What debates have taken place in the senate, what determination has been

come to in your business, and what Pompey has undertaken to do, all this

you will best learn from Marcus Plætorius, who has not only been engaged

in these matters, but has even taken the lead in them, and left nothing

undone which the greatest affection for you, the greatest good sense,

and the greatest care could do. From the same man you will ascertain the

general position of public affairs, which are of such a nature as is not

easy to put in writing. They are, it is true, all in the power of our

friends, and to such an extent that it does not seem probable that the

present generation will witness a change. For my part, as in duty bound,

as you advised, and as personal affection and expediency compel, I am

attaching myself to the fortunes of the man whose alliance you thought

you must court when my fortunes were in question. But you must feel how

difficult it is to put away a political conviction, especially when it

happens to be right and proved up to the hilt. However, I conform myself

to the wishes of him from whom I cannot dissent with any dignity: and

this I do not do, as perhaps some may think, from insincerity; for

deliberate purpose and, by heaven! affection for Pompey are so powerful

with me, that whatever is to his interest, and whatever he wishes,

appears to me at once to be altogether right and reasonable. Nor, as I

think, would even his opponents be wrong if, seeing that they cannot

possibly be his equals, they were to cease to struggle against him. For

myself I have another consolation--my character is such that all the

world thinks me justified beyond all others, whether I support Pompey's

views, or hold my tongue, or even, what is above everything else to my

taste, return to my literary pursuits. And this last I certainly shall

do, if my friendship for this same man permits it. For those objects

which I had at one time in view, after having held the highest offices

and endured the greatest fatigues--the power of intervening with dignity

in the debates of the senate, and a free hand in dealing with public

affairs--these have been entirely abolished, and not more for me than

for all. For we all have either to assent to a small clique, to the

utter loss of our dignity, or to dissent to no purpose. My chief object

in writing to you thus is that you may consider carefully what line you

will also take yourself. The whole position of senate, law courts, and

indeed of the entire constitution has undergone a complete change. The

most we can hope for is tranquillity: and this the men now in supreme

power seem likely to give us, if certain persons[519] shew somewhat more

tolerance of their despotism. The old consular prestige, indeed, of a

courageous and consistent senator we must no longer think of: that has

been lost by the fault of those who have alienated from the senate both

an order once very closely allied to it, and an individual of the most

illustrious character. But to return to what more immediately affects

your interests--I have ascertained that Pompey is warmly your friend,

and with him as consul, to the best of my knowledge and belief, you will

get whatever you wish. In this he will have me always at his elbow, and

nothing which affects you shall be passed over by me. Nor, in fact,

shall I be afraid of boring him, for he will be very glad for his own

sake to find me grateful to him. I would have you fully persuaded that

there is nothing, however small, affecting your welfare that is not

dearer to me than every interest of my own. And entertaining these

sentiments, I can satisfy myself indeed, as far as assiduity is

concerned, but in actual achievement I cannot do so, just because I

cannot reach any proportion of your services to me, I do not say by

actual return in kind, but by any return even of feeling. There a report

that you have won a great victory.[520] Your despatch is anxiously

awaited, and I have already talked to Pompey about it. When it arrives,

I will shew my zeal by calling on the magistrates and members of the

senate: and in everything else which may concern you, though I shall

strive for more than I can achieve, I shall yet do less than I ought.

[Footnote 519: The extreme Optimates, such as Cato.]

[Footnote 520: Against the predatory and piratic inhabitants of

Cilicia.]

CXIX (Q FR II, 7)

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (IN THE COUNTRY)

ROME (FEBRUARY)

[Sidenote: B.C. 55, ÆT. 51]

I thought you would like my book:[521] that you like it as much as you

say I am greatly delighted. As to your hint about my Urania and your

advice to remember the speech of Iupiter,[522] which comes at the end of

that book, I do indeed remember it, and that whole passage was aimed at

myself rather than at the rest of the world. Nevertheless, the day after

you started I went long before daybreak with Vibullius to call on

Pompey; and upon addressing him on the subject of the works and

inscriptions in your honour,[523] he answered me very kindly, gave me

great hopes, said he would like to talk to Crassus about it, and advised

me to do so too. I joined in escorting Crassus to his house on his

assuming the consulate: he undertook the affair, and said that Clodius

would at this juncture have something that he wanted to get by means of

himself and Pompey: he thought that, if I did not baulk Clodius's views,

I might get what I wanted without any opposition. I left the matter

entirely in his hands and told him that I would do exactly as he wished.

