as we know happened during the supremacy of Cinna, and on some other
occasions, I should not under the pressure, I don't say of rewards,
which are the last things to influence me, but even of danger, by which,
after all, the bravest men are moved, have attached myself to their
party, not even if their services to me had been of the very highest
kind. As it is, seeing that the leading statesman in the Republic was
Pompey, a man who had gained this power and renown by the most eminent
services to the state and the most glorious achievements, and one of
whose position I had been a supporter from my youth up, and in my
prætorship and consulship an active promoter also, and seeing that this
same statesman had assisted me, in his own person by the weight of his
influence and the expression of his opinion, and, in conjunction with
you, by his counsels and zeal, and that he regarded my enemy as his own
supreme enemy in the state--I did not think that I need fear the
reproach of inconsistency, if in some of my senatorial votes I somewhat
changed my standpoint, and contributed my zeal to the promotion of the
dignity of a most distinguished man, and one to whom I am under the
highest obligations. In this sentiment I had necessarily to include
Cæsar, as you see, for their policy and position were inseparably
united. Here I was greatly influenced by two things--the old friendship
which you know that I and my brother Quintus have had with Cæsar, and
his own kindness and liberality, of which we have recently had clear and
unmistakable evidence both by his letters and his personal attentions. I
was also strongly affected by the Republic itself, which appeared to me
to demand, especially considering Cæsar's brilliant successes, that
there should be no quarrel maintained with these men, and indeed to
forbid it in the strongest manner possible. Moreover, while entertaining
these feelings, I was above all shaken by the pledge which Pompey had
given for me to Cæsar, and my brother to Pompey. Besides, I was forced
to take into consideration the state maxim so divinely expressed by our
master Plato--"Such as are the chief men in a republic, such are ever
wont to be the other citizens." I called to mind that in my consulship,
from the very 1st of January, such a foundation was laid of
encouragement for the senate, that no one ought to have been surprised
that on the 5th of December there was so much spirit and such commanding
influence in that house. I also remember that when I became a private
citizen up to the consulship of Cæsar and Bibulus, when the opinions
expressed by me had great weight in the senate, the feeling among all
the loyalists was invariable. Afterwards, while you were holding the
province of hither Spain with _imperium_ and the Republic had no genuine
consuls, but mere hucksters of provinces, mere slaves and agents of
sedition, an accident threw my head as an apple of discord into the
midst of contending factions and civil broils. And in that hour of
danger, though a unanimity was displayed on the part of the senate that
was surprising, on the part of all Italy surpassing belief, and of all
the loyalists unparalleled, in standing forth in my defence, I will not
say what happened--for the blame attaches to many, and is of various
shades of turpitude--I will only say briefly that it was not the rank
and file, but the leaders, that played me false. And in this matter,
though some blame does attach to those who failed to defend me, no less
attaches to those who abandoned me: and if those who were frightened
deserve reproach, if there are such, still more are those to be blamed
who pretended to be frightened. At any rate, my policy is justly to be
praised for refusing to allow my fellow citizens (preserved by me and
ardently desiring to preserve me) to be exposed while bereft of leaders
to armed slaves, and for preferring that it should be made manifest how
much force there might be in the unanimity of the loyalists, if they had
been permitted to champion my cause before I had fallen, when after that
fall they had proved strong enough to raise me up again. And the real
feelings of these men you not only had the penetration to see, when
bringing forward my case, but the power to encourage and keep alive. In
promoting which measure--I will not merely not deny, but shall always
remember also and gladly proclaim it--you found certain men of the
highest rank more courageous in securing my restoration than they had
been in preserving me from my fall: and, if they had chosen to maintain
that frame of mind, they would have recovered their own commanding
position along with my salvation. For when the spirit of the loyalists
had been renewed by your consulship, and they had been roused from their
dismay by the extreme firmness and rectitude of your official conduct;
when, above all, Pompey's support had been secured; and when Cæsar, too,
with all the prestige of his brilliant achievements, after being
honoured with unique and unprecedented marks of distinction and
compliments by the senate, was now supporting the dignity of the house,
there could have been no opportunity for a disloyal citizen of outraging
the Republic.
