CHAPTER XV

THE PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES IN THE NORTH-WEST

VOYAGES OF THE BROTHERS CORTE-REAL

[Sidenote: Early attempts of the Portuguese to find new lands]

The Portuguese, who in the fifteenth century were the most enterprising of

seafaring peoples as regards discoveries, had, as already stated, made

various attempts to find new countries out in the ocean to the west of the

Azores, from which islands the majority of the expeditions proceeded. It

was therefore to be expected that the important discoveries of Columbus

should encourage them to fresh attempts of this kind; it was also natural

that such enterprises should originate especially in the Azores. From what

has been stated above (p. 128), it appears that the King of Portugal

(Alfonso V.) induced Christiern I. to send out expeditions (Pining and

Pothorst) to search for new islands and lands in the North. It seems

probable that the King of Portugal was informed of the results of these

expeditions, and that in this way the Portuguese may have known of the

existence of Greenland or of countries in the north-west. In the same way,

as we have seen (p. 132, note 2), the fact that the earliest literary

allusions to Scolvus seem to be derived from Portugal may be explained.

[Sidenote: Boundary between the Portuguese and Spanish spheres]

Possible Portuguese enterprises in the western regions were barred by the

claim of the Spanish Crown to the dominion over all lands to the west of a

certain boundary, and in the final treaty of Tordecillas, June 7, 1404,

between Portugal and Spain, this boundary was fixed by the Pope at 370

leagues (about 1200 geographical miles) to the west of the Cape Verde

Islands, and it was to follow the meridian from pole to pole. All that lay

to the west of this meridian was to belong to Spain, while Portugal had

the right to take advantage of all lands to the east. Thereby the

Portuguese were debarred from the search for India and China to the west.

These enterprising seafarers must therefore have had every reason to find

out whether there were any countries on their side of the boundary-line,

and it may be supposed that their attention would naturally be drawn in

the direction of the north-western lands (Greenland) of which they had

already heard.

And, in fact, such voyages were undertaken from Portugal (and the Azores

?) about 1500; but the accounts of them are meagre and casual, and have

been interpreted in very different ways.

In order to enable one to form as unbiased a view as possible of these

voyages, it will be necessary to begin by reviewing the most important

contemporary documents which may contain statements of value; and

afterwards to summarise what may be concluded from these documents.

[Sidenote: Letters patent to João Fernandez, 1499]

On October 28, 1499, King Manuel of Portugal issued at Lisbon to João

Fernandez letters patent (preserved in the Portuguese State archives,

Torre do Tombo) for discoveries, evidently in the north-west, in which it

is said:

"We [the King] make known to all who may see this our letter, that

Joham Fernamdez [now written João Fernandez] domiciled in our island

of Terceira [Azores] has told us that he, in God's and our service,

will work and travel and try to discover certain islands of [for ?]

our conquest at his own cost, and we, seeing his good will and

purpose, promise him and hereby give him de facto--in addition to

taking him into our service--the mark of our favour and the privilege

of Governor over every island or islands, both inhabited and

uninhabited, that he may discover and find for the first time, and

this with such revenues [taxes], dignities, profits and interests as

we have given to the Governors of the islands of Madeira and others,

and for this observance and our remembrance we command that this

letter be given him, signed by us and sealed with our attached

seal."[337]

[Sidenote: Letters patent to Gaspar Corte-Real, 1500]

On May 12, 1500, King Manuel granted to Gaspar Corte-Real letters patent,

as follows:

"We [i.e., the King] make known to all who may see this deed of gift,

that forasmuch as Caspar Cortereall, a nobleman of our household, has

in times past made great endeavours at his own charges for ships and

men, employing his own fortune and at his personal danger, to search

for and discover and find certain islands and mainland, and in future

will still continue to carry this into effect, and in this way will do

all that he can to find the said islands and lands, and bearing in

mind how much he deserves honour and favour and promotion in our

service, to our honour, and to the extension of our realms and

dominions through such islands and lands being discovered and found by

our natives [i.e., Portuguese], and through the said Gaspar

Corte-Reall thus performing so much labour, and exposing himself to so

great danger; we are therefore pleased to decree that, if he discovers

and finds any island, or islands, or mainland, he be granted by our

own consent and royal and absolute power, the concession and gift,

with the privilege of Governor and its attendant rights, etc. ... over

whatsoever islands or mainland he may thus find and discover, etc. ...

and we decree that he and his heirs in our name and in the name of our

successors shall hold and govern those lands or islands, which are

thus found, freely and without any restriction, as has been said....

The said Caspar Cortereall and his heirs shall have one quarter free

of all that they can thus obtain [i.e., realise] in the said islands

and lands at what time soever..." [Cf. Harrisse, 1883, pp. 196, f.].

An order is preserved dated April 15, 1501, from King Manuel to the master

of the bake-house at the city gate of La Cruz to deliver biscuits to

Gaspar Corte-Real, and further, a receipt of April 21, 1501, for the

biscuits, signed by Gaspar Corte-Real himself, proving that the latter was

in Portugal on that date.[338]

[Sidenote: Pasqualigo's letter to the Council at Venice, Oct. 1501]

Pietro Pasqualigo, the Venetian Minister at Lisbon, wrote as follows to

the Council at Venice on October 18, 1501:

"On the 9th of this month there arrived here one of the two caravels

which the said King's majesty sent last year to discover lands in the

direction of the northern regions (verso le parte de tramontana), and

they have brought seven men, women, and children from the country

discovered, which is in the north-west and west, 1800 miglia distant

from here. These men resemble gypsies in appearance, build, and

stature. They have their faces marked in different places, some with

more, others with fewer figures. They are clad in the skins of various

animals, but chiefly of otter; their speech is entirely different from

any other that has ever been heard in this kingdom, and no one

understands it. Their limbs are very shapely, and they have very

gentle faces, but their manners and gestures are bestial, and like

those of savage men. The crew of the caravel believe that the land

alluded to is mainland, and that it is joined to the other land which

was discovered last year in the north by the other caravels belonging

to this majesty, but they were unable to reach it, for the sea was

frozen over with the great masses of snow, so that it rose up like

land. They also thought that it was connected with the Andilii

[Antilles], which were discovered by the sovereign of Spain, and with

the land of Papaga [Brazil], newly found by a ship belonging to this

king, on her way to Calcutta. The grounds for this belief are, in the

first place, that after having sailed along the coast of the said land

for a distance of six hundred miglia and more, they found no end to

it; and further because they say they found many very great rivers

which there fell into the sea. The second caravel, that of the

commander (caravella capitania), is expected from day to day, and from

it the nature and condition of the aforesaid land will be clearly

understood, since it went farther along the coast in order to discover

as much of it as possible. This royal majesty has been much rejoiced

by this news, for he thinks that this land will be very profitable for

his affairs in many respects, but especially because it is so near to

this kingdom that it will be easy to obtain in a short time a very

great quantity of timber for making ships' masts and yards of, and to

get a sufficient supply of male slaves for all kinds of labour, for

they say that that country has many inhabitants, and is full of

pine-trees and other excellent wood. The news in question has rejoiced

his majesty so much that he has given orders that the ships are to

sail to the said place, and for the increase of his Indian fleet, in

order to conquer it more quickly, as soon as it is discovered; for it

seems that God is with his majesty in his undertakings, and brings all

his plans to accomplishment." [Cf. Harrisse, 1883, pp. 209, ff.].

[Sidenote: Pasqualigo's letter to his brothers, Oct. 1501]

On October 19, 1501, Pietro Pasqualigo writes to his brothers at Venice:

"On the 8th of this month there arrived here one of the two caravels

which this most serene majesty sent last year to discover lands in the

north under Captain Gaspar Corterat [sic]; and they state that they

found land two thousand miglia from here between north-west and west,

which before was not known to any one; along the coast of this land

they sailed perhaps six hundred or seven hundred miglia without

finding an end to it; therefore they believe that it is a continent

which is continuous with another land that was discovered last year in

the north [by some other caravels], which caravels could not reach the

end of it, because the sea was frozen and there was an infinite

quantity of snow. They believed it also on account of the great number

of rivers that they found there, and that certainly would not be so

numerous or so large on an island. They say that this land has many

inhabitants, and that their houses are made of great wooden poles,

which are covered on the outside with skins of fish [i.e., seals ?].

They have brought seven men, women, and children from thence and fifty

more are coming in another caravel, which is hourly expected. These

are of similar colour, build, stature, and appearance to gypsies, clad

in skins of various animals, but mostly otter; in the summer they turn

the skin in, in winter the reverse. And these skins are not sewed

together in any way, and not prepared, but they are thrown over the

shoulders and arms just as they are taken off the animals. The loins

are fastened together with strings made of very strong fish sinews.

Although they seem to be savages, they are modest and gentle, but

their arms, legs, and shoulders are indescribably well shaped; they

have the face marked [tattooed] in the Indian fashion, some with six,

some with eight, and some with no figures [lines ?]. They speak, but

are understood by no one; I believe they have been addressed in every

possible language. In their country they have no iron, but make knives

of certain stones, and spearheads in the same way. They have brought

from thence a fragment of a broken gilt sword, which was certainly

made in Italy. A boy among them wore in his ears two silver rings,

which seem without doubt to have been made in Venice. This induced me

to believe that it is a continent, for it is not a place to which

ships can ever have gone without anything having been heard of

them.[339] They have a very great quantity of salmon, herring, cod,

and similar fish. They have also great abundance of trees, and above

all of pine-trees for making ships' masts and yards of. For this

reason it is that this most serene King thinks he will derive the

greatest profit from the said land, not only on account of the trees

for shipbuilding, of which there is much need, but also on account of

the men, who are excellent labourers, and the best slaves that have

hitherto been obtained; this seems to me to be a thing worth giving

information about, and if I hear anything more when the commander's

caravel (caravella capitania) arrives, I will also communicate it."

[Cf. Harrisse, 1883, pp. 211, f.].

[Sidenote: Cantino's letter, Oct. 1501]

Alberto Cantino, Minister at Lisbon of Duke Ercule d'Este of Ferrara,

wrote to the Duke as follows, on October 17, 1501:

"It is already nine months since this most serene King sent two

well-equipped ships to the northern regions (alle parte de tramontana)

with the object of finding out whether it was possible to discover

lands and islands in those parts; and now on the 11th of this month

one of these ships has safely returned with a cargo, and brought

people and news, which I have thought it my duty to communicate to

Your Excellency, and thus I write here below accurately and clearly

all that the captain [of the ship] reported to the King in my

presence. First he stated that after leaving the port of Lisbon they

sailed for four months at a stretch always with the same wind, and

towards the same pole, and in all that time they never saw anything.

When they had entered the fifth month and still wished to proceed,

they say that they encountered immense masses of snow frozen together,

floating on the sea and moving under the influence of the waves. On

the top of these [ice-masses] clear fresh water was formed by the

power of the sun, and ran down through little channels hollowed out by

itself, wearing away the foot [of the ice] where it fell. As the ships

were already in want of water they approached in boats, and took as

much as they required; and for fear of staying in that place on

account of the danger, they were about to turn back, but impelled by

hope they consulted as to what they could best do, and determined to

proceed for a few days yet, and they resumed their voyage. On the

second day they found the sea frozen, and being obliged to abandon

their purpose, they began to steer to the north-west and west, and

they continued on this course for three months, always with fair

weather. And on the first day of the fourth month they sighted between

these two points of the compass a very great land, which they

approached with the greatest joy; and many great rivers of fresh water

ran through this region into the sea, and on one of them they

travelled for a legha [== about three geographical miles] inland; and

when they went ashore they found a quantity of beautiful and varied

fruits, and trees, and pines of remarkable height and size, that

would be too large for the masts of the largest ship that sails the

sea. Here is no corn of any kind, but the people of the country live,

they say, on nothing but fishing and hunting animals, of which the

country has abundance. There are very large stags [i.e., caribou,

Canadian reindeer] with long hair, whose skin they use for clothes and

for making houses and boats; there are also wolves, foxes, tigers

[lynxes ?], and sables. They declare, what seems strange to me, that

there are as many pelerine falcons as there are sparrows in our

country; and I have seen them, and they are very handsome. Of the men

and women of that place they took about fifty by force, and have

brought them to the King; I have seen, touched, and examined them. To

begin with their size, I may say that they are a little bigger than

our countrymen, with well-proportioned and shapely limbs, while their

hair is long according to our custom, and hangs in curly ringlets, and

they have their faces marked with large figures like those of the

Indians. Their eyes have a shade of green, and, when they look at you,

give the whole face a very wild aspect. Their speech is not to be

understood, but it is without harshness, rather is it human. Their

conduct and manners are very gentle, they laugh a good deal, and show

much cheerfulness; and this is enough about the men. The women have

small breasts and a very beautiful figure, and have a very attractive

face; their colour may more nearly be described as white than

anything else, but that of the males is a good deal darker.

Altogether, if it were not for the wild look of the men, it seems to

me that they are quite like us in everything else. All parts of the

body are naked, with the exception of the loins, which are kept

covered with the skin of the aforesaid stag. They have no weapons, nor

iron, but all the work they produce is done with a very hard and sharp

stone, and there is nothing so hard that they cannot cut it with this.

This ship came thence in one month, and they say that it is 2800

miglia [miles] distant; the other consort has decided to sail along

this coast far enough to determine whether it is an island or

mainland, and thus the King is awaiting the arrival of this [the

consort] and the others [i.e., his companions] with much impatience,

and when they have come, if they communicate anything worthy of Your

Excellency's attention, I shall immediately inform you of it..." [cf.

Harrisse, 1883, pp. 204, ff.].

[Illustration: Portion of the "Cantino" map of 1502, preserved at Modena.

The network of compass-lines omitted]

[Sidenote: The Cantino map, 1502]

At the request of the Duke of Ferrara Cantino had a map made at Lisbon,

chiefly for the purpose of representing the Portuguese discoveries, and

sent it to the Duke in 1502. In a letter to the Duke, dated November 19,

1502, he mentions having already sent it. This map, commonly called the

Cantino map, and now preserved at Modena, gives a remarkably good

representation of southern Greenland, which is called "A ponta de [asia]"

[i.e., a point of Asia]. On its east coast are two Portuguese flags to

show that it is a Portuguese discovery, one flag somewhat to the north of

the Arctic Circle, the other a little to the west of the southern point,

and this coast bears the following legend:

"This country, which was discovered by the command of the most highly

renowned prince Dom Manuel, King of Portugal, is a point of Asia (esta

a ponta d'asia). Those who made the discovery did not land but saw the

land, and could see nothing but precipitous mountains. Therefore it is

assumed, according to the opinion of the cosmographers, to be a point

of Asia."

