STRIKES DEFINED.

Tuesday, June 7th, the Central Council of the Building Interests met,

and the committee on strikes and grievances, through P. B. Wight, its

chairman, submitted a lengthy report. It defined strikes of two

kinds--general and special. The general strike, which was more frequent,

was a demand by a number of employes, acting in concert, for an increase

in wages, or a change in working rules, or methods of conducting

business, followed by a united refusal to work. A special strike was

concerted refusal to work on a particular job, or for a particular

employer, based on the assumption of a contract between employer and

employe which never existed, and a pretense of a violation of a

contract. A general strike was legitimate, in a business sense. A

special was based on false premises, and was practically an attempt to

regulate an employer's way of doing business by visiting upon him

embarrassment in a temporary stoppage of his business. It was often

settled by the employers paying a "fine" to the offended "union" as a

condition of the men returning to work in a body. This was nothing less

than blackmail, and a receipt of the fine was a criminal act. It was in

the nature of conspiracy. It might be an attempt on the part of the

strikers to obtain some advantage, which might occasion great annoyance

or damage to the employers. Such was the demand of the United Order of

American Bricklayers and Stonemasons on the 29th of April last for a

Saturday pay-day, which was resisted and refused by many employers. The

report then gave a detailed account of the immediate and consequent

results of the strike, with a statement of action taken by all building

organizations to date, showing the manner in which the question affected

all building trades, and resulting in locking out thousands of

well-trained and well-behaved artisans, who obeyed the dictates of the

handful of officials, committeemen, and a small army of walking

delegates, who were to be seen daily at the union headquarters and who

were paid by contributions from men whose dues were really filched from

their wives and children. The report concluded as follows:

We believe that the Master Masons' association has acted with the

purest motives toward their employes, and in the spirit of

self-sacrifice with regard to their own interest. They have gone so

far as to encourage their men to form a union devoted to higher

principles than the rule-or-ruin policy which actuates the present

organization. This may all be well in the future, but it does not

help to do away with the objection of the men to taking up their

tools. A contract for labor differs from a contract for anything

else only in that the confidence of him who disposes of his labor

must be unqualified to the last degree. If the employer appeals to

the man as an individual he must inspire him with confidence in his

representations. If the Master Masons' association intends never

again to recognize the union rules, let it say so in terms so

unqualified that no one can misunderstand it. If the individual

workman fully believes it, he will be only too glad to come out

like a man, and there will be a scramble to see who gets there

first. If the master mason intends to live up to his profession,

let him guarantee his employe work for a stated time--long enough

to convince him that it is more to his interest to go to work than

to cling to his union and stand still. If no one mason feels

confident that he can guarantee steady work, say, for six months,

let the master masons agree among themselves to provide work, so

that, if a man is laid off on one job he can be sure of work on

another where he will not meet with any interference. If the

employer expects his men to work he must guarantee them full

protection in case of interference. But more than all things he

must guarantee his employe that he will never be displaced in

consequence of any future compromise with any labor organization.

If the master masons have faith in the stand they have taken, and

mean to maintain it at all hazards, they will get all the help they

want. If they have any idea that a strike is on their hands to be

settled by compromise with any body of men, they may as well

surrender to the union at once. We do not believe that this

weakness exists among them, but the public and their unemployed

mechanics must be convinced by their acts that they are thoroughly

in earnest--as we believe they are--and that guarantees, such as

have been suggested, will be carried out in good faith to the very

letter, and at all hazards.

The public, which must sustain us or we fall, will then be

convinced that there is no strike, except a strike for right and

justice. And if needs be that the employers must be responsible for

it, let them glory in it as our forefathers did.

There was a strike, as we admit. A strike did we say, for a

Saturday pay-day? It was so called. It was resisted, and the men

who were expected to pay on Saturday have not done so. It was a

strike aimed at the Master Masons' association. It was not for any

great benefit that Saturday pay-day should confer. It was a strike

to show the power of the striker. It was an exhibition of strength

from those whose strength has not been resisted or questioned for

four years; a power which knew no resistance, but which must be

periodically exhibited to make its presence felt. It is that same

power which is still so strong that it makes your mechanics blind

to all your heaven-born principles and deaf to all your promises.

You, gentlemen of the Master Masons' association, and all you who

have nailed our banner of liberty upon your walls, have strength

also. In a battle of endurance you can win, but if you do win by

extermination, then your sin will be greater than the fruit of your

victory. But remember that those who live by the sword, if they die

so living, shall also die by the sword. Your weapon is the olive

branch. Your principles are just. Let your faith be strong, and in

the end you will find your best friends in the camp of your enemy.

The report was signed by P. B. Wight, H. G. Savage and M. W. Powell, who

composed the committee. It was unanimously approved, and a copy was

directed to be sent to the Master Masons' association.

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