But now notice, I beg, what actually ensued. First of all, that intruder
upon the women's rites, who had shewn no more respect for the Bona Dea
than for his three sisters, secured immunity by the votes of those men
who, when a tribune wished by a legal action to exact penalties from a
seditious citizen by the agency of the loyalists, deprived the Republic
of what would have been hereafter a most splendid precedent for the
punishment of sedition. And these same persons, in the case of the
monument, which was not mine, indeed--for it was not erected from the
proceeds of spoils won by me, and I had nothing to do with it beyond
giving out the contract for its construction--well, they allowed this
monument of the senate's to have branded upon it the name of a public
enemy, and an inscription written in blood. That those men wished my
safety rouses my liveliest gratitude, but I could have wished that they
had not chosen to take my bare safety into consideration, like doctors,
but, like trainers, my strength and complexion also! As it is, just as
Apelles perfected the head and bust of his Venus with the most elaborate
art, but left the rest of her body in the rough, so certain persons only
took pains with my head, and left the rest of my body unfinished and
unworked. Yet in this matter I have falsified the expectation, not only
of the jealous, but also of the downright hostile, who formerly
conceived a wrong opinion from the case of Quintus Metellus, son of
Lucius--the most energetic and gallant man in the world, and in my
opinion of surpassing courage and firmness--who, people say, was much
cast down and dispirited after his return from exile.[659] Now, in the
first place, we are asked to believe that a man who accepted exile with
entire willingness and remarkable cheerfulness, and never took any pains
at all to get recalled, was crushed in spirit about an affair in which
he had shewn more firmness and constancy than anyone else, even than the
pre-eminent M. Scaurus himself![660] But, again, the account they had
received, or rather the conjectures they were indulging in about him,
they now transferred to me, imagining that I should be more than usually
broken in spirit: whereas, in fact, the Republic was inspiring me with
even greater courage than I had ever had before, by making it plain
that I was the one citizen it could not do without; and by the fact that
while a bill proposed by only one tribune had recalled Metellus, the
whole state had joined as one man in recalling me--the senate leading
the way, the whole of Italy following after, eight of the tribunes
publishing the bill, a consul putting the question at the centuriate
assembly, all orders and individuals pressing it on, in fact, with all
the forces at its command. Nor is it the case that I afterwards made any
pretension, or am making any at this day, which can justly offend
anyone, even the most malevolent: my only effort is that I may not fail
either my friends or those more remotely connected with me in either
active service, or counsel, or personal exertion. This course of life
perhaps offends those who fix their eyes on the glitter and show of my
professional position, but are unable to appreciate its anxieties and
laboriousness.
Again, they make no concealment of their dissatisfaction on the ground
that in the speeches which I make in the senate in praise of Cæsar I am
departing from my old policy. But while giving explanations on the
points which I put before you a short time ago, I will not keep till the
last the following, which I have already touched upon. You will not
find, my dear Lentulus, the sentiments of the loyalists the same as you
left them--strengthened by my consulship, suffering relapse at intervals
afterwards, crushed down before your consulship, revived by you: they
have now been abandoned by those whose duty it was to have maintained
them: and this fact they, who in the old state of things as it existed
in our day used to be called _Optimates_, not only declare by look and
expression of countenance, by which a false pretence is easiest
supported, but have proved again and again by their actual sympathies
and votes. Accordingly, the entire view and aim of wise citizens, such
as I wish both to be and to be reckoned, must needs have undergone a
change. For that is the maxim of that same great Plato, whom I
emphatically regard as my master: "Maintain a political controversy only
so far as you can convince your fellow citizens of its justice: never
offer violence to parent or fatherland."[661] He, it is true, alleges
this as his motive for having abstained from politics, because, having
found the Athenian people all but in its dotage, and seeing that it
could not be ruled by persuasion, or by anything short of compulsion,
while he doubted the possibility of persuasion, he looked upon
compulsion as criminal. My position was different in this: as the people
was not in its dotage, nor the question of engaging in politics still an
open one for me, I was bound hand and foot. Yet I rejoiced that I was
permitted in one and the same cause to support a policy at once
advantageous to myself and acceptable to every loyalist. An additional
motive was Cæsar's memorable and almost superhuman kindness to myself
and my brother, who thus would have deserved my support whatever he
undertook; while as it is, considering his great success and his
brilliant victories, he would seem, even if he had not behaved to me as
he has, to claim a panegyric from me. For I would have you believe that,
putting you aside, who were the authors of my recall, there is no one by
whose good offices I would not only confess, but would even rejoice, to
have been so much bound.