To the west of Greenland on the same map a country is marked, called

"Terra del Rey de portuguall" (the Land of the King of Portugal); it

answers approximately to Newfoundland, possibly with the southern part of

Labrador (?). The north and south ends are marked with two Portuguese

flags, and the country bears the following legend:

"This land was discovered by command of the most exalted and most

renowned royal prince Dom Manuel, King of Portugal; Gaspar de

Corte-Real, a nobleman of the said King's household, discovered it,

and when he had discovered it, he sent [to Portugal] a ship with men

and women taken in the said land, and he stayed behind with the other

ship, and never returned, and it is believed that he perished, and

there are many masts [i.e., trees for masts]."

[Sidenote: Letters patent to Miguel Corte-Real, 1502 or 1503 (?)]

On January 15, 1502,[340] King Manuel gave Gaspar's brother, Miguel

Corte-Real, fresh letters patent as follows:

"We make known to all who may see this letter that Miguell Cortereall,

a nobleman of our household and our head doorkeeper [chamberlain ?],

now tells us that, seeing how Gaspar Cortereall, his brother, long ago

sailed from this city with three ships to discover new land, of which

he had already found a part, and seeing that after a lapse of time two

of the said ships returned to the said city [Lisbon], and five months

have elapsed without his coming,[341] he wishes to go in search of

him, and that he, the said miguell corte-reall, had many outlays and

expenses of his own in the said voyage of discovery, as well as in the

said ships, which his said brother fitted out the first time for that

purpose [i.e., for the first voyage], when he found the said land, and

likewise for the second [i.e., the second voyage], wherefore the said

gaspar cortereall in consideration of this promised to share with him

the said land which he thus discovered and ... which we had granted

and given to him by our deed of gift, for which the said gaspar

cortereall asked us before his departure, etc." Therefore Miguel

claimed his share of the lands discovered by his brother, which he

obtained from the King by these letters patent, as well as the right

to all new islands and lands he might discover that year (1502),

besides that which his brother had found.[342]

[Sidenote: Portuguese chart of about 1520]

Two legends on the anonymous Portuguese chart of about 1520 are also of

interest.[343] On the land "Do Lavrador" [i.e., Greenland] is written:

"This land the Portuguese saw, but did not enter."

On Newfoundland, called "Bacalnaos," is written:

"To this land came first Gaspar Corte Regalis, a Portuguese, and he

carried away from thence wild men and white bears. There is great

abundance of animals, birds, and fish. In the following year he

suffered shipwreck there, and did not return, and his brother,

Micaele, met with the same fate in the next year."

[Illustration: Portion of an anonymous Portuguese chart of about 1520,

preserved at Munich. The network of compass-lines omitted]

In addition to this may also be mentioned the various maps of Portuguese

origin of 1502 or soon after, especially the Italian mappamundi, the

so-called King map of about 1502 (p. 373), which must be a copy of a

Portuguese map, where Newfoundland is called Terra Corte Real.

[Sidenote: Later notices]

Besides these documents contemporary with the voyages, or of the years

immediately succeeding, there are also several much later notices of them

in Gomara (1552), Ramusio (1556), Antonio Galvano (1563) and Damiam de

Goes (1566), but as these were written so long after, we will leave them

on one side for the present.

[Sidenote: Gaspar Corte-Real not the discoverer of Greenland (Labrador)]

When we endeavour to form an opinion as to the Portuguese voyages of

these years on the basis of the oldest documents, the first thing that

must strike us is that there are indications of several voyages, and of

the discovery of two wholly different countries, which must undoubtedly be

Greenland and Newfoundland. As it is expressly stated on the Cantino map,

on the Portuguese chart of about 1520, and in many other places, that

Newfoundland was discovered by Gaspar Corte-Real, while his name is not

mentioned in a single place in these documents in connection with

Greenland (or Labrador), and as Pasqualigo's letter to the Council of

Venice expressly says that that land was seen the previous year (1500) by

"the other caravels [l'altre caravelle] belonging to this majesty,"[344]

the logical conclusion must be that it was not Gaspar Corte-Real who saw

Greenland in the year 1500, but some other Portuguese. It may be in

agreement with this that on the King map (of about 1502) Newfoundland is

called Terra Cortereal (see p. 373), while the island which clearly

answers to Greenland is called Terra Laboratoris. One might be tempted to

suppose that both lands were named after their discoverers, one, that is,

after Corte-Real, the other after a man who is described as "laborator."

The generally accepted view that it was Gaspar Corte-Real who saw

Greenland on his voyage of 1500 is thus unsupported by the above-mentioned

documents.

[Sidenote: João Fernandez sighted Greenland, 1500 ?]

On the other hand, we seem to be able to conclude from the royal letters

patent to Miguel Corte-Real that Gaspar made two voyages, one in 1500, and

another in 1501, and that it was the same country (i.e., Newfoundland)

that he visited on both occasions. This is also confirmed by the legend on

the Portuguese chart of about 1520. If it was not he who on the first

voyage, in 1500, saw Greenland without being able to approach it, we must

conclude that yet another expedition, on which Greenland was sighted, left

Portugal in the year 1500. One is then inclined to suppose that this was

commanded by the same João Fernandez, to whom the King gave letters patent

as early as October 1499. This supposition becomes still more probable

when we take it in conjunction with what has already been said as to the

possible origin of the name of Labrador (see p. 331). We must suppose that

this is the same man from the Azores who, under the name of John

Fernandus, took part in the Bristol enterprise of 1501, and who is further

mentioned in documents of as early as 1492, together with another man from

the Azores, Pero de Barcellos, and is described as a "llavorador." These

men would already at that time have been engaged in making discoveries at

sea.

If we compare the legend attached to Labrador (Greenland) on Diego

Ribero's Spanish map of 1529 with the corresponding legend on the

anonymous Portuguese chart of about 1520 this will also confirm our

supposition. While on the latter we read that "the Portuguese saw the

land, but did not enter it," Ribero's map has: "this land was discovered

by the English, but there is nothing in it that is worth having." As this

part of Ribero's map is evidently a copy of the Portuguese maps, we may

conclude Ribero's alteration of the legend to mean that doubtless the land

was first sighted by the Portuguese, but that it was the English who first

succeeded in landing there, and in this way were its real discoverers. If

we add to this the statement on the sixteenth-century Portuguese chart

preserved at Wolfenbüttel, that the land was discovered by Englishmen from

Bristol, and that the man who first gave news of it was a "labrador" from

the Azores, then everything seems to be in agreement.

We may hence suppose the connection to be somewhat as follows: having

obtained his letters patent in October 1499, João Fernandez fitted out

his expedition, and sailed in the spring of 1500; he arrived off the east

coast of Greenland and sailed along it, but the ice prevented him from

landing. We have no information at all as to where else he may have been

on this voyage. But having returned to Portugal, perhaps after a

comparatively unsuccessful expedition, and finding furthermore that the

King had issued letters patent to Gaspar Corte-Real, whose voyage had been

more successful, Fernandez may have despaired of finding support for fresh

enterprises in Portugal, and have turned at once to Bristol, where he took

part in getting together an Anglo-Portuguese undertaking, and was thus the

"llavorador" who first brought news of Greenland.

[Illustration: Portion of Diego Ribero's map of 1529. (Nordenskiöld,

1897)]

It must, of course, be admitted that the hypothesis here put forward of

the voyage and discovery of João Fernandez is no more than a guess; but it

seems more consistent than any of the explanations hitherto offered, and,

as far as I can see, it does not conflict on any point with what

contemporary documents have to tell us. It may be supposed that here, as

so frequently has happened, the name of the discoverer, João Fernandez,

has been more or less forgotten. His memory has perhaps only been

preserved in the name Labrador itself--originally applied to Greenland,

but afterwards transferred to the American continent[345]--whilst all the

Portuguese discoveries in the north have been associated in later history

with the other seafarer, Gaspar Corte-Real, who was of noble family and

belonged to the King's household, and who came from the same island of the

Azores, Terceira.

[Illustration: Portion of Maggiolo's map of 1527 (Harrisse, 1892).

Compass-lines omitted]

[Sidenote: Gaspar Corte-Real]

Gaspar Corte-Real belonged to a noble Portuguese family from Algarve and

was born about 1450. He was the third and youngest son of João Vaz

Corte-Real, who for twenty-two years, since 1474, had had a "capitanerie"

as Governor of the Azores--first at Angra in the island of Terceira, later

in São Jorge--and died in 1496.[346] Gaspar probably spent a part of his

youth in the Azores, which were altogether "a hot-house of all kinds of

ideas of maritime discovery"; he certainly became familiar at an early age

with narratives of the numerous earlier attempts, and with the many plans

of new ocean voyages which were discussed by the adventurous sailors of

those islands. As already mentioned, the German, Martin Behaim, was also

living in the Azores (cf. p. 287).

[Illustration: The newly discovered north-western lands made continuous

with Asia, on Maggiolo's map of 1511. (Harrisse, 1900)]

[Sidenote: Corte-Real's voyage of 1500]

From the letters patent of May 1500, we see that Gaspar Corte-Real had at

his own expense been trying even before that time to discover countries in

the ocean, but as no more is said about it, the attempt was doubtless

unsuccessful. It was pointed out above that from the King's letters

patent to his brother Miguel it looks as though Gaspar had made two

voyages to the land he had discovered, which is also confirmed by the

legend referred to on the anonymous Portuguese chart of about 1520. On the

other hand, nothing is said about this voyage in the letters of the two

Italian Ministers, nor on the Cantino map. It may seem natural to conclude

that Gaspar, after having obtained his letters patent in May 1500, set out

on an expedition, the expenses of which were defrayed by himself and his

brother Miguel in partnership (cf. the letters patent to the latter).

On his first voyage of 1500 Gaspar had already discovered a part of

Newfoundland; but we know nothing of what else he may have accomplished on

this expedition. He must have returned to Lisbon by the same autumn.

[Sidenote: Corte-Real's voyage of 1501]

Encouraged by his success he then set out again with a larger expedition

in 1501, after April 21, at which date he was still in Lisbon. This time

the expenses were again borne by himself and his brother Miguel in

partnership. According to the King's letters patent of January 1502, he

had three ships on this voyage, of which two returned. This does not agree

with the letters of the two Italian Ministers, which distinctly say that

he left with two ships. But these letters, it is true, do not mutually

agree in their statements as to the ship that had returned: Pasqualigo

says that the ship arrived at Lisbon on October 9 in one of his letters,

on the 8th in the other, and that it brought seven natives; while Cantino

says that the ship arrived on October 11 and brought fifty natives to the

King. As Pasqualigo says that the other ship was expected daily with fifty

natives, it has been thought (cf. Harrisse) that this was the ship

referred to by Cantino; but in that case it is puzzling that two Ministers

in the same city should have heard of two different ships, and that they

should both be ignorant of more than one ship having arrived, although

there was an interval of no more than two or three days between each

ship's arrival, and they are both writing a week after that time. Besides,

both mention that the second ship, and only one, is expected, and

Pasqualigo calls it the commander's caravel (caravella capitania). We may

readily suppose that it is the arrival of the same ship that is alluded to

by the two Ministers (no importance need be attached to the discrepancy of

dates, since we see that Pasqualigo alters the date of his ship's arrival

from one letter to the other). They may both have heard of fifty natives

having been captured, of which they had seen some (seven, for instance);

but while Cantino understood that the whole fifty had arrived, Pasqualigo

thought that only the seven he had seen had come, while the other fifty

were expected on the next ship. Considerable weight must be attached to

the fact that in the legend on the Cantino map, which must evidently have

been drawn from Portuguese documents, only one ship is mentioned as having

returned. The chief difficulty is that this is in direct conflict with the

King's later letters patent to Miguel. We should then have to suppose that

the statement in this document as to three ships having sailed and two

returned is due to a clerical error or a lapse of memory, which may seem

surprising. But the question is, after all, of minor importance. The main

point is that Gaspar Corte-Real's ship never returned.

In estimating the degree of trustworthiness or accuracy to be attributed

to Pasqualigo's and Cantino's statements about the voyage, it must be

remembered that they are both only repeating what they have heard said on

the subject in a language not their own, and that when the letters were

written they had probably seen no chart of the voyage or of the new

discoveries. Cantino says that he was present when the captain of the ship

gave his account to the King, and that he is writing down everything that

was then said; so that perhaps he had only heard the narrative once, and

without a chart, which easily explains his obvious errors; it is no

difficult matter to fall into gross errors and misunderstandings in

reproducing the account of a voyage which one hears in this way told even

in one's own language. Pasqualigo does not tell us how he had heard about

the voyage, but it may have been on the same occasion. The letters of the

two Italians reproducing the Portuguese narrative cannot therefore be

treated as exact historical documents, every detail of which is correct.

Cantino says in his letter (of October 1501) that Gaspar Corte-Real had

sailed nine months before, that is, in January 1501. Pasqualigo says that

he left in the previous year, which agrees with Cantino, since the civil

year at that time began on March 25. But the existing receipt of April 21,

1501, from Gaspar Corte-Real proves with certainty that the two Italians

were mistaken on this point. It may be supposed that they regarded the

expeditions of the two consecutive years as a connected voyage (?), but

even this will not agree with Cantino's nine months. According to

Cantino's letter, Corte-Real on leaving Portugal held a northerly course

("towards the pole" are the words), and Pasqualigo says something of the

same kind; but this is scarcely to be taken literally, for otherwise we

should have to suppose that from Portugal he sailed northward towards

Iceland; besides which, Pasqualigo says in both his letters that the land

discovered was between north-west and west. Cantino's statement about the

ice might give us firm ground for determining Corte-Real's route; if it

were not unfortunately the case that there are here two possibilities, and

that Cantino's words do not agree well with either of them. The

description of the ice points most probably to Corte-Real's having first

met with icebergs; he may have come upon these in the sea off the southern

end of Greenland, and as in continuing his course he found the "sea

frozen," he may have reached the edge of the ice-floes. As nothing is said

about land, we must suppose that he did not sight Greenland. It is a more

difficult matter when, by changing his course to the north-west and west,

he finally in this direction sighted land, which according to the

description, and the Cantino map, must have been Newfoundland. To arrive

there from the Greenland ice he would have had to steer about

west-south-west by compass, and in fact Newfoundland (Terra del Rey de

portuguall) lies approximately in this direction in relation to the

southern point of Greenland on the Cantino map. But it may be, of course,

that Cantino's statement of the direction is due to a

misunderstanding;[347] he may have heard that the newly found land lay to

the north-west and west from Lisbon, as Pasqualigo says.