Publius Crassus the younger was present at this conversation, who, as

you know, is very warmly attached to me. What Clodius wants is an

honorary mission (if not by decree of the senate, then by popular vote)

to Byzantium or to Brogitarus, or to both.[524] There is a good deal of

money in it. It is a thing I don't trouble myself about much, even if I

don't get what I am trying to get. Pompey, however, has spoken to

Crassus. They seem to have taken the business in hand. If they carry it

through, well and good: if not, let us return to my "Iupiter."

On the 11th of February a decree passed the senate as to bribery on the

motion of Afranius, against which I had spoken when you were in the

house. To the loudly expressed disapprobation of the senate the consuls

did not go on with the proposals of those who, while agreeing with

Afranius's motion, added a rider that after their election the prætors

were to remain private citizens for sixty days.[525] On that day they

unmistakably threw over Cato. In short, they manage everything their own

way, and wish all the world to understand it to be so.

[Footnote 521: His poem "On his own Times."]

[Footnote 522: In his poem _de Consulatu suo_, the second book of which

(Urania) ends with a speech of Iupiter, who recommends his leaving

politics for literature.]

[Footnote 523: A statue in the temple of Tellus.]

[Footnote 524: Brogitarus was a Galatian and connexion of Deiotarus.

Clodius, as tribune, had done some services to Byzantium, and had also

got Brogitarus the office of high priest of Cybele. He wants now to go

and get his money for these favours.]

[Footnote 525: The prætorian elections, like the consular, had been put

off till February. Those elected would therefore enter on their office

at once, and so escape prosecution, to which they would have been liable

if, as in ordinary years, they had been "prætors-designate" from July to

January. Afranius's motion seems to have been for suspending the bribery

laws _pro hac vice_. Cato had been beaten: if there had been an

opportunity of impeaching his rivals he might have got in.]

CXX (A IV, 10)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

CUMÆ, 20 APRIL

[Sidenote: B.C. 55, ÆT. 51]

At Puteoli there is a great report that Ptolemy has been restored. If

you have any more certain news, I should like to know it. I am here

devouring the library of Faustus.[526] Perhaps you thought I was

feasting on the beauties of Puteoli and the Lucrine lake. Well, I have

them too. But I declare to heaven that the more I am debarred from the

enjoyment of ordinary pleasures, owing to the political situation, the

more do I find support and refreshment in literature; and I would rather

be sitting in that charming seat of yours, under your bust of Aristotle,

than in _their_[527] curule chair, and be taking a stroll with you

rather than with the great man[528] with whom I see I shall have to

walk. But as to that walk, let fortune look to it, or god, if there is

any god who cares for such things. I wish, when possible, you would come

and see my walk and Spartan bath, and the buildings planned by Cyrus,

and would urge Philotimus to make haste, that I may have something to

match with yours in that department.[529] Pompey came to his Cuman

property on the Parilia (19th April). He at once sent a man to me with

his compliments. I am going to call on him on the morning of the 20th,

as soon as I have written this letter.

[Footnote 526: Son of the dictator Sulla, who is known to have brought

back from Athens a famous Aristotelian library.]

[Footnote 527: Pompey and Crassus, the consuls.]

[Footnote 528: Pompey, as the context shews. In the next clause

_ambulatio_ has a double meaning of physical walking and of a political

course of conduct.]

[Footnote 529: Philotimus, a freedman of Terentia's, seems to have been

engaged at Rome in the reconstruction of Cicero's house. The Spartan

bath (_Laconicum_) was a hot-air bath, like a Turkish bath.]

CXXI (A IV, 9)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

CUMÆ, 28 APRIL

[Sidenote: B.C. 55, ÆT. 51]

I should much like to know whether the tribunes are hindering the census

by stopping business with their bad omens[530] (for there is a rumour to

that effect), and what they are doing and contriving as to the

censorship altogether. I have had an interview with Pompey here. He

talked a good deal to me about politics. He is not at all satisfied with

himself, to judge from what he says--one is obliged to put in that

proviso in his case. He thinks very little of Syria as a province; talks

a good deal about Spain--here, too, I must add, "to judge from what he

says," and, I think, his whole conversation requires that reservation,

and to be ticketed as Phocylides did his verses--καὶ τόδε

Φωκυλίδου.[531] He expressed gratitude to you for undertaking to

arrange the statues:[532] towards myself he was, by Hercules, most

effusively cordial. He even came to my Cuman house to call on me.