Having explained this matter to you, the questions you ask about
Vatinius and Crassus are easy to answer. For, since you remark about
Appius, as about Cæsar, "that you have no fault to find," I can only say
that I am glad you approve my policy. But as to Vatinius, in the first
place there had been in the interval a reconciliation effected through
Pompey, immediately after his election to the prætorship, though I had,
it is true, impugned his canditature in some very strong speeches in the
senate, and yet not so much for the sake of attacking him as of
defending and complimenting Cato. Again, later on, there followed a very
pressing request from Cæsar that I should undertake his defence. But my
reason for testifying to his character I beg you will not ask, either in
the case of this defendant or of others, lest I retaliate by asking you
the same question when you come home: though I can do so even before you
return: for remember for whom you sent a certificate of character from
the ends of the earth. However, don't be afraid, for those same persons
are praised by myself, and will continue to be so. Yet, after all, there
was also the motive spurring me on to undertake his defence, of which,
during the trial, when I appeared for him, I remarked that I was doing
just what the parasite in the _Eunuchus_ advised the captain to do:
"As oft as she names Phædria, you retort
With Pamphila. If ever she suggest,
'Do let us have in Phædria to our revel:'
Quoth you, 'And let us call on Pamphila
To sing a song.' If she shall praise _his_ looks,
Do you praise _hers_ to match them: and, in fine,
Give tit for tat, that you may sting her soul."
So I asked the jurors, since certain men of high rank, who had also done
me very great favours, were much enamoured of my enemy, and often under
my very eyes in the senate now took him aside in grave consultation, now
embraced him familiarly and cheerfully--since these men had their
Publius, to grant me another Publius, in whose person I might repay a
slight attack by a moderate retort.[662] And, indeed, I am often as good
as my word, with the applause of gods and men. So much for Vatinius. Now
about Crassus. I thought I had done much to secure his gratitude in
having, for the sake of the general harmony, wiped out by a kind of
voluntary act of oblivion all his very serious injuries, when he
suddenly undertook the defence of Gabinius, whom only a few days before
he had attacked with the greatest bitterness. Nevertheless, I should
have borne that, if he had done so without casting any offensive
reflexions on me. But on his attacking me, though I was only arguing and
not inveighing against him, I fired up not only, I think, with the
passion of the moment--for that perhaps would not have been so hot--but
the smothered wrath at his many wrongs to me, of which I thought I had
wholly got rid, having, unconsciously to myself, lingered in my soul, it
suddenly shewed itself in full force. And it was at this precise time
that certain persons (the same whom I frequently indicate by a sign or
hint), while declaring that they had much enjoyed my outspoken style,
and had never before fully realized that I was restored to the Republic
in all my old character, and when my conduct of that controversy had
gained me much credit outside the house also, began saying that they
were glad both that he was now my enemy, and that those who were
involved with him would never be my friends. So when their ill-natured
remarks were reported to me by men of most respectable character, and
when Pompey pressed me as he had never done before to be reconciled to
Crassus, and Cæsar wrote to say that he was exceedingly grieved at that
quarrel, I took into consideration not only my circumstances, but my
natural inclination: and Crassus, that our reconciliation might, as it
were, be attested to the Roman people, started for his province, it
might almost be said, from my hearth. For he himself named a day and
dined with me in the suburban villa of my son-in-law Crassipes. On this
account, as you say that you have been told, I supported his cause in
the senate, which I had undertaken on Pompey's strong recommendation, as
I was bound in honour to do.