Another possibility is that it was on the Newfoundland Banks that

Corte-Real met with icebergs; but in that case he must have held a very

westerly course, almost west-north-west, all the way from Lisbon, and

there would then be little meaning in the statement that he altered his

course to north-west and west to avoid the ice, even if we take into

account the possibility of the variation of the compass having been 20°

greater on the Newfoundland Banks than at Lisbon. Another difficulty is

that on the Newfoundland Banks he would hardly have found "the sea

frozen," if by this ice-floes are meant; for that he would have had to be

(in June ?) farther to the north-west in the Labrador Current. In neither

case would he have been very far from land, so that the times mentioned,

three months with a favourable wind from the ice to land, and four months

from Lisbon, are out of proportion.[348]

Thus Cantino's words cannot be brought into agreement with facts; but at

the same time many things point to its having been the Greenland ice that

Corte-Real first met with in 1501. Doubtless it might be objected that he

is said in the previous year to have already found part of Newfoundland,

and in that case he would be likely to make straight for it again; but

Pasqualigo's letter gives one the impression that Gaspar Corte-Real may

have been interested in finding out whether the land he had found was

mainland and continuous with the country (Greenland) which in the previous

year (1500) had been seen by the other caravels (João Fernandez ?), and

thus it may have been natural that he should first steer in that

direction, but he was then forced by the ice westward towards the land he

himself had discovered.

[Illustration:

Modern Cantino Reinel's King

map map map map

The eastern coast-line of Newfoundland, with possibly the southern part of

Labrador]

That it was really Newfoundland, and not the coast of Labrador farther

north, that Corte-Real arrived at, appears plainly enough from the maps

(the Cantino map, the King map, etc.), and may also be concluded from the

descriptions in the letters of Pasqualigo and Cantino. We read, amongst

other things, that many great rivers ran through that country into the

sea. The east coast of Labrador has no rivers of importance, with the

exception of Hamilton River; but the entrance to this is by a long

estuary, Hamilton Inlet and Lake Melville, up which they would hardly have

sailed. On the other hand, there are in Newfoundland several considerable

rivers falling into the sea on the east coast, up the mouths of which

Gaspar Corte-Real might have sailed. The allusion to the country as

fertile, with trees and forests of pines of remarkable height and size,

and to there being abundance of timber for masts, etc., also agrees best

with Newfoundland. In addition, the coast-line of the country, both on the

Cantino map and on later Portuguese maps, agrees remarkably well with the

coast-line along the east and north-east sides of Newfoundland.

The statement in Pasqualigo's letter of October 18, that they sailed

"along the coast of the said land for a distance of six hundred miglia and

more," which agrees with the extent of the coast on the Cantino map, must

be an exaggeration. It is a common error to exaggerate the distance during

a voyage along a coast so indented as that of Newfoundland, where

Corte-Real may perhaps have sailed in and out of bays and inlets.

[Sidenote: Late authorities of the sixteenth century]

[Sidenote: Galvano on G. Corte-Real]

As already stated, Gaspar Corte-Real's voyages are mentioned in several

works of the sixteenth century, but as these were written so long after

the events took place, no particular importance can be attached to them in

cases where they conflict with the earlier documents. The allusions to

Gaspar Corte-Real in the Spanish author Gomara and the Italian Ramusio

seem for the most part to be derived from Pietro Pasqualigo's letter of

October 19, 1501, to his brothers at Venice, which was published for the

first time as early as 1507. The Portuguese Antonio Galvano says in his

"Tratado" (1563) that Gaspar Corte-Real sailed in 1500

"from the island of Terceira with two ships, fitted out at his own

expense, and travelled to the region that is in the fiftieth degree of

latitude, a land which is now called by his name. He returned safely

to Lisbon; but when he again set out, his ship was lost, and the other

ship returned to Portugal."

This, it will be seen, agrees remarkably well with the conclusions we

arrived at above; but as Galvano spent the greater part of his life in the

East Indies, and only came home to end his days in a hospital at Lisbon,

no great importance can be attached to his statements [cf. Harrisse, 1900,

p. 35], except in so far as they reproduce a Portuguese tradition.

[Sidenote: De Goes on G. Corte-Real]

Damiam de Goes, in his "Chronica do Felicissimo Rei dom Emanuel" (Lisbon,

1566), has a more detailed account of Gaspar Corte-Real's voyage of 1500,

and of the land he visited. He says:

"He sailed from the port of Lisbon at the beginning of summer, 1500.

On this voyage he discovered in a northerly direction a land which was

very cold, and with great forests, as all those [countries] are that

lie in that quarter. He gave it the name of Terra verde [i.e., green

land]. The people are very barbaric and wild, almost like those of

Sancta Cruz [i.e., Brazil], except that they are at first white, but

become so weather-beaten from the cold that they lose their whiteness

with age and become almost dark brown. They are of middle height, very

active, and great archers, using sticks hardened in the fire for

throwing-spears, with which they make as good casts as though they had

points of good steel. They clothe themselves in the skins of beasts,

of which there is abundance in that country. They live in caves, and

in huts, and they have no laws. They have great belief in omens; they

have marriage, and are very jealous of their wives, in which they

resemble the Lapps, who also live in the north from 70° to 85°....

After he [Gaspar Corte-Real] had discovered this land, and sailed

along a great part of its coast, he returned to this kingdom. As he

greatly desired to discover more of this province, and to become

better acquainted with its advantages, he set out again immediately in

the year 1501 on May 15 from Lisbon; but it is not known what happened

to him on this voyage, for he was never seen again, nor did there come

any news of him" [Cf. Harrisse, 1883, p. 233].

The last statement, that Corte-Real disappeared without any more being

heard of him, shows that De Goes was not well informed, in spite of his

being chief custodian (Guarda m'or) of the Torre do Tombo, where the State

archives were kept at Lisbon. His whole account may therefore be of

doubtful value as a historical document. His description of the newly

discovered land and of the inhabitants may be derived from other

statements, or from literary sources, and is of the same kind as we often

meet with in accounts of natives in the authorities of that time. It

appears that the cold country, Terra verde, with great forests and wild,

barbaric people, must be the Greenland (Gronolondes) that is referred to

in the anonymous letter of about 1450 to Pope Nicholas V.[349] Most of

what is said about these natives would apparently suit the Eskimo quite as

well as the Indians, but as we do not know from whence the whole is

derived, it is not easy to form an opinion as to which people is really

referred to in the description. The remarkable statement that the natives

are at first white, but turn brown through the cold, will hardly suit the

Indians, but might apply to the Eskimo, who at an early age have a very

fair skin, perhaps quite as light as the Portuguese.

[Sidenote: Mention of the natives in Pasqualigo and Cantino]

What is said of the natives in the letters of Pasqualigo and Cantino seems

on the whole to suit the Eskimo better than the Indians; typical Eskimo

features are: that they had boats covered with hides (it is true that

Cantino says stags' hides, i.e., reindeer hides, but this must be a

misunderstanding);[350] also houses (i.e., tents) of long poles covered

with fish skin (i.e., sealskin); that the colour of their skin was rather

white than anything else, that they laughed a good deal and showed much

cheerfulness. It may seem somewhat surprising that the Eskimo should be "a

little bigger than our countrymen" (i.e., the Italians), but, in the first

place, it may have been particularly good specimens of the race that were

exhibited, and in the next place the Eskimo are a race of medium stature,

and, perhaps, on an average, quite as tall as Italians and Portuguese.

That they were naked with the exception of a piece of skin round the loins

answers to the indoor custom of the Eskimo. Pasqualigo's description: that

they were clothed in the skins of various animals, mostly otter, and that

the skins were unprepared and not sewed together, but thrown over the

shoulders and arms as they were taken from the animals, conflicts with the

words of Cantino, and is, no doubt, due to a misunderstanding; it does not

sound probable. If it is correct, Pasqualigo and Cantino must have seen

different natives.

It is probable that there were Eskimo in the north-east of Newfoundland at

that time, and that the natives may have been brought from thence or from

southern Labrador.

[Sidenote: Evidence of the Cantino map as to the Portuguese discoveries]

Of all known maps the Cantino map undoubtedly gives the most complete and

trustworthy representation of the Portuguese discoveries of 1500 and 1501

in the north-west; we know, too, that it was executed with an eye to

these, at Lisbon, and immediately after the return thither of those who

had taken part in the later voyage. We may consequently suppose that the

cartographer availed himself of the sources then at his disposal. He may

either himself have had access to log-books, with courses and distances,

and to the original sketch-charts of the voyages, or he may have used

charts that were drawn from these sources. But he used in addition maps

and authorities of a more learned kind, as appears, for instance, in the

legend attached to Greenland, where he speaks of the opinion of

cosmographers, and says that this country is a point of Asia. It is clear,

as pointed out by Björnbo [1910, p. 167], that Greenland was connected on

the map with Scandinavia, which is called "Parte de assia," but the upper

edge of the map has been cut off, so that this land connection is

lost,[351] as is the last part (asia) of the inscription on Greenland. The

basis of this idea of a land connection must have been a map of Clavus's

later type; while the delineation of Greenland itself is evidently new. In

fact, it is here placed for the first time very nearly at a correct

distance from Europe, and with Iceland in a relatively correct position;

and in addition to this it has been given a remarkably good form. If we

assume that the variation of the compass was unknown, and that the coasts

were laid down according to the courses sailed by compass as though they

were true, then the southern point of Greenland comes just where it

should, if the variation during the voyage from Lisbon averaged 11° west.

The Portuguese flags on the coast indicate that the Portuguese sailed

along the east coast of Greenland from north of the Arctic Circle of the

map to past Cape Farewell (without landing, according to what the legend

says), and its direction on the map is explained by a variation of about

14° west. The remarkably good representation of Greenland with the

characteristic form of the west coast cannot possibly be derived from the

Clavus maps, where Greenland is a narrow tongue of land with its east and

west coasts running very nearly parallel. The west coast has been given a

form approximately as though it were laid down from courses sailed with a

variation increasing towards the north-west from 20° to nearly 30° (cf. p.

371). It is also characteristic that while the east coast is without

islands, a belt of skerries is shown on the north along the west coast. It

may seem a bold assumption to attribute this to pure chance and the

caprice of the draughtsman, even though it may be pointed out that he has

given the west coast of Norway a similar curved form with a belt of

skerries outside (as on the Oliveriana map, p. 375). If the cartographer

was acquainted with the representation of Greenland on the Clavus maps,

the probability becomes still greater that he had definite authority for

his west coast, since it differs from that of the Clavus maps. It is true

that the Portuguese flags on the map and the statement in the legend that

the Portuguese did not land on the coast do not seem to point to their

having sailed any considerable distance to the north along the west coast,

for otherwise there would doubtless be mention of this; but there may have

been lost authorities for the Cantino map, which were based upon voyages

unknown to us, as well as to the cartographer.[352]

If we may suppose that the lighter tone of the sea off the east coast of

Greenland and over to Norway (on the original map) represents ice-floes,

then this again gives evidence of a knowledge of these northern waters

which we cannot assume to have been derived merely from Portuguese voyages

on which the east coast of Greenland was sighted; it must have had other

sources, unknown to us.

[Sidenote: Construction of the Cantino map.]

There can be no doubt that the "Terra del Rey de portuguall" of the

Cantino map is the east coast of Newfoundland, which, through the

variation of the compass being disregarded, is given a northerly

direction. If we draw the east coast of Newfoundland from Cape Race to

Cape Bauld on approximately the same scale as that of the Cantino map, and

turn the meridian to the west as far as the variation may have been at

that time (about 20° at Cape Race, and 4° or 5° more at Belle Isle

Strait), we shall have a map (see p. 364) the coast-line of which bears so

great a resemblance to that of the Cantino map that it is almost too good

to believe it not to be in part accidental (the Newfoundland coast on

Reinel's map is also very nearly the same as that of the Cantino map). The

resemblance is so thorough that we might even think it possible to

recognise the various bays and headlands; but perhaps a part of the

southern coast of Labrador has been included in the Cantino map. According

to the scale attached to the map, in which each division represents fifty

miglia, the distance between the south-eastern point of the country and

the northern Portuguese flag is seven hundred miglia, which thus

corresponds to the six hundred or seven hundred miglia that Pasqualigo

says the Portuguese sailed along the coast. If we divide the map into

degrees according to the distance between the tropic and the Arctic

Circle, the extent of the country will be about eleven degrees of

latitude. On Reinel's map the length of Newfoundland from north to south

is between ten and eleven degrees of latitude. The distance from Cape Race

to Belle Isle Strait corresponds in reality to about 5-1/2°, that is,

fairly near the half.