However, the last thing he seemed to wish was that Messalla should stand

for the consulship: that is the very point on which I should like to

hear what you know. I am much obliged by your saying that you will

recommend my fame to Lucceius, and for your frequent inspection of my

house. My brother Quintus has written to tell me that, as you have that

dear boy, his son Quintus, staying with you, he intends coming to your

house on the 7th of May. I left my Cuman villa on the 26th of April.

That night I spent at Naples with Pætus. I write this very early on the

27th, on my road to my Pompeian house.

[Footnote 530: The tribunes had no _veto_ against the censors, they

could only hinder them by the indirect method of _obnuntiatio_,

declaring that the omens were bad, and so preventing business.]

[Footnote 531: This also is Phocylides's.]

[Footnote 532: In Pompey's new theatre.]

CXXII (Q FR II, 8)

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (AT ROME)

CUMÆ (APRIL)

[Sidenote: B.C. 55, ÆT. 51]

Afraid that you will interrupt me--you? In the first place, if I were as

busy as you think, do you know what interruption means? Have you taken a

lesson from Ateius?[533] So help me heaven, in my eyes you give _me_ a

lesson in a kind of learning which I never enjoy unless you are with me.

Why, that you should talk to me, interrupt me, argue against me, or

converse with me, is just what I should like. Nothing could be more

delightful! Never, by Hercules, did any crazy poet read with greater

zest his last composition than I listen to you, no matter what business

is in hand, public or private, rural or urban. But it was all owing to

my foolish scrupulousness that I did not carry you off with me when I

was leaving town. You confronted me the first time with an unanswerable

excuse--the health of my son: I was silenced. The second time it was

both boys, yours and mine: I acquiesced.[534] Now comes a delightful

letter, but with this drop of gall in it--that you seem to have been

afraid, and still to be afraid, that you might bore me. I would go to

law with you if it were decent to do so; but, by heaven! if ever I have

a suspicion of such a feeling on your part, I can only say that I shall

begin to be afraid of boring _you_ at times, when in your company. [I

perceive that you have sighed at this. 'Tis the way of the world: "But

if you lived on earth" ...I will never finish the quotation and say,

"Away with all care!"[535] Marius,[536] again, I should certainly have

forced into my sedan--I don't mean that famous one of Ptolemy that

Anicius got hold of:[537] for I remember when I was conveying him from

Naples to Baiæ in Anicius's eight-bearer sedan, with a hundred armed

guards in our train, I had a real good laugh when Marius, knowing

nothing of his escort, suddenly drew back the curtains of the sedan--he

was almost dead with fright and I with laughing; well, this same friend,

I say, I should at least have carried off, to secure, at any rate, the

delicate charm of that old-fashioned courtesy, and of a conversation

which is the essence of culture. But I did not like to invite a man of

weak health to a villa practically without a roof, and which even now it

would be a compliment to describe as unfinished. It would indeed be a

special treat to me to have the enjoyment of him here also. For I assure

you that the neighbourhood of Marius makes the sunshine of that other

country residence of mine.[538] I will see about getting him put up in

the house of Anicius. For I myself, though a student, can live with

workpeople in the house. I get this philosophy, not from Hymettus, but

from Arpinum.[539] Marius is feebler in health and constitution. As to

interrupting my book[540]--I shall take from you just so much time for

writing as you may leave me. I only hope you'll leave me none at all,

that my want of progress may be set down to your encroachment rather

than to my idleness! In regards to politics, I am sorry that you worry

yourself too much, and are a better citizen than Philoctetes, who, on

being wronged himself, was anxious for the very spectacle[541] that I

perceive gives you pain. Pray hasten hither: I will console you and wipe

all sorrow from your eyes: and, as you love me, bring Maruis. But haste,

haste, both of you! There is a garden at my house.[542]

[Footnote 533: Some bore, unknown to us.]

[Footnote 534: The two boys seem to be receiving their education

together at this time in the house of Quintus.]

[Footnote 535: It is all but impossible to explain these words. Some

editors transfer them to the sentence after _de Republica_. But they are

scarcely more in place there. The Greek quotation is not known.]

[Footnote 536: M. Marius, to whom Letter CXXVI is addressed.]

[Footnote 537: C. Anicius, a senator, seems to have obtained from

Ptolemy Auletes, by gift or purchase, his state sedan and its

attendants.]

[Footnote 538: The Pompeianum.]

