmest predictions often came from Pentagon propagandists,
was to many either unknown, or considered beside the point.
The puzzle, however, was why the President had not attended the
reading, and for the time being refused all comment. A press
conference had been scheduled for June 18, but beyond this
Administration officials were maintaining an uncanny, and therefore
disquieting silence. Some of the more astute political observers and
high-ranking members of the government may have guessed what this mean,
but if so they did not give voice to their conclusions.
Because if what they suspected was true, it pointed to a serious rift
within the government, and a potential problem far more dangerous than
the stealing of a few planets, give or take. (Almost no one believed
that Hayes actually intended to take on the whole of socialism,
especially Soviet Space ---quiet of late, but still quite capable of
fireworks of their own). In this, unfortunately, they underestimated
the depths of the man's obsession, and gave him credit for a sense of
moderation which he did not possess.
And so the issue was roundly debated by the public and the press, and
everyone waited impatiently for the President to address the issue, if
only to have a focal point for their anger or support.
*
The President, however, had received on June 5 a very different
communication from his Secretary of State, and was in a quandary as to
how to respond. Because the one outright lie of General Hayes' letter
to Congress and the press, had been that he attacked the Czech/East
German joint colonies under Executive Order. In fact, he had done it
entirely on his own.
Still retaining his rank (an oddity in high political service) as a
five-star general, and thus the most powerful man within the military
establishment, Hayes was trying to use his popularity as a war hero,
and his considerable influence among the Armed Forces, to blackmail the
President into a military venture on which he had long vacillated. The
doubly coded message read as follows.
*
Dear Mr. President:
The time for indecision has passed. The battle is won; star-gate
potential is a reality; and the spirits of the men are high. Such
times as these are rare, when patriotic fervor at home is matched by
clear superiority in the field.
But I won't try to sway you with words. You know the pressing
realities as well as I do. I ask you now to put aside our past
differences, and give me your full support. We can annihilate the
remaining communist holdings in Balthazar and Cerberus and proceed from
there. But IT MUST BE NOW.
I am sorry to have to force the issue, attacking on my own. But as a
man who loves my country and sees the future clearly, you left me no
choice. With Bacon and Weiss (Presidential advisors) still squabbling,
and your own will paralyzed, precious and irrecoverable time was
slipping by. And as for securing appropriations from the
liberal-controlled House without bringing tremendous political pressure
to bear.....
But I won't banter. Nothing cuts through barriers or rouses the people
like a successful military engagement. And as I have said before, our
tactical advantage will not last. You may have backed the Russians
down of late with tough talk, but they haven't been idle the past three
years either. And unlike our attempts at rearmament, they aren't
hindered by the need for Congressional approval, or any other such
bleeding heart nonsense. The Star Gate is our edge, and it won't be
long before the enemy either finds a defense, or masters the principle
himself. I've ordered everyone directly involved with the project sent
to Mobius and quarantined for a year, under the pretense of a possible
epidemic. But that doesn't keep information from being smuggled out.
And please don't deceive yourself, Edgar. Once the Russians get this
technology they'll use it. This is going to be a volatile and
turbulent era, whether we choose to make the first move or not. Either
we put this weapon to use, or it will be used against us.
But we've been through all this before. I will send my appeal to
Congress and the people, then the choice will be yours. You can give
me your full support, and be remembered for all times as a courageous
and decisive leader, or you can disown me and face the consequences.
There is no middle ground.
Give me your blessing! You are a great and proud American; your
principles are high and your intentions unimpeachable. The only fault
I have ever found with you is a continuing desire to be advised, and a
deep hesitation to go against the grain of your advisers, even when
they themselves are undecided. History does not wait for the whims of
such men! One either takes the reins of Destiny, or they are taken
from him.
You say you did not ascend to the presidency alone---that many men with
many causes helped elect you. That is true, and your magnanimity is
admirable. But you are still the President, and the most powerful man
in the free world. I urge you now: use that power! Stand on your own
and be counted. Put your faith in me, and you shall never regret it.
Forgive me for speaking so plainly. These are convictions that run
very deep in me. I ask only this: that you listen to your heart. You
will see that I am right, and that God has chosen me to do His holy
work.
Your Servant,
Charles William Hayes
Secretary of State
P.S.- I have spoken with the Joints Chiefs of Staff. They stand
behind me.
*
And so the President, who was not fond of making difficult decisions
---Hayes had been quite right in this assertion---was faced with the
most difficult choice of his political career, if not his life. Though
far from a genius, he clearly saw (and this in itself was unusual) that
a true, life and death dilemma lay before him, and that his decision
would directly affect the lives of millions of people. Did he give in
to political blackmail, and condone self-righteous slaughter---a
genuine war? Or did he call Hayes' bluff, and find out just how
powerful the man had become? Either path presented equally grim
scenarios. And for the first time in his illustrious presidency, Edgar
J. Stone found himself in a position where advice was useless, and
compromise impossible.