[Illustration: Reconstruction of an equidistant chart on which the coasts

are laid down from magnetic courses without regard to the variation]

Both Greenland and Newfoundland lie too far north on the Cantino map. The

southern point of Greenland lies in about 62° 20' N. lat., instead of 59°

46', while Cape Race, the south-eastern point of Newfoundland, lies in

about 50° N. lat., instead of 46° 40'. It is unnecessary to assume that

the too northerly latitude of Greenland is derived from the Clavus map,

where its southern point lies in 62° 40' N. lat., since a natural

explanation of the position both of this point and of Cape Race is

provided by the way in which the Cantino map is drawn. It is, in fact, an

equidistant compass-chart, which takes no account of the surface of the

earth being spherical and not a plane, and on which the courses sailed

have been laid down according to the points of the compass, presumably in

ignorance of the variation of the needle. If we try to draw a map of the

same coasts in the same fashion, using the correct distances, and taking

the courses as starting from Lisbon, and the variation to be distributed

approximately as given on p. 308,[353] we shall then get a map in its

main outlines as here represented. The southern point of Greenland comes

in about 62° 20', or the same as on the Cantino map, and Cape Race comes

still farther to the north than on it. The distance from Lisbon to

Greenland is almost exactly the same on both maps, and this seems to point

to remarkable capabilities of sailing by log and compass, while, on the

other hand, astronomical observations were probably not used. The distance

between Lisbon and Newfoundland (Terra del Rey de portuguall) is on the

Cantino map a little longer than reality,[354] and the southern end of the

latter is brought so far to the south that it would correspond to an

average variation of about 4° west, instead of 10°, during the voyage from

Lisbon. Newfoundland accordingly comes farther west in relation to

Greenland, and its southern end farther south than it should do on a map

constructed like this one. But we do not know whether the course from

which the position of Newfoundland is laid down was taken as going

directly to that country from Lisbon; perhaps, for instance, it went first

up into the ice off Greenland, and in that case a greater error is

natural. If we lay down the West Indian islands (and Florida) on our

sketch-map according to the same method, we shall get them in a similar

position to that of the Cantino map, except that there they have a far too

northerly latitude, and the distance from Lisbon is much too great; but

this is due to the Spanish maps which served as authorities; for we know

that even Columbus was guilty of gross errors in his determination of

latitude,[355] and on La Cosa's map they lie for the most part to the

north of the tropic.

[Sidenote: Variation in the Portuguese representation of Greenland]

The representation of the Portuguese discoveries in the north-west

evidently varied a good deal even on early maps, and sometimes diverged

considerably from the Cantino map; Greenland especially was given various

forms, while Newfoundland was more uniform in the different types of map.

This, again, strengthens the supposition that these countries were

discovered on various voyages, and not by the same man.

[Illustration: North-western portion of the "King" map, an anonymous

Italian mappamundi of about 1502. Scandinavia, with Greenland

("Evglovelant") to the north of it, is of the type of Nicolaus Germanus's

maps; Newfoundland and the Greenland ("Terra Laboratoris") discovered by

the Portuguese and shown as an island, are taken from a Portuguese source.

Compass-lines omitted]

[Sidenote: The King map, circa 1502]

Thus, on the so-called King map--an Italian mappamundi of about 1502,

which was probably taken from Portuguese sources--Newfoundland, called

Terra Cortereal, lies in about the same place and has the same form as on

the Cantino map (its southern point is called capo raso), while Greenland,

called Terra Laboratoris, lies farther south than on the Cantino map and

has become a long island, the south-east coast of which should doubtless

correspond to the east coast of Greenland on the Cantino map, but has a

very different direction and form, and has in addition many islands to the

south of it. A similar, but still more varied, representation is found on

another Italian mappamundi, the so-called "Kunstmann, No. 2." If Greenland

and Newfoundland were both discovered by Gaspar Corte-Real and on the same

voyage, and if these discoveries formed the basis both of the Cantino map

and of the prototype of the King map, then it would be incomprehensible

how the representation of one of these countries should vary so much, and

not that of the other.[356]

[Sidenote: The Oliveriana map, after 1503]

The so-called Oliveriana map, an anonymous Italian compass-chart of a

little later than 1503, shows more resemblance to the representation of

Greenland on the Cantino map; but here that of Newfoundland is very

different from what we find on the other maps, as its east coast is

remarkably short and the south coast extends a long way to the west, in

the same direction as the coast discovered by the English on La Cosa's map

of 1500;[357] but the names have no resemblance to those of that map,

unless the island "Groga Y" should be La Cosa's "S. Grigor" (?), which

however lies farther east, while the island corresponding to "Groga" is

called by La Cosa "I. de la trinidat." "Cauo del marco" might also remind

us of the Venetian Cabot. Dr. Björnbo thinks, as mentioned above (p. 369),

that the prototype of the Greenland on the Oliveriana map was Gaspar

Corte-Real's own admiral's chart of his voyage of 1500. It seems to me

possible that Björnbo may be right, in so far as the representation may be

derived from the Portuguese expedition which sighted Greenland in 1500;

but, from what has been advanced above, this was not commanded by

Corte-Real, but more probably by João Fernandez. As the Newfoundland of

the map has so little resemblance to reality and to the usual Portuguese

representations [cf. also Björnbo, 1910, p. 315], it is improbable that

the prototype of the map was due to Gaspar Corte-Real. Moreover one cannot

imagine that mythical islands such as "Insula de labrador," "Insula

stille," etc., were drawn by him; in such a case they would have to be

explained as later additions from another source.

[Illustration: Northern portion of an anonymous Italian chart, a little

later than 1503. In the Oliveriana Library at Pesaro. Compass-lines

omitted]

We saw from the letters of the two Italian Ministers that King Manuel was

very well satisfied with the discoveries of Gaspar Corte-Real, and

expected great advantages therefrom, both on account of the trees for

masts and of the slaves, etc.; he therefore awaited his return with

impatience. But he waited in vain. Gaspar Corte-Real never returned.

Whether he fell fighting with the natives on an unknown coast, or whether

he plunged into the mists and ice of the unknown north, there to find a

cold grave, or was lost in a storm on the homeward voyage across the

Atlantic, will never be revealed.

[Sidenote: Miguel Corte-Real's voyage, 1503]

As he did not return, his brother, Miguel Corte-Real, fitted out a new

expedition in the hope, on the one hand of going to help his brother, and

on the other of making fresh discoveries. On January (?) 15, 1502 (or 1503

?), he obtained letters patent from King Manuel (see p. 353). On May 10,

according to Damiam de Goes, he sailed from Lisbon with two ships, and

nothing more was heard of him. Antonio Galvano, on the other hand, says

that he had three ships, and that these arrived in Newfoundland (Terra de

Corte-Real), but there separated and went into different inlets

"with the arrangement that they should all meet again on August 20th.

The two other ships did so, and when they saw that Miguel Corte-Real's

ship did not come at the appointed time, nor for some time after that,

they returned to Portugal, and never since was any more news heard of

him, nor did any other memory of him remain; but the country is called

to this day the Land of the Corte-Reals."[358]

[Sidenote: The King despatches ships]

"The King felt deeply the loss of the two brothers, and, moved by his

royal and compassionate feeling, he caused in the year 1503[359] two

ships to be fitted out to go and search for them. But it could never

be discovered how either the one or the other (of the brothers) was

lost."

If this account of Galvano's is correct, then the last relief expedition

returned without having accomplished its purpose. As to what discoveries

it may have made, we hear nothing, nor do we see any trace of them on the

maps, unless, indeed, the hint of an extension of Newfoundland to the

north on the so-called Pilestrina map of about 1511 (see p. 377) may be

due to this expedition or to the ship that returned from Miguel

Corte-Real's voyage of 1502. On Pedro Reinel's map (p. 321) there is

marked a land answering to Cape Breton, with a coast extending westward

from it. It is possible that this may be derived from these expeditions,

and in the same way all the Portuguese names along Newfoundland, the

coast-line of which must be taken from the same source as the Cantino map.

It is, however, more probable that the names are due to Portuguese

fishermen; though there is also a possibility that Reinel's additions may

be referred to the Anglo-Portuguese expeditions from Bristol in 1501 and

the following years. His island, Sam Joha [St. John], points, as has been

said (p. 321), to a possible connection with John Cabot's discoveries.

[Illustration: Northern portion of an Italian map, possibly drawn by

Pilestrina, 1511. Only a few of the names are given. (Björnbo and

Petersen, 1908)]

[Sidenote: Vasqueanes Corte-Real refused leave to sail]

When neither of the brothers returned, the eldest brother, Vasqueanes

Corte-Real--who held very high positions both at the King's Court and as

Governor of the islands of São Jorge and Terceira in the Azores--wished

"to fit out ships at his own expense in order to go out and search for

them. But when he asked the King to excuse his absence, his Majesty could

not consent to his going further in the matter, and insisted that it was

useless, and that all had been done that could be done" (De Goes). Thus

the spirit of the capable and enterprising Portuguese for further

exploration in these difficult northern waters seems to have become

cooled, and we do not hear much more of official expeditions despatched

from Portugal to find other new countries in that quarter. Meanwhile

Newfoundland (Terra de Corte-Real) continued through the whole of the

sixteenth century to be regarded as a province under the Portuguese Crown,

and the post of its Governor, with special privileges, was hereditary in

the family of Corte-Real, until Manuel Corte-Real II., the last of the

male line, fell fighting by the side of King Sebastian, in the fatal

battle of Kas-rel-Kebir in 1578.[360]

The Portuguese seem for a long time to have kept up the connection with

Newfoundland, more especially in order to avail themselves of the rich

fisheries that had been discovered there. But of this it is only by the

merest accident that history has anything to relate. It appears as though

this fishery became active immediately after Corte-Real's discovery; for

we see that as early as 1506 King Manuel gave orders that the fishermen on

their return from Newfoundland to Portugal were to pay one-tenth of the

proceeds in duties [cf. Kunstmann, 1859, p. 69].

[Illustration]

CONCLUSION

If we would discover how a watercourse is formed, from the very first

bog-streams up in the mountain, we must follow a multitude of tiny rills,

receiving one fresh stream after another from every side, running together

into burns, which grow and grow and form little rivers, till we come to

the end of the wooded hillside and are suddenly face to face with the

great river in the valley below.

A similar task confronts him who endeavours to explore the first trickling

rivulets of human knowledge; he must trace all the minute, uncertain,

often elusive beginnings, follow the diversity of tributaries from all

parts of the earth, and show how the mass of knowledge increases

constantly from age to age, sometimes reposing in long stretches of dead

water, half choked with peat and rushes, at other times plunging onward in

foaming rapids. And then he too is rewarded; the stream grows broader and

broader, until he stands beside the navigable river.

But a simile never covers the whole case. The latter task is rendered not

only wider, but incomparably more difficult, by the fact that the brooks

and rivers whose course is to be followed are even more intricate and

scarcely ever flow in an open stream. True knowledge is so seldom

undiluted; as a rule it is suffused with myths and dogmatic conceptions,

often to such a degree that it becomes entirely lost, and something new

seems to have arisen in its place.

For one thing, man's power of grasping reality varies greatly; in

primitive man it is clouded to a degree which we modern human beings can

hardly understand. He is as yet incapable of distinguishing between idea

and reality, between belief and knowledge, between what he has seen and

experienced and the explanation he has provided for his experience.

But even with those who have long outgrown the primitive point of view

imagination steps in, supplying detail and explanation wherever our

information fails us and our knowledge falls short; it spreads its haze

over the first uncertain outlines of perception, and the distant contours

are sometimes wholly lost in the mists of legend.

This is a universal experience in the history of intellectual life. In the

domain to which this work is devoted, it makes itself felt with perhaps

more than its usual force.

The inquiry embraces long periods. In all times and countries we have seen

the known world lose itself in the fogs of cloudland--never uniformly, it

is true, but in constantly changing proportions. Here and there we have a

glimpse, now and again a vision over wider regions; and then the driving

mists once more shut out our view. Therefore all that human courage and

desire of knowledge have wrested in the course of long ages from this

cloudland remains vague, uncertain, full of riddles. But for this very

reason it is all the more alluring.

We saw that to the eyes of the oldest civilisation in history and down

through the whole of antiquity, the North lay for the most part concealed

in the twilight of legend and myth; here and there genuine information

finds its way into literature, but is again effaced. At the beginning of

the Middle Ages the dark curtain thickens.

Again there is a glimmer of light, first from the intermingling of nations

at the time of the migrations, then from new trading voyages and

intercourse, until the great change is brought about by the Norsemen, who

with their remarkable power of expansion overran western and southern

Europe and penetrated the vast unknown solitudes in the North, found

their way to the White Sea, discovered the wide Polar Sea and its shores,

colonised the Faroes, Iceland and Greenland, and were the first

discoverers of the Atlantic Ocean and of North America.

As early as in the writings of King Alfred and Adam of Bremen the

Norsemen's initiatory knowledge of this new northern world made its way

into European literature.

No doubt the mists closed again, much of the knowledge gained was

forgotten even by the Norsemen themselves, and in the latter part of the

Middle Ages it is mostly mythical echoes of this knowledge that are to be

traced in the literature of Europe and that have left their mark on its

maps. None the less were the discoveries of the Norsemen the great

dividing line. For the first time explorers had set out with conscious

purpose from the known world, over the surrounding seas, and had found

lands on the other side. By their voyages they taught the sailors of

Europe the possibility of traversing the ocean. When this first step had

been taken the further development came about of itself.

It was in the Norsemen's school that the sailors of England had their

earliest training, especially through the traffic with Iceland; and even

the distant Portuguese, the great discoverers of the age of transition,

received impulses from them.

Through all that is uncertain, and often apparently fortuitous and

chequered, we can discern a line, leading towards the new age, that of the

great discoveries, when we emerge from the dusk of the Middle Ages into

fuller daylight. Of the new voyages we have, as a rule, accounts at first

hand, less and less shrouded in mediævalism and mist. From this time the

real history of polar exploration begins.

Cabot had then rediscovered the mainland of North America, Corte-Real had

reached Newfoundland, the Portuguese and the English were pushing

northward to Greenland and the ice. And this brings in the great

transformation of ideas about the Northern World.

It is true that as yet we have not passed the northern limits of our

forefathers' voyages; and that views of the arctic regions are still

obscure and vague. While some imagine a continent at the pole, others are

for a wreath of islands around it with dangerous currents between them,

and others again reckon upon an open polar sea. There is obscurity enough.

But new problems are beginning to shape themselves.

When it became apparent to the seamen of Europe that the new countries of

the West were not Asia, but part of a new continent, the idea suggested

itself of seeking a way round the north--as also round the south--of this

continent, in order to reach the coveted sources of wealth, India and

China: the problem of the North-West Passage was presented--a continuation

on a grand scale of the routes opened up by the Norsemen towards the

north-west.

But equally present was the thought that perhaps there was another and

shorter way round the north of the old world; and the problem of the

North-East Passage arose. The working out of this problem was simply a

continuation of the north-eastern voyages of the Norwegians to the White

Sea.

In this way were born the two great illusions, which for centuries held

the minds of explorers spellbound. They could never be of value as

trade-routes, these difficult passages through the ice. They were to be no

more than visions, but visions of greater worth than real knowledge; they

lured discoverers farther and farther into the unknown world of ice; foot

by foot, step by step, it was explored; man's comprehension of the earth

became extended and corrected; and the sea-power and imperial dominion of

England drew its vigour from these dreams.