[Footnote 539: An unintellible word, meant apparently for Greek (perhaps

_arce_ Ψυρίᾳ, see _Att._ xvi. 13), is in the text. The most probable

conjecture refers it in some way to Arpinum, Cicero's hardy mountain

birthplace.]

[Footnote 540: The _de Oratore_.]

[Footnote 541: The ruin of his country.]

[Footnote 542: For us to walk and converse in. It hardly refers to a

supply of vegetables, as some suggest.]

CXXIII (A IV, 11)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

CUMÆ (APRIL)

[Sidenote: B.C. 55, ÆT. 51]

I was delighted with your two letters which I received together on the

26th. Go on with the story. I long to know all the facts of what you

write about. Also I should like you to find out what this means: you can

do so from Demetrius. Pompey told me that he was expecting Crassus in

his Alban villa on the 27th: that as soon as he arrived, they were going

at once to Rome to settle accounts with the _publicani_. I asked,

"During the gladiatorial exhibitions?" He answered, "Before they were

begun." What that means I wish you would send me word either at once, if

you know, or when he has reached Rome. I am engaged here in devouring

books with the aid of that wonderful fellow Dionysius,[543] for, by

Hercules, that is what he seems to me to be. He sends compliments to you

and all your party.

"No bliss so great as knowing all that is."

Wherefore indulge my thirst for knowledge by telling what happened on

the first and on the second day of the shows: what about the

censors,[544] what about Appius,[545] what about that she-Appuleius of

the people?[546] Finally, pray write me word what you are doing

yourself. For, to tell the truth, revolutions don't give me so much

pleasure as a letter from you. I took no one out of town with me except

Dionysius: yet I am in no fear of wanting conversation--so delightful do

I find that youth. Pray give my book to Lucceius.[547] I send you the

book of Demetrius of Magnesia,[548] that there may be a messenger on the

spot to bring me back a letter from you.

[Footnote 543: A learned freedman of Atticus's.]

[Footnote 544: See p. 250. Censors were elected this year, but the

powers of the censorship had been much curtailed by a law of Clodius in

B.C. 58.]

[Footnote 545: Apius Claudius (brother of Clodius) was a candidate for

the consulship of B.C. 54.]

[Footnote 546: Clodius, a revolutionary, like Appuleius Saturninus. The

feminine gender is an insult.]

[Footnote 547: Either his poem "On his own Times," or the notes of

events which he had promised in Letter CVIII, p. 231.]

[Footnote 548: A treatise on union (περὶ ὁμονοίας). The rhetorician

Dionysius of Magnesia had been with Cicero during his tour in Asia.]

CXXIV (A IV, 12)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

CUMÆ, APRIL

[Sidenote: B.C. 55, ÆT. 51]

Egnatius[549] is at Rome. But I spoke strongly to him at Antium about

Halimetus's business. He assured me that he would speak seriously to

Aquilius.[550] You will see the man therefore, if you please. I think I

can scarcely be ready for Macro:[551] for I see that the auction at

Larinum is on the Ides and the two days following. Pray forgive me for

that, since you think so much of Macro. But, as you love me, dine with

me on the 2nd, and bring Pilia. You must absolutely do so. On the 1st I

think of dining at Crassipes' suburban villa as a kind of inn. I thus

elude the decree of the senate. Thence to my town house after dinner, so

as to be ready to be at Milo's in the morning.[552] There, then, I shall

see you, and shall march you on with me. My whole household sends you

greeting.

[Footnote 549: L. Egnatius, who owed Q. Cicero money.]

[Footnote 550: C. Aquilius Gallus, Cicero's colleague in the prætorship,

and a busy advocate. See p. 13.]

[Footnote 551: Apparently a money-lender.]

[Footnote 552: Perhaps at his _sponsalia_, as he was married towards the

end of the year.]

CXXV (F VII, 23)

TO M. FADIUS GALLUS

ROME (MAY)

[Sidenote: B.C. 55, ÆT. 51]

I had only just arrived from Arpinum when your letter was delivered to

me; and from the same bearer I received a letter from Arrianus,[553] in

which there was this most liberal offer, that when he came to Rome he

would enter my debt to him on whatever day I chose. Pray put yourself in

my place: is it consistent with your modesty or mine, first to prefer a

request as to the day, and then to ask more than a year's credit? But,

my dear Gallus, everything would have been easy, if you had bought the

things I wanted, and only up to the price that I wished. However, the

purchases which, according to your letter, you have made shall not only

be ratified by me, but with gratitude besides: for I fully understand

that you have displayed zeal and affection in purchasing (because you

thought them worthy of me) things which pleased yourself--a man, as I

have ever thought, of the most fastidious judgment in all matters of

taste. Still, I should like Damasippus[554] to abide by his decision:

for there is absolutely none of those purchases that I care to have.