I have now told you with what motives I have supported each measure and
cause, and what my position is in politics as far as I take any part in
them: and I would wish you to make sure of this--that I should have
entertained the same sentiments, if I had been still perfectly
uncommitted and free to choose. For I should not have thought it right
to fight against such overwhelming power, nor to destroy the supremacy
of the most distinguished citizens, even if it had been possible; nor,
again, should I have thought myself bound to abide by the same view,
when circumstances were changed and the feelings of the loyalists
altered, but rather to bow to circumstances. For the persistence in the
same view has never been regarded as a merit in men eminent for their
guidance of the helm of state; but as in steering a ship one secret of
the art is to run before the storm, even if you cannot make the harbour;
yet, when you can do so by tacking about, it is folly to keep to the
course you have begun rather than by changing it to arrive all the same
at the destination you desire: so while we all ought in the
administration of the state to keep always in view the object I have
very frequently mentioned, peace combined with dignity, we are not bound
always to use the same language, but to fix our eyes on the same object.
Wherefore, as I laid down a little while ago, if I had had as free a
hand as possible in everything, I should yet have been no other than I
now am in politics. When, moreover, I am at once induced to adopt these
sentiments by the kindness of certain persons, and driven to do so by
the injuries of others, I am quite content to think and speak about
public affairs as I conceive best conduces to the interests both of
myself and of the Republic. Moreover, I make this declaration the more
openly and frequently, both because my brother Quintus is Cæsar's
legate, and because no word of mine, however trivial, to say nothing of
any act, in support of Cæsar has ever transpired, which he has not
received with such marked gratitude, as to make me look upon myself as
closely bound to him. Accordingly, I have the advantage of his
popularity, which you know to be very great, and his material resources,
which you know to be immense, as though they were my own. Nor do I think
that I could in any other way have frustrated the plots of unprincipled
persons against me, unless I had now combined with those protections,
which I have always possessed, the goodwill also of the men in power. I
should, to the best of my belief, have followed this same line of policy
even if I had had you here. For I well know the reasonableness and
soberness of your judgment: I know your mind, while warmly attached to
me, to be without a tinge of malevolence to others, but on the contrary
as open and candid as it is great and lofty. I have seen certain persons
conduct themselves towards you as you might have seen the same persons
conduct themselves towards me. The same things that have annoyed me
would certainly have annoyed you. But whenever I shall have the
enjoyment of your presence, you will be the wise critic of all my plans:
you who took thought for my safety will also do so for my dignity. Me,
indeed, you will have as the partner and associate in all your actions,
sentiments, wishes--in fact, in everything; nor shall I ever in all my
life have any purpose so steadfastly before me, as that you should
rejoice more and more warmly every day that you did me such eminent
service.
As to your request that I would send you any books I have written since
your departure, there are some speeches, which I will give Menocritus,
not so very many, so don't be afraid! I have also written--for I am now
rather withdrawing from oratory and returning to the gentler Muses,
which now give me greater delight than any others, as they have done
since my earliest youth--well, then, I have written in the Aristotelian
style, at least that was my aim, three books in the form of a discussion
in dialogue "On the Orator," which, I think, will be of some service to
your Lentulus. For they differ a good deal from the current maxims, and
embrace a discussion on the whole oratorical theory of the ancients,
both that of Aristotle and Isocrates. I have also written in verse three
books "On my own Times," which I should have sent you some time ago, if
I had thought they ought to be published--for they are witnesses, and
will be eternal witnesses, of your services to me and of my
affection--but I refrained because I was afraid, not of those who might
think themselves attacked, for I have been very sparing and gentle in
that respect, but of my benefactors, of whom it were an endless task to
mention the whole list. Nevertheless, the books, such as they are, if I
find anyone to whom I can safely commit them, I will take care to have
conveyed to you: and as far as that part of my life and conduct is
concerned, I submit it entirely to your judgment. All that I shall
succeed in accomplishing in literature or in learning--my old favourite
relaxations--I shall with the utmost cheerfulness place before the bar
of your criticism, for you have always had a fondness for such things.