What a vast amount of labour lies sunk in man's knowledge of the earth,

especially in those remote ages when development proceeded at such an

immeasurably slower pace, and when man's resources were so infinitely

poorer. By the most manifold and various ways the will and intelligence of

man achieve their object. The attraction of long voyages must often

enough have been the hope of finding riches and favoured lands, but deeper

still lay the imperious desire of getting to know our own earth. To riches

men have seldom attained, to the Fortunate Isles never; but through all we

have won knowledge.

The great Alexander, the conquering king, held sway over the greater part

of the world of his day; the bright young lord of the world remained the

ideal for a thousand years, the hero above all others. But human thought,

restless and knowing no bounds, found even his limits too narrow. He grew

and grew to superhuman dimensions, became the son of a god, the child of

fortune, who in popular belief held sway from the Pillars of Hercules, the

earth's western boundary, to the trees of the sun and moon at the world's

end in the east; to whom nothing seemed impossible; who descended to the

bottom of the sea in a glass bell to explore the secrets of the ocean;

who, borne by tamed eagles, tried to reach heaven, and who was fabled by

Mohammedans and Christians to have even attempted to scale the walls of

Paradise itself--there to be checked for the first time: "Thus far and no

farther." No man that is born of woman may attain to the land of heart's

desire.

The myth of Alexander is an image of the human spirit itself, seeking

without intermission, never confined by any bounds, eternally striving

towards height after height, deep after deep, ever onward, onward,

onward....

The world of the spirit knows neither space nor time.

FINIS

LIST OF THE MORE IMPORTANT WORKS REFERRED TO

1876 ADAM of Bremen: Adami Gesta Hamburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum ex

recensione Lappenbergii. Editio altera. "Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum."

Hannoverae, 1876.

1862 ADAM of Bremen: Om Menigheden i Norden o. s. v. Overs. af P. W.

Christensen. Copenhagen, 1862.

1893 ADAMS von Bremen Hamburgische Kirchengeschichte. Übers. von J. C. W.

Laurent. 2. Aufl. Leipzig, 1893.

1839 AELIANUS (Claudius): Varia. "Vermischte Nachrichten," Werke, Bd. I,

übers. von Ephorus Dr. Wunderlich. "Griech. Prosaiker in neuen Uebers.,"

hgb. v. Tafel, Osiander, und Schwab, Bd. 182. Stuttgart, 1839.

1894 AHLENIUS (Karl): Pytheas' Thuleresa, "Språkvetenskapliga Sällsk. i

Upsala Förhandl.," I, 1882-94, pp. 101-124, in "Upsala Universitets

Årsskrift," 1894.

1900 AHLENIUS (K.): Die älteste geographische Kenntnis von Skandinavien.

"Eranos," III, 1898-1899. Upsala, 1900.

1859 ALFRED, King: Anglo-Saxon Version of Orosius. Ed. by JOSEPH BOSWORTH,

London, 1859. As to Ottar, see also HENRY SWEET: An Anglo-Saxon Reader,

Oxford, 1884; R. RASK in "Skandinaviske Litteraturselskabs Skrifter," XI,

Copenhagen, 1815, with Danish transl. and notes; G. PORTHAN: "Kgl.

Vitterh. Hist. o. Antique Acad. Handl." VI, Stockholm, 1800, with Swedish

transl. and notes.

1845 d'AVEZAC (M. P.): Les Iles fantastiques de l'océan occidental au

moyen-âge. Paris, 1845.

1887 AVIENUS (Rufus Festus): Rufi Festi Avieni Carmina. Ed. Alfred Holder,

Innsbruck, 1887.

BATÛTA (Ibn): Voyages d'Ibn Batoutah, Texte arabe et traduction par

DEFRÉMERY et SANGUINETTI.

1902 BAUMGARTNER (A.): Island und die Färöer. 3 Aufl. Freiburg, 1902.

1876 BAUMSTARK (Anton), See TACITUS.

1880 BAUMSTARK (A.): Ausführliche Erläuterung des besondern

völkerschaftlichen Theiles der Germania des Tacitus. Leipzig, 1880.

1904 1905 BEAUVOIS (Eug.): "Journal de la Société des Américanistes de

Paris," 1904, No. 2; 1905, No. 2.

1897 1906 BEAZLEY (C. Raymond): The Dawn of Modern Geography, I, 1897; II,

1901; III, 1906, London.

1898 BEAZLEY (C. R.): John and Sebastian Cabot. London, 1898.

1902 BÉRARD (Victor): Les Phéniciens et l'Odyssée. I, 1902; II, 1903.

Paris.

1880 BERGER (Hugo): Die geographischen Fragmente des Eratosthenes.

Leipzig, 1880.

1887-93 BERGER (H.): Geschichte der wissenschaftlichen Erdkunde der

Griechen. I, 1887; II, 1889; III, 1891; IV, 1893. Leipzig.

1904 BERGER (H.): Mythische Kosmographie der Griechen. Appendix to

Roscher's "Mythol. Lexikon." Leipzig, 1904.

1878 BETHMANN (L.) and WAITZ(G.), see PAULUS WARNEFRIDI.

1909 BJÖRNBO (Axel Anthon): Adam af Bremens Nordensopfattelse. "Aarb. f.

nord. Oldk o. Hist." Copenhagen, 1909.

1910 BJÖRNBO (A. A.) Cartographia Groenlandica. Indledning og Perioden til

Aar 1576. Medd. om Grönland, XLVIII, 1. Copenhagen, 1911.

1910a BJÖRNBO (A. A.): Die echte Corte-Real-Karte. "Peterm. Geogr. Mitt."

1910, II.

1904 BJÖRNBO (A. A.) and PETERSEN (Carl S.): Fyenboen Claudius Claussön

Swart o.s.v. "Kgl. Danske. Vid. Selsk. Skr." 6. R., hist. filos. Afd. VI.

2. Copenhagen, 1904.

1908 BJÖRNBO (A. A.) and PETERSEN (C. S.): Anecdota Cartographica

Septentrionalia. Havnia, 1908.

1909 BJÖRNBO (A. A.) and PETERSEN (C. S.): Der Däne Claudius Claussön

Swart. Innsbruck, 1909.

1867 BLOM (O.): Om Kongespeilets Affattelsestid. "Aarb. f. nord. Oldk. o.

Hist." Copenhagen, 1867.

1901 BOAS (Franz): Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay. "Bull. Amer. Mus.

Nat. Hist." XV, 1901.

1909 BOBÉ (Louis): Aktstykker til Oplysning om Grönlands Besejling.

"Danske Magazin," 5. R., VI. Copenhagen, 1909.

1859 BOSWORTH (J.), see King ALFRED.

1910 BREDA (O. J.): Rundt Kensington-stenen. "Symra," VI. Decorah 1910.

1877 BRENNER (Oskar): Nord- und Mitteleuropa in den Schriften der Alten.

Zuang. Diss. München, 1877.

1909 BRÖGGER (A. W.): Den Arktiske Stenalder i Norge. "Vid. Selsk. Skr."

II Hist. filos. Kl., 1909. No. 1. Christiania.

1896 BRUUN (Daniel): Arkæologiske Undersögelser i Julianehaabs Distrikt,

1895. "Medd. om Grönland," XVI. Copenhagen, 1896.

1902 BRUUN (D.): Det höie Nord. Copenhagen, 1902.

1899 BUGGE (Alexander): Vore forfædres opdagelsesreiser i Polaregnene.

"Kringsjå," XI. Christiania, 1899.

1900 BUGGE (A.): Contributions to the History of the Norsemen in Ireland,

III. "Vid.-Selsk Skr.," II Hist. filos. Kl. 1900. Christiania, 1901.

1904-06 BUGGE (A.): Vikingerne. Billeder fra vore forfædres liv. I, 1904;

II, 1906. Christiania.

1905 BUGGE (A.): Vesterlandenes Indflydelse på Nordboernes og særlig

Nordmændenes ydre Kultur o. s. v. i Vikingetiden. "Vid.-Selsk. Skr." II

Hist. filos. Kl. 1904, No. 1. Christiania, 1905.

1908 BUGGE (A.): Nordlands skiftende Skjæbne. "Hist. Tidsskrift." 4. R.,

V. Christiania, 1908.

1890 BUGGE (Sophus): Bidrag til Nordiske Navnes Historie. "Arkiv för

Nordisk Filologi," VI. Lund, 1890.

1896 BUGGE (S.): Germanische Etymologien, Beiträge 3. "Gesch. d. Deutschen

Sprache in Literatur," XXI. Halle, 1896.

1902 BUGGE (S.): Norges Indskrifter med de yngre Runer. Hönen-Runerne fra

Ringerike. Christiania, 1902.

1904 BUGGE (S.): Foranskudts, især i Navne. "Arkiv. för Nordisk Filologi,"

XXI. Lund, 1904.

1907 BUGGE (S.): Om nordiske folkenavne hos Jordanes. "Fornvännen."

Stockholm, 1907.

1910 BUGGE (S.): Der Runenstein von Rök in Ostergötland, Schweden. Hgb.

durch Magnus Olsen. Stockholm, 1910.

1883 BUNBURY (E. H.): A History of Ancient Geography. London, 1883.

1904 CALLEGARI (G. V.): Pitea di Massilia. "Rivista di Storia Antica,"

VII, 4; VIII, 2; IX, 2. Padova, 1904.

1866 CHRIST (Wilhelm): Avien und die ältesten Nachrichten über Iberien und

die Westküste Europa's. "Abhandl. d. Philos.-Philol. Classe d. K.

Bayerischen Akad. d. Wiss.," XI. München, 1866.

1867 COLLINSON (Richard): The three Voyages of Martin Frobisher, 1576-8.

London, 1867.

1880 COSTA (B. F. de): Arctic Exploration. "Journ. of the American Geogr.

Soc. of New York," XII. 1880.

1828 CROKER (T. Crofton): Fairy Legends and Traditions of the South of

Ireland. London, 1828.

1890 CRUSIUS (O.): Hyperboreer in "Roscher's Mythol. Lexikon," I, 2.

Leipzig, 1890.

1871 CUNO (J. G.): Forschungen im Gebiete der Alten Völkerkunde. Berlin,

1871.

1882 DAAE (Ludvig): Didrik Pining. "Hist. Tidsskrift" 2. R. III.

Christiania, 1882.

1888 DAAE (L.): Italieneren Francesco Negris Reise i Norge 1664-1665.

"Hist. Tidsskrift" 2. R. VI. Christiania, 1888.

1894 DAWSON (Samuel Edward): The Voyages of the Cabots in 1497 and 1498;

with an attempt to determine their landfall and to identify their island

of St. John. "Proc. and Trans. of the R. Soc. of Canada 1894," XII.

Ottawa, 1895.

1896 DAWSON (S. E.): The Voyages of the Cabots in 1497 and 1498. A sequel

etc. "Proc. and Trans. of the R. Soc. of Canada." 2 Ser. II, 1896.

1897 DAWSON (S. E.): The Voyages of the Cabots. Latest Phases of the

Controversy. "Proc. and Trans. of the R. Soc. of Canada." 2 Ser. III,

1897.

1673 DEBES (Lucas Jacobsön): Færoe et Færoa Reserata. Det er: Færöernis oc

Færöeske Indbyggeris Beskrivelse o. s. v. Copenhagen, 1673.

1849 DELISLE (L.): Des Revenus Publics en Normandie au Douzième Siècle.

"Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes." IIIe Série, I. Paris, 1849.

1881 DESIMONI (Cornelio): Intorno a Giovanni Caboto Genovese etc. "Atti

della Società Ligure di Storia Patria." Genova, 1881.

1897 DETLEFSEN (D.): Zur Kenntniss der Alten von der Nordsee. "Hermes,"

XXXII. Berlin, 1897.

1904 DETLEFSEN (D.): Die Entdeckung des germanischen Nordens im Altertum.

"Quellen u. Forsch. z. alten Gesch. u. Geographie." Hgb. v. W. Sieglin. H.

8. Berlin, 1904.

DICUIL, see LETRONNE.

1870 DICUIL: De mensura orbis terræ, ed. Parthey. Berlin, 1870.

1890 DIODORUS SICULUS: Bibliotheca Historica. Ed. F. VOGEL. Leipzig, 1890.

1881 DOZY (R.): Recherches sur l'Histoire et Littérature de l'Espagne. 3.

éd. Paris, Leyde, 1881.

1836 EDRISI: Géographie d'Edrisi. Trad. par P. A. JAUBERT. "Recueil de

Voyages et de Mémories publ. p. l. Soc. de Géographie." V. Paris, 1836.

1866 EDRISI: Description de l'Afrique et de l'Espagne par Edrisi. Publ.

avec trad. par R. Dozy et M. J. de Goeje. Leyden, 1866.

1741 EGEDE (Hans): De gamle Grönlands nye Perlustration eller

Naturel-Historie. Kiöbenhafn, 1741.

1794 EGGERS (H. P.): Om Grönlands Österbygds sande Beliggenhed. "Det kgl.

danske Landhusholdnings Selskabs Skrifter." IV. Copenhagen, 1794.

1845 EINHARDI: Vita Caroli magni, ed. B. H. PERTZ. Hannover, 1845.

1891 EIRIKS Saga Rauda, og Flatöbogens Groenlendingaþáttr o. s. v. ved

Gustav Storm. "Samfund til Utg. af gammel nordisk Literatur," XXI.

Copenhagen, 1891.

ERATOSTHENES, see BERGER.

1897 FABRICIUS (A.): Nordmannertogene til den Spanske Halvö. "Aarb. f.

Nord. Oldk. og Hist." 2. R. XII. Copenhagen, 1897.

1865 FAQÎH (Ibn al-): Kitâb al-buldân. Ed. M. J. de Goeje.

Lugduni-Batavorum, 1865.

1910 FERNALD (M. L.): Notes on the Plants of Wineland the Good. "Rhodora,"

Journal of the New England Botanical Club. XII. Boston, 1910.

1872 FISCHER (M. P.): Documents pour servir à l'Histoire de la Baleine des

Basques. "Ann. d. Sciences Nat. Zoologie." XV. Paris, 1872.