But you, being unacquainted with my habits, have bought four or five of

your selection at a price at which I do not value any statues in the

world. You compare your Bacchæ with Metellus's Muses. Where is the

likeness? To begin with, I should never have considered the Muses worth

all that money, and I think all the Muses would have approved my

judgment: still, it would have been appropriate to a library, and in

harmony with my pursuits. But Bacchæ! What place is there in my house

for them? But, you will say, they are pretty. I know them very well and

have often seen them. I would have commissioned you definitely in the

case of statues known to me, if I had decided on them. The sort of

statues that I am accustomed to buy are such as may adorn a place in a

_palæstra_ after the fashion of gymnasia.[555] What, again, have I, the

promoter of peace, to do with a statue of Mars? I am glad there was not

a statue of Saturn also: for I should have thought these two statues had

brought me debt! I should have preferred some representation of Mercury:

I might then, I suppose, have made a more favourable bargain with

Arrianus. You say you meant the table-stand[556] for yourself; well, if

you like it, keep it. But if you have changed your mind I will, of

course, have it. For the money you have laid out, indeed, I would rather

have purchased a place of call at Tarracina,[557] to prevent my being

always a burden on my host. Altogether I perceive that the fault is with

my freedman, whom I had distinctly commissioned to purchase certain

definite things, and also with Iunius, whom I think you know, an

intimate friend of Arrianus. I have constructed some new sitting-rooms

in a miniature colonnade on my Tusculan property. I want to ornament

them with pictures: for if I take pleasure in anything of that sort it

is in painting. However, if I am to have what you have bought, I should

like you to inform me where they are, when they are to be fetched, and by

what kind of conveyance. For if Damasippus doesn't abide by his

decision, I shall look for some would-be Damasippus,[558] even at a

loss.

As to what you say about the house, as I was going out of town I

intrusted the matter to my daughter Tullia:[559] for it was at the very

hour of my departure that I got your letter. I also discussed the matter

with your friend Nicias, because he is, as you know, intimate with

Cassius. On my return, however, before I got your last letter, I asked

Tullia what she had done. She said that she had approached Licinia[560]

(though I think Cassius is not very intimate with his sister), and that

she at once said that she could not venture, in the absence of her

husband (Dexius is gone to Spain), to change houses without his being

there and knowing about it. I am much gratified that you should value

association with me and my domestic life so highly, as, in the first

place, to take a house which would enable you to live not only near me,

but absolutely with me, and, in the second place, to be in such a hurry

to make this change of residence. But, upon my life, I do not yield to

you in eagerness for that arrangement. So I will try every means in my

power. For I see the advantage to myself, and, indeed, the advantages to

us both. If I succeed in doing anything, I will let you know. Mind you

also write me word back on everything, and let me know, if you please,

when I am to expect you.

[Footnote 553: C. Arrianus Evander, a dealer in statues, it seems, from

whom Fadius had bought some for Cicero. He offers to let the debt for

them (and so the interest) run from any day Cicero pleases.]

[Footnote 554: A well-known connoisseur, mentioned by Horace, _Sat._ ii.

3, 64, _seq._. He seems to have offered to take the bargain off Cicero's

hands.]

[Footnote 555: That is, for his _palæstra_ or gymnasium, as he calls it,

in his Tusculanum. See Letters I, II, VII.]

[Footnote 556: An ornamental leg or stand for table or sideboard

(_abacus_). See picture in Rich's _Dictionary of Antiquities_.]

[Footnote 557: On the _via Appia_, where the canal across the marshes

began. Cicero stops there a night between Formiæ and Pomptina Summa

(_Att._ vii. 5).]

[Footnote 558: One who professes to be an amateur of art like

Damasippus.]

[Footnote 559: As in Letter CVI, Tullia, not Terentia, seems to be in

Cicero's confidence and presiding in his house. Terentia must already

have been on bad terms with him, and perhaps was residing on her own

property.]

[Footnote 560: Half-sister of Gaius Cassius.]

CXXVI (F VII, I)

TO M. MARIUS (AT CUMÆ)

ROME (OCTOBER?)

[Sidenote: B.C. 55, ÆT. 51]

The Letters of Cicero, Volume 1 The Whole Extant Correspodence in Chronological Order · 第 26 / 38 段