His political forte' to this point had been to make no rash decisions
or statements to the press, and to defer to his advisers on the more
serious matters of state. And through a combination of conservative
dogma and hard-nosed pragmatism, he had heretofore been extraordinarily
successful, getting most of his programs through Congress, avoiding
embarrassment, and heading off political difficulty before it gained
impetus. No matter what the circumstance, he always managed to appear
calm and well informed, with just enough below-the-surface anger to let
everyone know, especially the Soviets, that the Commonwealth was not to
be made sport of or taken lightly (which of course appealed to the
current patriotic mood of his countrymen).
He was neither smarter, shrewder, nor more capable than his recent
predecessors. If anything, he was less qualified than most. But he
did have one skill they lacked. He knew how to play the game, and he
lied (to no one more than to himself) with great conviction.
Because in the Commonwealth politicians were judged not so much by what
they did, as by the way they appeared to be doing it. Lincoln, Kennedy
and Reagan were remembered as the greatest of men, though they
seriously mishandled important matters of state, largely because, as
the poetic put it, "They captured the spirit of their countrymen."
More cynically, they gave good speeches. Edgar Stone, though
considerably less moral than any but the third, understood this (or
something like it), and with the aid of the power groups he
represented, had modeled his administration accordingly.
He did this by surrounding himself with strong and intelligent men who
understood the inner workings of government, economy and diplomacy,
concentrating his own energies---with the help of various acting
coaches and speech writers---on the subtleties of image and
appearances. His was the mask worn by those who had elected him, and
those who held real power. Not only did he fail to question the
morality of the policies they had him put forward, but in truth, was
not particularly interested. He had for nearly twenty years made his
living as a front-man for conservative causes, knew his job and stuck
to it. And having for so long been immersed in right wing-propaganda
(it also appealed to his ego and warped sense of patriotism), he really
did, or certainly appeared, to believe it himself. Thus the last and
most important element of the facade fell into place: 'sincerity'.
Any seasoned political observer (who cared to look with his eyes) could
see this, and yet few with any authority chose to attack the graven
image. Why? Because he SEEMED to be doing a good job, and was (in the
persona that had so been carefully been constructed) a pleasant,
hard-working and respectable family man. The fact that he had changed
professions (a former salesman), parties (a former Democrat), and wives
(a divorcee), was routinely shouted down as liberal mud-slinging. The
press was cowed by his popularity, the opposition by the power it gave
him. The middle class LIKED Edgar Stone, and big business stood behind
him. It was a formidable combination. No chink had yet been found in
his armor, and the political sharks that arise within any system,
democratic or otherwise, could not yet smell blood in the water.
But all that careful work and planning was now being swept away by a
single, unforeseeable mistake. Over the years Stone had accumulated
numerous political debts, especially to those who had kept him going
during the lean years of 'progressive humanism', one of which he had
repaid by appointing a pompous, self-indulging and wholly unqualified
'hero' of the Nibian Wars (like Ulysses S. Grant, he had sent tens of
thousands to their graves without blinking), and a man he personally
disliked, as his Secretary of State. Charles William Hayes.
Like Douglas Macarthur before him, Hayes had given innumerable signs of
the obsession he now sought to enact. But like so many other men of
history who are not taken at their word (Adolph Hitler being perhaps
the clearest, and most horrific example), people had always assumed
that he took such a hard line against socialism (as Hitler had done
against the Jews) simply to encourage those who could elevate him to
power, and to tap into the volatile anger and frustration of his
countrymen.
But the truly frightening thing about such men, Hayes included, was
that THEY MEANT EVERY WORD THEY SAID. "Better dead than Red," an
expression borrowed from the Cold War days of the mid twentieth
century, was not just a slogan to him, but unwritten Holy Scripture,
handed down to him by the righteous God who ruled the Universe and
called men of courage and action to his service, in the unending war
against this modern day Satan. Etc. In his mind, too simple or too
stubborn to possess any clear sense of perspective, this same God
directed his every footstep, living within him and guiding his
thoughts. And anyone who stood in his way, or questioned his narrow
vision, was either weak, blind, or the enemy. As he had intimated in
his letter to Stone, so far as he was concerned, there was no 'middle
ground' in anything.
And in classic Shakespearean form, the inevitably tragic events of his
life had only served to bear out his convictions, and reinforce his
Messianic image of himself. Indeed, given the power of his obsession
and the unyielding pursuit of an aggressive, self-chosen destiny, they
could hardly have done otherwise.
So Edgar Stone brooded, and listened to his advisers argue, and tried
to think. While the winds of war swirled around him.