1886 FISCHER (Theobald): Beiträge zur Geschichte der Erdkunde und der

Kartographie in Italien im Mittelalter. Samml. Mittelalterl. Welt- und

Seekarten italienischen Ursprungs. F. Ongania. Venice, 1886.

1842-48 FORBIGER (Alb.): Handbuch der alten Geographie. I, 1842; II, 1844;

III, 1848. Leipzig.

1823 FRÄHN (C. M.): Ibn-Foszlan's und anderer Araber Berichte über die

Russen älterer Zeit. St. Petersburg, 1823.

1881 FRIIS (Peder Claussön): Samlede Skrifter, utg. av Gustav Storm.

Christiania, 1881.

1883 GEELMUYDEN (H.): De gamle Kalendere, særlig Islændernes. "Naturen,"

VII. Christiania, 1883.

1883a GEELMUYDEN (H.): Den förste Polarexpedition. "Naturen," VII.

Christiania, 1883.

1825 GEIJER (E. G.): Svea Rikes Häfder. I. Upsala, 1825.

1898 GEMINI Elementa Astronomiae. Ed. C. Manitius. Leipzig, 1898. (Greek,

with German transl.)

1895 GERLAND (G.): Zu Pytheas Nordlandsfahrt. "Beiträge zur Geophysik,"

II. Stuttgart, 1895.

1909 GJESSING (Helge): Runestenen fra Kensington. "Symra," V. Decorah,

1909.

1891 GOEJE (M. J. de): La légende de Saint Brandan. "Actes du Huitième

Congrès internat. des Orientalistes, 1889." Leiden, 1891.

1901-04 v. GRIENBERGER: Die nordischen Völker bei Jordanes. "Zeitschrift

für Deutschen Altertum." XLV, 1901, XLVII, 1904. Berlin.

1854 GRIMM (Jacob): Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer. 2. Ausg. Göttingen, 1854.

1875-78 GRIMM (J.): Deutsche Mythologie. 4. Ausg. I, 1875; II, 1876; III,

1878. Berlin.

1880 GRIMM (J): Geschichte der Deutschen Sprache. I. 4. Ausg. Leipzig,

1880.

1863 GRÖNDAL (B.): Folketro i Norden, "Ann. f. Nord. Oldk. o. Hist."

Copenhagen, 1863.

1838-45 "Grönlands Historiske Mindesmærker." Utg. af d. Kgl. Nordiske

Oldskrift-Selskab. Copenhagen, 1838-1845.

1889 GUDMUNDSSON (Valtýr): Privatboligen paa Island i Sagatiden; samt

delvis det övrige Norden. Copenhagen, 1889.

1884 GUICHOT Y SIERRA (Alejandro): Supersticiones populares, recojidas en

Andalucia y comparados con las Portuguesas. "Biblioteca de las tradiciones

populares Españolas." Madrid, 1884.

1889 GULDBERG (Gustav A.): En kort historisk Udsigt over Hvalfangsten i

ældre Tider. "Folkevennen." N. R. XIII. Christiania, 1889.

1890 GULDBERG (G. A.): Om Skandinavernes hvalfangst. "Nord. Tidsskrift."

Stockholm, 1890.

1894 GÜNTHER (S.): Adam von Bremen, der erste deutsche Geograph.

"Sitzungsberichte der Königlich böhmischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften

Phil. histor. Kl." 1894.

1850 HAKLUYT (Richard): Divers Voyages touching the Discovery of America

and its Islands Adjacent. Hakluyt Society. London, 1850.

1903 HAKLUYT (R.): The Principal Navigations, etc. Hakluyt Society.

Glasgow, 1903.

1907 HAMBERG (Axel): Om eskimaernes härkomst och Amerikas befolkande.

"Ymer," XXVII. Stockholm, 1907.

1855 HAMMERSHAIMB (V. U.): Færöiske Kvæder. 2. hefte. Copenhagen, 1855.

1891 HAMMERSHAIMB (V. U.): Færöisk Anthologi, I. Copenhagen, 1891.

1907 HANSEN (Andr. M.): Oldtidens Nordmænd Ophav og Besætning. "Gammel

Norsk Kultur i Tekst og Billeder," Norsk Folkemuseum. Christiania, 1901.

1908 HANSEN (A. M.): Om Helleristningerne. Foren. t. norske

Fortidsmindesmærkers Bevaring, Aarsbog. 1908.

1909 HANSEN (A. M.): Peder Claussön om Sjöfinnernes Sprog. "Maal og

Minne." Christiania, 1909.

1882 HARRISSE (Henry): Jean et Sebastian Cabot, leur origine et leurs

voyages, etc. "Recueil de voyages et de documents," etc. I. Paris, 1882.

1883 HARRISSE (H.): Les Corte-Real et leurs voyages au Nouveau-Monde.

"Rec. de voy. et de doc.," etc. III. Paris, 1883.

1892 HARRISSE (H.): The Discovery of North America. London, 1892.

1896 HARRISSE (H.): John Cabot the Discoverer of North America and

Sebastian his Son. London, 1896.

1900 HARRISSE (H.): Découverte et évolution cartographique de Terre-Neuve

et des Pays Circonvoisins, 1497-1501-1769. London, Paris, 1900.

1892-96 "Hauks bôk," utg. af det kgl. Nordiske Oldskrift-Selskab (ved

Finnur Jónsson). Copenhagen, 1892-96.

1904 HEFFERMEHL (A. V.): Presten Ivar Bodde o. s. v. Hist. Skrifter

tilegn. Prof. Ludvig Daae o. s. v. af Venner og Diciple. Christiania,

1904.

1878 HEIBERG (Jacob): Lappische Gräber-schädel. "Archiv for Math. og

Naturvid.," III. Christiania, 1878.

1905 HELLAND (Amund): Finmarkens Amt. "Norges Land og Folk," XX.

Christiania, 1905.

1908 HELLAND (A.): Nordlands Amt. "Norges Land og Folk," XVIII.

Christiania, 1908.

1893 HERGT (Gustav): Die Nordlandfahrt des Pytheas. Inaug.-Diss. Halle,

1893.

1901 HERRMANN (Paul): Erläuterungen zu den ersten neun Büchern der

Dänischen Geschichte des "Saxo Grammaticus," I. Leipzig, 1901.

1904 HERTZBERG (Ebbe): Nordboernes gamle Boldspil. Hist. Skrifter tilegn.

Prof. Ludwig Daae o. s. v. af Venner og Diciple. Christiania, 1904.

1880 "Historia Norwegiæ," see STORM, 1880.

1909 HOEGH (Knut): Om Kensington og Elbow Lake-stenene. "Symra," V.

Decorah, 1909.

1865 HOFMANN (Conrad): Ueber das Lebermeer. "Sitzungsber. d. königl.

bayer. Akad. d. Wissenschaften," II, 1. München, 1865.

1909 HOLAND (R. Hjalmar): Kensington-stenens sprog og runer. "Symra," V.

Decorah, 1909.

1883 HOLM (G. F.): Beskrivelse af Ruiner i Julianehaabs Distrikt, der er

undersögte i Aaret 1880. "Medd. om Grönland," VI. Copenhagen, 1883.

1894 HOLZ (Georg): Beiträge zur deutschen Altertumskunde. H. 1. Über die

Germanische Völkertafel des Ptolemaeus. Halle, 1894.

1870 HOMEYER (C. G.): Die Haus- und Hofmarken. Berlin, 1870.

1904 IRGENS (O.): Et Spörsmaal, vedkommende de gamle Nordmænds översöiske

fart. "Skrifter utg. av Bergens hist. Forening," Nr. 10. Bergen, 1904.

1888 "Islandske Annaler" indtil 1578. Udg. f. d. "Norske hist.

Kildeskriftfond" ved Gustav Storm. Christiania, 1888.

1891 JACOB (Georg): Welche Handelsartikel bezogen die Araber des

Mittelalters aus den nordisch-baltischen Ländern? 2. Ausg. Berlin, 1891.

1891a JACOB (G.): Die Waaren beim arabisch-nordischen Verkehr im

Mittelalter. Berlin, 1891.

1892 JACOB (G.): Studien in arabischen Geographen. IV. Berlin, 1892.

1896 JACOB (G.): Ein arabischer Berichterstatter aus dem 10. Jahrhundert

etc. Artikel aus Qazwînîs Athâr al-bilâd. 3. verm. u. verb. Aufl. Berlin,

1896.

1866 JACUT'S Geographisches Wörterbuch. Hgb. v. F. Wüstenfeld. Leipzig,

1866.

1898 1902 JAKOBSEN (Jakob): Færöiske Folkesagn og Æventyr. Copenhagen,

1898-1902.

1901 JAKOBSEN (J.): Shetlandsöernes stednavne. "Aarb. f. nord. Oldk. o. s.

v." 1901.

1900 JANTZEN (Hermann): Saxo Grammaticus. Die ersten neun Bücher der

dänischen Geschichte, uebersetzt und erläutert. Berlin, 1900.

1892-96 JÓNSSON (Finnur), see "Hauks bôk."

1893 JÓNSSON (F.): En kort Udsigt over den Islandsk-Grönlandske Kolonis

Historie. "Nord. Tidsskrift." Stockholm, 1893.

1894 JÓNSSON (F.): Den oldnorske og oldislandske Litteraturs Historie. I,

1894; II 1. 1898; II 2, 1901. Copenhagen. 1901

1897 JÓNSSON (F.): Sigurdarkvida en Skamma. "Aarb. f. Nord. Oldk." o. s.

v. 2 R., XII. Copenhagen, 1897.

1899 JÓNSSON (F.): Grönlands gamle Topografi efter Kilderne. "Medd. om

Grönland," XX. Copenhagen, 1899.

1900 JÓNSSON (F.): Landnámabók. Copenhagen, 1900.

1882 JORDANIS Romana et Getica, rec. Th. Mommsen, "Monumenta Germaniae

Historica." Berolini, 1882.

1884 JORDANES Gothengeschichte. Übers. v. Wilhelm Martens. I. W.

Wattenbach: "Die Geschichtschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit. 6. Jahr." I.

Leipzig, 1884.

1879 JOYCE (P. W.): Old Celtic Romances. London, 1879.

1903 KÄHLER (Friedrich): Forschungen zu Pytheas' Nordlandsreisen.

Stadtgymnasium zu Halle a. S. Festschrift z. Begrüss. d. 47 Vers.

Deutscher Philologen u. Schulmänner im Halle. 1903.

1839 1868 KEYSER (R.): Om Nordmændenes Herkomst og Folkeslægtskab,

"Samlinger til det norske Folks Sprog og Historie," VI, 1839. Reprinted in

"Samlede Afhandlinger." Christiania, 1868.

1865 KHORDÂDHBEH (Ibn): Le Livre des Routes et des Provinces. Trad. par C.

BARBIER DE MEYNARD. Paris, 1865.

1889 KHORDÂDHBEH (Ibn): Kitâb al-Masâlik wa'l-mamâlik, auctore Abn'l-Kâsim

... Ibn Khordâdhbeh, etc. "Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum," ed. M. J.

de Goeje, VI. Lugduni-Batavorum, 1889.

1883 KOCH (John): Die Siebenschläferlegende, ihr Ursprung und ihre

Verbreitung. Leipzig, 1883.

1869 KOHL (J. G.): Die erste Deutsche Entdeckungsfahrt zum Nordpol.

"Peterm. geogr. Mitt.," 1869.

1880 KOHL (J. G.): Documentary History of the Discovery of the State of

Maine. "Maine Historical Soc. Collections." Portland, 1880.

1908 KOHLMANN (Phipp Wilhelm): Adam von Bremen. "Leipzigs Historische

Abhandlungen." X. Leipzig, 1908.

1908 KOHT (Halvdan): Om Haalogaland og Haalöyg-Ætten. "Hist. Tidsskrift,"

4. R. VI. Christiania, 1908.

1909 KOHT (H.): Sagnet om Hvítramannaland. "Hist. Tidsskrift," 4. R. VI.

Christiania, 1909.

1909 KRABBO (Hermann): Nordeuropa in der Vorstellung Adams von Bremen.

"Hansische Geschichtsblätter." Heft. 1. Leipzig, 1909.

1891 KRETSCHMER (Konrad): Marino Sanudo der Ältere und die Karten des

Petrus Vesconte. "Zeitschr. d. Gesellsch. f. Erdkunde z. Berlin." XXVI.

1891.

1891a KRETSCHMER (K.): Eine neue mittelalterliche Weltkarte der

vatikanischen Bibliothek. "Zeitschr. d. Gesellsc. f. Erdkunde z. Berlin,"

XXVI. 1891.

1892 KRETSCHMER (K.): Die Entdeckung Amerika's in ihre Bedeutung für die

Geschichte des Weltbildes. "Festschr. d. Gesellsch. f. Erdkunde z.

Berlin." 1892.

1897 KRETSCHMER (K.): Die Katalanische Weltkarte der Biblioteca Estense zu

Modena. "Zeitschr. d. Gesellsch. f. Erdkunde z. Berlin," XXXII. 1897.

1909 KRETSCHMER (K.): Die italienischen Portolane des Mittelalters.

Veröff. d. Instituts f. Meereskunde u. d. geogr. Instituts a. d.

Universität Berlin, XIII. 1909.

1859 KUNSTMANN (Fr.): Die Entdeckung Amerikas nach den ältesten Quellen

geschichtlich dargestellt. "Monum. saec. Kgl. Bayerischen Akad. d.

Wissensch." München, 1859.

1894 LAFFLER (L. Fr.): Om de Östskandinaviska Folknamnen hos Jordanes.

"Bidrag till Kännedom om de Svenska Landsmålen ock Svensk Folklif," XIII,

No. 9. Stockholm, 1894.

1907 LÄFFLER (L. Fr.): Anmärkningar till professor Sophus Bugges uppsats

"Om nordiske Folkenavne hos Jordanes." "Fornvännen," 1907. Stockholm.

1870 "LAGENIENSIS": Irish Folk Lore. Glasgow, 1870.

1881 LAMPROS (S. P.): Cananos Lascaris and Basileios Batatzes, two Greek

travellers of the 14th and 15th centuries. "Parnassos," V. Athens, 1881.

(In Greek.)

1888 LANCARBANENSI (Caradoco): Vita Gildae, in "Monumenta Germaniae

Historica," 4to. "Auctores antiguissimi," XIII, III: Chronica Minora, Sæc.