As to what you say in your letter about your domestic affairs, and all
you charge me to do, I am so attentive to them that I don't like being
reminded, can scarcely bear, indeed, to be asked without a very painful
feeling. As to your saying, in regard to Quintus's business, that you
could not do anything last summer, because you were prevented by illness
from crossing to Cilicia, but that you will now do everything in your
power to settle it, I may tell you that the fact of the matter is that,
if he can annex this property, my brother thinks that he will owe to you
the consolidation of this ancestral estate. I should like you to write
about all your affairs, and about the studies and training of your son
Lentulus (whom I regard as mine also) as confidentially and as
frequently as possible, and to believe that there never has been anyone
either dearer or more congenial to another than you are to me, and that
I will not only make you feel that to be the case, but will make all the
world and posterity itself to the latest generation aware of it.
Appius used some time back to repeat in conversation, and afterwards
said openly, even in the senate, that if he were allowed to carry a law
in the _comitia curiata_, he would draw lots with his colleague for
their provinces; but if no curiatian law were passed, he would make an
arrangement with his colleague and succeed you: that a curiatian law was
a proper thing for a consul, but was not a necessity: that since he was
in possession of a province by a decree of the senate, he should have
_imperium_ in virtue of the Cornelian law until such time as he entered
the city. I don't know what your several connexions write to you on the
subject: I understand that opinion varies. There are some who think that
you can legally refuse to quit your province, because your successor is
named without a curiatian law: some also hold that, even if you do quit
it, you may leave some one behind you to conduct its government. For
myself, I do not feel so certain about the point of law--although there
is not much doubt even about that--as I do of this, that it is for your
greatest honour, dignity, and independence, which I know you always
value above everything, to hand over your province to a successor
without any delay, especially as you cannot thwart his greediness
without rousing suspicion of your own. I regard my duty as twofold--to
let you know what I think, and to defend what you have done.
P.S.--I had written the above when I received your letter about the
_publicani_, to whom I could not but admire the justice of your conduct.
I could have wished that you had been able by some lucky chance to avoid
running counter to the interests and wishes of that order, whose honour
you have always promoted. For my part, I shall not cease to defend your
decrees: but you know the ways of that class of men; you are aware how
bitterly hostile they were to the famous Q. Scævola himself. However, I
advise you to reconcile that order to yourself, or at least soften its
feelings, if you can by any means do so. Though difficult, I think it
is, nevertheless, not beyond the reach of your sagacity.
[Footnote 652: Cicero gives him this title, by which he had been greeted
by his soldiers after some victory over the predatory tribes in Cilicia.
This letter is Cicero's most elaborate apology for his change of policy
in favour of the triumvirs.]
[Footnote 653: Cicero has been variously supposed to refer to C. Cato
(who proposed the recall of Lentulus), to Appius the consul, and finally
to Pompey. The last seems on the whole most likely, though the
explanation is not without difficulties. In that case the "disclosure"
will refer to Pompey's intrigues as to the restoration of Ptolemy
Auletes, of which he wished to have the management.]
[Footnote 654: _I.e._, to keep in with the Optimates, who were at this
time suspicious of, and hostile to Pompey.]
[Footnote 655: At the trial of Sestius.]
[Footnote 656: B.C. 59, when Vatinius proposed the law for Cæsar's five
years' rule in Gaul.]
[Footnote 657: B.C. 56.]
[Footnote 658: Pompey is only speaking metaphorically. Quintus had
guaranteed Cicero's support. Pompey half-jestingly speaks as though he
had gone bail for him for a sum of money.]