IV, V, VI, VII, ed. Th. Mommsen. Berolini, 1888.

1900 "Landnámabók" utg. av det kgl. nordiske Oldskrift-Selskab, ved Finnur

Jónsson. Copenhagen, 1900.

1838 LAPPENBERG (I. M.): Von den Quellen, Handschriften und Bearbeitungen

des Adam von Bremen. "Archiv. der Gesellsch. f. ältere deutsche

Geschichtskunde." VI. Hannover, 1838.

1876 LAPPENBERG, see Adam of Bremen.

1767 LEEM (Knud): Beskrivelse over Finmarkens Lapper. Copenhagen, 1767.

1852 LELEWEL (Joachim): Géographie du Moyen Âge. Breslau, 1852. Atlas,

1851.

1814 LETRONNE (A.): Recherches Géographiques et Critiques sur le livre de

Mensura Orbis Terræ, etc. par Dicuil. Paris, 1814.

1872 LIEBRECHT (Felix): Sanct Brandan. Ein lateinischer und drei deutsche

Texte. Herausg. von Schröder. "The Academy," III, 1872.

1689 LILLIENSKIOLD (Hans Hansen): Speculum boreale, 1689. MS. (No.

948-949) in the Thott Collection in the Royal Library at Copenhagen. Copy

in the collections of the Norwegian Historical MSS. Commission.

1897 LÖNBORG (Sven Erik): Adam af Bremen och hans skildring af Nordeuropas

Länder och Folk. Akad. Afh. Upsala, 1897.

1861 MAÇOUDI: Les Prairies d'or. Par C. Barbier de Meynard et Pavet de

Courteille. "Coll d'ouvr. orient. Soc. Asiatique." Paris, 1861.

1896 MAÇOUDI: Le livre de l'avertissement et de la revision. Par Carra de

Vaux. "Coll. d'ouvr. orient. Soc. Asiatique." Paris, 1896.

1883 MANDEVILLE (John): The Voiage and Travaile of Sir John Maundevile.

Ed. by J. O. Halliwell. London, 1883.

1893 MARKHAM (Clements R.): Pytheas, the Discoverer of Britain. "Geogr.

Journal," I. London, 1893.

1893 MARKHAM (C. R.): The Journal of Christopher Columbus and Documents

relating to the Voyages of John Cabot and Gaspar Corte Real. The Hakluyt

Society, LXXXVI. London, 1893.

1897 MARKHAM (C. R.): Fourth Centenary of the Voyage of John Cabot 1497.

"Geogr. Journal," IX. London, 1897.

1895 MARX (Friedrich): Aviens ora Maritima. "Rheinisches Museum für

Philologie," N. F. L. Frankfurt, 1895.

1901 1902 MATTHIAS (Franz): Über Pytheas von Massilia und die ältesten

Nachrichten von den Germanen. Wissensch. Beilage z. "Jahresbericht des

Königl. Luisengymnasiums zu Berlin." Programm No. 62, 1901: Programm No.

64, 1902. Berlin.

1855 MAURER (Konrad): Die Bekehrung des Norwegischen Stammes zum

Christenthume. München, 1855.

1874 MAURER (K.): I. Grönland im Mittelalter. II. Grönlands

Wiederentdeckung. "Die zweite Deutsche Nordpolarfahrt," 1869-1870. I.

Leipzig, 1874.

1874a MAURER (K.): Island von seiner ersten Entdeckung etc. München, 1874.

1857 MEHREN (A. F.): Fremstilling af de Islamitiske Folks almindelige

geographiske Kundskaber, o. s. v. "Ann. f. nord. Oldk. o. Hist."

Copenhagen, 1857.

1874 MEHREN (A. F.): Manuel de la Cosmographie du Moyen Âge. Copenhague,

1874.

1902 MEISSNER (R.): Die Strengleikar. Halle a. S., 1902.

1822 MELA (Pomponius): Jordbeskrivelse. Ovs. a. J. H. Bredsdorff.

Copenhagen, 1822.

1895 METELKA (J.): O neznámêm dosud vydáni mapy Islandu Olaa Magna zr.

1548. "Sitzungsber. d. kgl. böhmischen Gesellsch. d. Wissensch., Cl. f.

Philos., Gesch. u. Philol." Jahrg. 1895. Prag, 1896.

1895-97 MEYER (Kuno) and NUTT (Alfred): The Voyage of Bran son of Febal to

the Land of the Living. I, 1895; II, 1897. London.

1853 MICHELSEN (A. L. J.): Die Hausmarke. Jena, 1853.

1895-98 MILLER (Konrad): Mappe mundi. Die ältesten Weltkarten, I-III,

1895; IV-V, 1896; VI, 1898. Stuttgart.

1892 MOGK (E.): Die Entdeckung Amerikas durch die Nordgermanen. "Mitt. d.

Vereins f. Erdkunde z. Leipzig." 1892.

1882 MOMMSEN (Th.), see JORDANES

1895 MOMMSEN (Th.), see SOLINUS.

1893 MUCH (Rudolf): Goten und Ingvaeonen. "Beitr. z. Gesch. d. Deutschen

Spr. u Lit." XVII. Halle, 1893.

1895 MUCH (R.): Germanische Völkernamen. "Zeitsch. f. Deutsches Altertum,"

XXXIX. Berlin, 1895.

1895a MUCH (R.): "Alokiai Beitr. z. Gesch. d. Deutschen Spr. u. Lit.," XX.

Halle, 1895.

1905 MUCH (R.): Deutsche Stammeskunde. "Sammlung Göschen." Leipzig, 1905.

1870-1900 MÜLLENHOFF (Karl): Deutsche Altertumskunde. I, 1870; II, 1887;

III, 1892; IV, 1900. Berlin.

1889 MÜLLENHOFF (K.): Beovulf. Berlin, 1889.

1892 MÜLLENHOFF (K.): and SCHERER (W.): Denkmäler Deutscher Poesie und

Prosa. 3. Ausg. Berlin, 1892.

1909 MÜLLER (Sophus): De forhistoriske Tider i Europa. "Verdens Kulturen"

ved Aage Friis, II. Copenhagen, 1909.

1851 MUNCH (P. A.): Det norske Folks Historie. Christiania, 1851.

1852 MUNCH (P. A.): Geographiske Oplysninger om de i Sagaerne forekommende

skotske og irske Stedsnavne. "Ann. f. Nord. Oldk. o. Hist." Copenhagen

1852.

1860 MUNCH (P. A.): Chronica Regum Manniæ ed. Christiania, 1860.

1895 MURRAY (John): A Summary of the Scientific Results, etc. Historical

Introduction. "Challenger's Report," Summary, I. London, 1895.

1890 NANSEN (Fridtjof): På ski over Grönland, Christiania, 1890. (Engl.

transl.) "The First Crossing of Greenland," London, 1890.

1891 NANSEN (F.): Eskimoliv. Christiania, 1891. (Engl. transl., "Eskimo

Life," London, 1893.)

1905 NIELSEN (Yngvar): Nordmænd og Skrælinger i Vinland. "Hist.

Tidsskrift," 4. R. III: and in "Norsk geogr. Selsk. Årbog." 1905.

1892 NIESE (B.): Entwickelung der Homerischen Poesie. Berlin, 1882.

1837 NILSSON (Sven): Några Commentarier till Pytheas' fragmenter om Thule.

"Physiographiska Sällskapets Tidsskrift," I, 1837. Lund, 1837-1838.

1838 NILSSON (S.): Einige Bemerkungen zu Pytheas Nachrichten über Thule

(from Swedish). "Zeitschr. Alterthumwiss." 1838.

1862 1865 NILSSON (S.): Skandinaviske Nordens Ur-Invånare. Bronsålderen.

2. utg. Stockholm, 1862. Tillägg, 1865. In German translation: "Die

Ureinwohner des scandinavischen Nordens." Das Bronzealter. 2. Ausg.

Hamburg, 1866.

1815 NOEL (S. B. J.): Histoire Generale des Pêches Anciennes et Modernes.

Paris, 1815.

1889 NORDENSKIÖLD (A. E.): Facsimile Atlas. Stockholm, 1889.

1892 NORDENSKIÖLD (A. E.): Bidrag til Nordens äldsta Kartografi. Utg. af

"Svenska Sällsk. f. Antr. o. Geogr." Stockholm, 1892.

1897 NORDENSKIÖLD (A. E.): Periplus. Stockholm, 1897.

1899 NYSTRÖM (J. F.): Geografiens och de Geografiska Upptäckternas

Historia, till Början af 1800-Talet. Stockholm, 1899.

1905 OLSEN (Magnus): Det gamle norske önavn Njarðarlog. "Forh. i Vid.

Selsk." Christiania, 1905.

1909 OLSEN (M.): Peder Claussön om Sjöfinnernes Sprog. "Maal og Minne."

Christiania, 1909.

ONGANIA, see TH. FISCHER.

1878 PAULUS WARNEFRIDI: Historia Langobardorum. Ed. L. Bethmann et G.

Waitz. Script. Rer. Langob. et Italic. Saec. VI-IX. "Monumenta Germaniae

Historica." Hannover, 1878.

1878 PESCHEL (Johannes): Das Märchen vom Schlaraffenlande. "Beitr. z.

Gesch. d. Deutschen Spr. u. Lit.," V. Halle, 1878.

1866 PLINII (C.) Secundi: Naturalis Historia. Rec. D. Detlefsen. Berolini,

1866.

1881 PLINIUS: Die Naturgeschichte des Cajus Plinius Secundus. Übs. v. G.

C. Wittstein. Leipzig, 1881.

1893 PLUTARCH: Moralia, ed. BERNARDABIS. V. Leipzig, 1893.

1753 PONTOPPIDAN (Erich): Det förste Forsög paa Norges Naturlige Historie.

Copenhagen, 1753.

1800 PORTHAN (H. G.), see King ALFRED.

1829 PROCOPIUS: Des Prokopius von Cäsarea Geschichte seiner Zeit; III og

IV, Gothische Denkwürdigkeiten. Ubers. von P. F. Kanngiesser. Greifswald,

1829 og 1831.

1905 PROCOPIUS: Procopii Caesariensis opera omnia. Recognovit Jacobus

Haury, Leipzig, 1905.

1838 PTOLEMAEUS (Claudius): Claudii Ptolemæi Geographiæ libri octo. Ed. F.

G. Wilberg. Essendiæ, 1838.

1907 PULLÈ (F. L.) and LONGHENA (M.): Illustrazione del Mappamondo

Catalano della Biblioteca Estense di Modena. "VI Congresso Geografico

Itaniano, Venezia, 1907." Venezia, 1908.

1848 QAZWÎNÎ: Zakarija b. Muhammed b. Mahmud el-Caswini's Kosmographie.

Hgb. von F. Wüstenfeld. Göttingen, 1848.

1893 QVIGSTAD (J. K.): Nordische Lehnwörter in Lappischen. "Forhandl. i

Vid. Selsk." Christiania, 1893.

1909 QVIGSTAD (J. K.): Peder Claussön om Sjöfinnernes Sprog. "Maal og

Minne." Christiania, 1909.

1837 RAFN (C. Chr.): Antiquitates Americanae. Copenhagen, 1837.

1900 RANISCH (Wilhelm): Die Gautreksaga. "Palaestra," XI. Berlin, 1900.

1815 RASK (R.), see King ALFRED.

1860 RAVENNA GEOGRAPHER: Ravennatis Anonymi Cosmographia et Guidonis

Geographican. Ed. M. Pinder et G. Parthey. Berolini, 1860.

1908 RAVENSTEIN (E. G.): Martin Behaim, his Life and his Globe. London,

1908.

1895 REEVES (Arthur Middleton): The Finding of Wineland the Good. London,

1895.

1892 REINACH (Salomon): L'étain celtique. "L'Anthropologie," III. Paris,

1892.

1852-57 RINK (H.): Grönland, geografisk og statistisk beskrevet.

Copenhagen, 1852-57.

1866 RINK (H.): Eskimoiske Eventyr og Sagn. Copenhagen, 1866.

1871 RINK (H.): Om Eskimoernes Herkomst. "Aarb. f. nord. Oldk. o. Hist."

Copenhagen, 1871.

1885 RINK (H.): Om de eskimoiske Dialekter som Bidrag til Bedömmelsen af

Spörgamaalet om Eskimoernes Herkomst og Vandringer. "Aarb. f. nord. Oldk.

o. Hist." Copenhagen, 1885.

RINK (H.): The Eskimo Dialects as serving to determine the Relationship

between the Eskimo Tribes. Anthrop. Inst. of Great Britain and Ireland,

XV.

1887 1891 RINK (H.): The Eskimo Tribes. "Medd. om Grönland," XI.

Copenhagen, 1887; and "Supplement" to XI. 1891.

1900 ROHDE (Erwin): Der Griechische Roman und seine Vorläufer. 2. Aufl.

Leipzig, 1900.

1892 RUGE (Sophus): Die Entdeckungs-Geschichte der Neuen Welt.

"Festschrift der Hamburgischen Amerika-Feier," I. Hamburg, 1892.

1892 RUGE (S.): Die Entwickelung der Kartographie von Amerika bis 1570.

"Peterm. geogr. Mitt." Erg. heft No. 106. Gotha, 1892.

1886 1790 RYDBERG (Viktor): Undersökningar i Germanisk Mythologi.

Stockholm, 1886. "Rymbegla" sive rudimentum compasti ecclesiatici veterum

islandorum. Ed. Stephanus Biörnonis. Havniæ, 1780.

1853 SAN-MARTHE: Die Sagen von Merlin. Halle, 1853.

1877 SARS (J. Ernst): Udsigt over den norske Historie. Christiania, I-IV,

1877 (2. utg.)--1891.

SAXO GRAMMATICUS, see HERRMANN and JANTZEN.

1873 SCHIERN (Frederik): Om Oprindelsen til Sagnet om de guldgravende

Myrer. Ovs. over det Kgl. Danske Vid.-Selsk. Forh. Copenhagen, 1873.

1888 SCHIRMER (Gustav): Zur Brendanus-Legende. Habilitationsschrift.

Leipzig, 1888.

1881 SCHLIEMANN (H.): Ilion. Leipzig, 1881.

1851 SCHOOLCRAFT (Henry R.): Historical and Statistical Information

respecting the History, Condition and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of

the United States. Philadelphia, 1851.

1901 SCHRADER (O.): Reallexikon der Indogermanischen Altertumskunde.

Strassburg, 1901.

1871 SCHRÖDER (Carl): Sanct Brandan. Erlangen, 1871.

1890 SCHUCHHARDT: Schliemanns Ausgrabungen im Lichte der heutigen

Wissenschaft. Leipzig, 1890.

1904 SCHULTZ-LORENTZEN: Eskimoernes Indvandring i Grönland. "Medd. om

Grönland," XXVI. Copenhagen, 1904.

1898 SCHWEIGER-LERCHENFELD (A. v.): Der Bernstein als Handelsartikel bei

den Alten. "Oesterr. Monatschrift für den Orient." Wien, 1898, No. 12,

Anhang.

1884 SCHWERIN (H. H. von): Herodots framställning af Europas Geografi.

Lund, 1884.

1905 SCHWERIN (H. H. von): De Geografiska Upptäckternas Historia.

Forntiden och Medeltiden. Stockholm, 1905.

1908 SCISCO (L. D.): The Tradition of Hvittramanna-land. "American

Historical Magazine," III. 1908.

1896 SEIPPEL (Alexander): Rerum Normannicarum fontes Arabici. Fasc. I.

Christiania, 1896. (In Arabic.)

1886 SERBILLOT (Paul): Légendes, croyances et superstitions de la Mer.

Paris, 1886.

1908-09 SIRET (Louis): Les Cassitérides et l'empire Colonial des

Phéniciens. "L'Anthropologie," XIX, 1908; XX, no. 2-4. Paris, 1909.

1899 SNORRE STURLASON: Kongesagaer oversat av G. Storm. Christiania, 1899.

1909 1910 SOLBERG (O.): Die Wohnplätze auf der Kjelminsel in Süd-Waranger.

"Vid. Selsk. Skr.," II, 1909, No. 7. Christiania, 1910.

1907 SOLBERG (O.): Beiträge zur Vorgeschichte der Ost-Eskimo. "Vid. Selsk.

Skr.," II, No. 2. Christiania, 1907.

1895 SOLINI (C. Julii): Collectanea rerum memorabilium, ed. Th. Mommsen.

Berolini, 1895.

1905 STEENSBY (H. P.): Om Eskimokulturens Oprindelse. Copenhagen, 1905.

1889 STEENSTRUP (Japetus): Nogle Bemerkninger om Ottar's Beretning til

Kong Alfred om Hvalros- og Hvalfangst i Nordhavet på hans Tid. "Hist.

Tidsskr.," 6. R. II. Copenhagen, 1889.

1876 STEENSTRUP (Johannes C. H. R.): Normannerne, I. Copenhagen, 1876.

1899 STEENSTRUP (K. I. V.): Om Österbygden. "Medd. om Grönland," IX.

Copenhagen, 1899.

1880 STORM (Gustav): "Monumenta Historica Norvegiæ." Latinske

Kildeskrifter til Norges Historie i Middelalderen, udgivne ved G. Storm.

Christiania, 1880.

1881 STORM (G.): see Peder Claussön FRIIS.

1886 STORM (G.): Om Betydningen av "Eyktarstadr" i Flatöbogens Beretning

om Vinlandsreiserne. "Arkiv. f. Nord. Filologi," III. Christiania, 1886.

1887 STORM (G.): Studier over Vinlandsreiserne, Vinlands Geografi og

Ethnografi. Reprinted from "Aarb. for Nord. Oldk. o. Hist." 1887.

Copenhagen, 1888.

1888 1889 STORM (G.): Studies on the Vineland Voyages. Extracts from "Mém.

d. l. Soc. Royale d. Antiquaires du Nord," 1888. Copenhagen, 1889.

1888 STORM (G.): see "Islandske Annaler."

1888 STORM (G.): Om Kilderne til Lyschanders "Gröndlandske Cronica."

"Aarb. for Nord. Oldk. o. Hist." Copenhagen, 1888.

1888a STORM (G.): Om det i 1285 fra Island fundne "Nye Land." "Hist.

Tidsskr." 2. R. VI. Christiania, 1888.

1889 1891 STORM (G.): Den danske Geograf Claudius Clavus eller Nicolaus

Niger. "Ymer." Stockholm, 1889, 1891.

1890 STORM (G.): Ginnungagap. "Arkiv f. Nord. Filologi," VI. (N. F. II).

Lund, 1890.

1890a STORM (G.): Om Biskop Gisle Oddsöns Annaler. "Arkiv f. Nord.

Filologi," VI. (N. F. II). Lund. 1890.

1891 STORM (G.): see Eiriks Saga Rauða.

1892 STORM (G.): Nye Efterretninger om det gamle Gröland. "Hist.

Tidsskr.," 3. R. II. Christiania, 1892.

1893 STORM (G.): Columbus på Island og vore Forfædres Opdagelser i det

nordvestlige Atlanterhav. "Norske geogr. Selsk. Aarbog," IV. Christiania,

1893.

1894 STORM (G.): Om opdagelsen av "Nordkap" og veien til "det Hvite Hav."

"Norske geogr. Selsk. Aarbog." V. Christiania, 1893-94.

1895 STORM (G.): Utg. av Historisk-topografiske Skrifter om Norges og

norske Landsdele forfattede i Norge i det 16de Aarhundrede. Christiania,

1895.

1899 STORM (G.): Et brev til pave Nicolaus den 5te om Norges beliggenhet

og undre. "Norske geogr. Selsk. Aarbog," X. Christiania, 1899.

1899a STORM (G.): Erik den Rödes Saga eller Sagaen om Vinland, oversat.

Christiania, 1899.

1899 STORM (G.): see SNORRE STURLASON.

1856 STRABO'S Erdbeschreibung, übs. v. A. Forbiger. Stuttgart, 1856-58.

1877 STRABONIS Geographica. Recogn. Aug. Meineke. Leipzig, 1877.

1776 STRÖM (G.): Beskrivelse over Söndmör. Soröe, 1776.

1910 SYDOW (C. W. von): Tors Färd till Utgård. "Danske Studier," 1910.

1870 TACITI (C. Cornelii): Agricola. Ovs. a. H. W. Ottesen. Christiania,

1870

1881 TACITI (Cornelii): Germania. Erb. v. A. Baumstark. Leipzig, 1881.

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1873 TACITUS (C.): Die Germania des Tacitus. Übs. v. Anton Baumstark.

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INDEX

Aasen, I., i. 352; ii. 9

Abalus, Island of, i. 70, 71, 72, 73, 118, 365

Ablabius, i. 129, 142, 144, 155

Abû Hâmid, ii. 145, 146

Abyss, at the edge of the world, i. 12, 84, 157-9, 195, 199; ii. 150,

154, 240

Adam of Bremen, i. 21, 59, 84, 112, 135, 159, 179, 182, 183, 184-202,

204, 206, 229, 252, 258, 303, 312, 353, 362, 363, 365, 367, 382-4;

ii. 2, 11, 26, 29, 31, 32, 58, 63, 64, 65, 101, 143, 147-54, 165,

168, 177, 192, 214, 224, 237, 238, 240, 243, 278, 284

"Adogit," Northern people, i. 131-3, 143, 194

Ææa, Isle of, i. 13

Ælian, i. 12, 16, 17

Æningia, i. 101, 104

Æstii (_see_ Esthonians)

Æthicus Istricus, i. 154-5, 187, 188

"Ætternis stapi" (the tribal cliff), i. 18-9

Africa, Supposed connection with Wineland, i. 326; ii. 1-2, 29, 61, 240,

248, 280

Agathemerus, i. 44

Agricola, i. 107-8, 117

Agrippa, i. 97, 106

Ahlenius, K., i. 43, 93, 104, 112, 131

Aithanarit, i. 144, 153, 154

Alani, i. 188, 383

Albertus Magnus, ii. 158, 163, 178, 234

Albi, mappamundi at, ii. 183

Albion (_see_ Britain), i. 38, 39, 117

Aleutians, ii. 69, 71

Alexander the Great, i. 19, 182, 363; ii. 57, 206, 207, 213

Alexander VI., Pope, Letter from, on Greenland (1492-3), ii. 106, 121-2

Alexander, Sir William, ii. 3

Alfred, King, i. 104, 160, 169-81, 204, 252; ii. 156, 243

Al-Gazâl, voyage to the land of the Magǵûs, ii. 200-2

Algonkin tradition, ii. 7-8, 93;

lacrosse among, ii. 40

Alociæ, i. 118, 119, 132

Amalcium (northern sea), i. 98-9, 105

Amazons, i. 20, 87, 88, 112, 114, 150, 154, 159, 160, 186, 187, 189,

198, 356, 383; ii. 64, 188, 197, 206, 209, 214

Amber, i. 14, 19, 22, 23, 27, 31-4, 70, 71, 72, 96, 101, 106, 109-10;

ii. 207

Amdrup, Captain, i. 290

America, discovered by the Norsemen, i. 234, 248, 312; ii. 22, 61, 63

Ammianus Marcellinus, i. 44, 123

Anaxagoras, i. 12

Anaximander of Miletus, i. 11

Anaximenes, i. 11, 128

Angles, i. 180

Anglo-Portuguese expeditions of 1501, ii. 331-2, 357;

of 1502, ii. 332-4;

of 1503, ii. 334-5;

of 1504, ii. 335

Angmagsalik, Greenland, i. 261, 263, 282, 290, 291; ii. 73

"Anostos," The gulf, i. 17, 158; ii. 150, 240

Ants, fabulous, i. 154, 336; ii. 197

Apollo, worshipped among the Hyperboreans, i. 16, 18, 19

Apollonius of Rhodes, i. 19, 44

Appulus, Guillelmus, ii. 162

Arabs, i. 362, 366; ii. 57;

their trade with North Russia, ii. 143-7, 194;

their culture, ii. 194-5;

possible exchange of ideas with the Irish, ii. 207;

Arab geographers, ii. 194-214

Arab myths, i. 382; ii. 10, 51, 197, 206-8, 213-4;

affinity to Irish, ii. 207

Arctic, origin of the word, i. 8;

Arctic Circle, i. 53, 55-7, 62, 76, 117

Arctic Ocean, Voyages in, i. 287; ii. 177 (_see also_ Polar Sea)

Are Frode (_Islendingabók_), i. 165-6, 201, 253-4, 257, 258-60, 312,

313, 331, 332, 353, 354, 366, 367, 368; ii. 11, 16, 26, 58, 60,

77-8, 82, 86, 91

Are Mársson, voyage to Hvítramannaland, i. 331-2, 353-4, 377; ii. 42,

43, 46, 50

Argippæans, i. 23, 88, 114, 155

Arimaspians, i. 16, 19, 98

Arimphæi, i. 88; ii. 188

Aristarchus of Samos, i. 47, 77

Aristeas of Proconnesus, i. 19

Aristotle, i. 28, 40, 41, 44, 76, 182; ii. 48, 194

Arnbjörn Austman, lost in Greenland, i. 283

Arngrim Jónsson, i. 263; ii. 79

"Arochi" (or "Arothi"; _see_ Harudes), i. 136, 148

Asbjörnsen, i. 381

Askeladden, Tale of, i. 341

Assaf Hebræus, ii. 200

Assyria, supposed communication with the North, i. 35, 36

"Astingi," or "Hazdingi" (Haddingjar, Hallinger), i. 104

Athenæus, i. 46, 351

_Atlamál en grœnlenzku_, i. 273

Atlantic Ocean, i. 10, 39, 40, 77, 78, 252, 315, 316, 346; ii. 154, 293,

307, 308

Atlantis, i. 376; ii. 293

Aubert, Karl, ii. 253

"Augandzi," i. 136

Austlid, Andreas, i. 340

Avallon, Isle of, i. 72, 365-6, 379; ii. 20

d'Avezac, M. P., i. 362; ii. 216, 290

Avienus, Rufus Festus, i. 37-42, 68, 83, 123, 128, 130

Aviones, i. 95, 118

Ayala, Pedro de, adjunct to the Spanish Ambassador in London, ii. 295,

297, 298, 299, 301, 310, 311, 324, 325-6

Azores, discovered, ii. 292;

expeditions from, ii. 293, 345, 346, 347

"Bacallaos," name for Newfoundland, ii. 329, 337, 339

Bacon, Roger, ii. 215, 249

Baffin Land, i. 322, 323; ii. 41

Baffin's Bay, i. 248, 250, 304, 305, 308, 309; ii. 41, 72

Bahlûl, Ibn al-, ii. 197

Balcia, Island of, i. 71, 72, 99, 100, 101, 185

Balder, i. 372

Baltic, amber from, i. 14, 22, 32, 34, 35, 96;

ancient names for, and ideas of, i. 93, 99, 100, 105, 109, 121, 131,

167, 169, 185; ii. 210, 211, 219;

representation of in mediæval cartography, ii. 219, 224, 227, 257,

269, 284, 286;

overland communication with the Black Sea, i. 244; ii. 199

Basilia, island, i. 70, 71, 99

Basques, as whalers, ii. 159-62

Bastarni (Bastarnæ), i. 111, 112, 113, 114

Batûta, Ibn, ii. 144, 145

Baumgartner, A., i. 193

Baumstark, A., i. 113

Baunonia, Island of, i. 70, 98

Bavarian geographer, The, i. 167

Bayeux tapestry, i. 239, 248, 249; ii. 237, 239

Bears, Polar, i. 191, 192, 323; ii. 72, 112, 177, 191

Beatus map, i. 198, 199; ii. 184, 185-6

Beauvois, E., ii. 40, 90

Beazley, C. R., ii. 215, 295

Bede, i. 151, 184, 193, 194, 199; ii. 20, 156

Behaim, Martin, ii. 86, 287-9, 359, 372

Beheim, Michel, i. 226; ii. 85, 86, 111, 117, 144, 270

Belcæ, or "Belgæ," i. 89, 92

Benedikson, E., i. 59

Beormas, i. 171, 173-5, 214, 218, 219, 222; ii. 135 (_see also_ Bjarmas)

_Beowulf_, i. 234, 372

Bérard, V., i. 348, 371, 379

Bergen, ii. 80, 120, 122, 125, 157, 169, 178, 210, 220, 221, 222, 260,

261, 264, 265, 266, 281, 286

Berger, H., i. 11, 12, 43, 75