the verses do seem exactly as though they were written by some enemy of
Pompey's to hit the time. "If neither laws nor customs can control,"
etc., caused great sensation and loud shouts. Cæsar having entered as
the applause died away, he was followed by the younger Curio. The latter
received an ovation such as used to be given to Pompey when the
constitution was still intact. Cæsar was much annoyed. A despatch is
said to have been sent flying off to Pompey at Capua.[258] _They_ are
offended with the equites, who rose to their feet and cheered Curio, and
are at war with everybody. They are threatening the Roscian law,[259]
and even the corn law.[260] There has been a great hubbub altogether.
For my part, I should have preferred their doings being silently
ignored; but that, I fear, won't be allowed. Men are indignant at what
nevertheless must, it seems, be put up with. The whole people have
indeed now one voice, but its strength depends rather on exasperation
than anything to back it up. Farthermore, our Publius is threatening me:
he is hostile, and a storm is hanging over my head which should bring
you post haste to town. I believe that I am still firmly supported by
the same phalanx of all loyal or even tolerably loyal men which
supported me when consul. Pompey displays no common affection for me. He
also asserts that Clodius is not going to say a word about me. In which
he is not deceiving me, but is himself deceived. Cosconius having died,
I am invited to fill his place.[261] That would indeed be a case of
"invited to a dead man's place." I should have been beneath contempt in
the eyes of the world, and nothing could be conceived less likely to
secure that very "personal safety" of which you speak. For those
commissioners are disliked by the loyalists, and so I should have
retained my own unpopularity with the disloyal, with the addition of
that attaching to others. Cæsar wishes me to accept a legateship under
him. This is a more honourable method of avoiding the danger. But I
don't wish to avoid it. What do I want, then? Why, I prefer fighting.
However, I have not made up my mind. Again I say, Oh that you were here!
However, if it is absolutely necessary I will summon you. What else is
there to say? What else? This, I think: I am certain that all is lost.
For why mince matters any longer? But I write this in haste, and, by
Hercules, in rather a nervous state. On some future occasion I will
either write to you at full length, if I find a very trustworthy person
to whom to give a letter, or if I write darkly you will understand all
the same. In these letters I will be Lælius, you Furius; the rest shall
be in riddles. Here I cultivate Cæcilius,[262] and pay him assiduous
attention. I hear Bibulus's edicts have been sent to you. Our friend
Pompey is hot with indignation and wrath at them.[263]
[Footnote 255: Terence, _Phorm._ 232.]
[Footnote 256: ἅλις δρυός, _i.e._, feeding on acorns is a thing of the
past, it is out of date, like the golden age when they fed on wild fruit
_et quæ deciderant patula Iovis arbore glandes_ (Ovid, _Met._ i. 106);
and so is dignity, it is a question of _safety_ now.]
[Footnote 257: Ennius on Q. Fabius Maximus Cunctator.]
[Footnote 258: Pompey was in Campania acting as one of the twenty land
commissioners.]
[Footnote 259: The _lex Roscia theatralis_ (B.C. 67), which gave
fourteen rows of seats to the equites.]
[Footnote 260: That is, the law for distribution of corn among poorer
citizens. There were many such. Perhaps the most recent was the _lex
Cassia Terentia_ (B.C. 73). Cæsar, who, when in later years he became
supreme, restricted this privilege, may have threatened to do so now.]
[Footnote 261: _I.e._, as one of the twenty land commissioners. The next
clause seems to refer to some proverbial expression, "to be invited to a
place at Pluto's table," or some such sentence. Cicero means that his
acceptance would be equivalent to political extinction, either from the
obscurity of Cosconius or the inconsistency of the proceeding.]
[Footnote 262: The uncle of Atticus. See p. 15.]
[Footnote 263: After the scene of violence in which Bibulus, on
attempting to prevent the agrarian law being passed, was driven from the
rostra, with his lictors' fasces broken, he shut himself up in his house
and published edicts declaring Cæsar's acts invalid, and denouncing the
conduct of Pompey (Suet. _Cæs._ 20; Dio, xxxviii. 6).]
XLVI (A II, 20)
TO ATTICUS (IN EPIRUS)
ROME (JULY)
[Sidenote: B.C. 59, ÆT. 47]
I have done everything I could for Anicatus, as I understood was your
wish. Numestius, in accordance with your earnestly expressed letter, I
have adopted as a friend. Cæcilius I look after diligently in all ways
possible. Varro[264] does all I could expect for me. Pompey loves me and
regards me as a dear friend. "Do you believe that?" you will say. I do:
he quite convinces me. But seeing that men of the world in all
histories, precepts, and even verses, are for ever bidding one be on
one's guard and forbidding belief, I carry out the former--"to be on my
guard"--the latter--"to disbelieve"[265]--I cannot carry out. Clodius is
still threatening me with danger. Pompey asserts that there is no
danger. He swears it. He even adds that he will himself be murdered by
him sooner than I injured. The negotiation is going on. As soon as
anything is settled I will write you word. If I have to fight, I will
summon you to share in the work. If I am let alone, I won't rout you out
of your "Amaltheia." About politics I will write briefly: for I am now
afraid lest the very paper should betray me. Accordingly, in future, if
I have anything more to write to you, I shall clothe it in covert
language. For the present the state is dying of a novel disorder; for
although everybody disapproves of what has been done, complains, and is
indignant about it, and though there is absolutely no difference of
opinion on the subject, and people now speak openly and groan aloud, yet
no remedy is applied: for we do not think resistance possible without a
general slaughter, nor see what the end of concession is to be except
ruin. Bibulus is exalted to the skies as far as admiration and affection
go. His edicts and speeches are copied out and read. He has reached the
summit of glory in a novel way. There is now nothing so popular as the
dislike of the popular party. I have my fears as to how this will end.
But if I ever see my way clearly in anything, I will write to you more
explicitly. For yourself, if you love me as much as I am sure you do,
take care to be ready to come in all haste as soon as I call for you.
But I do my best, and shall do so, to make it unnecessary. I said I
would call you Furius in my letters, but it is not necessary to change
your name. I'll call myself Lælius and you Atticus, but I will use
neither my own handwriting nor seal, if the letter happens to be such as
I should not wish to fall into the hands of a stranger. Diodotus is
dead; he has left me perhaps 1,000 sestertia. Bibulus has postponed the
elections to the 18th of October, in an edict expressed in the vein of
Archilochus.[266] I have received the books from Vibius: he is a
miserable poet,[267] but yet he is not without some knowledge nor wholly
useless. I am going to copy the book out and send it back.
[Footnote 264: M. Terentius Varro, "the most learned of the Romans," and
author of very large numbers of books. He was afterwards one of Pompey's
_legati_ in Spain. He survived most of the men of the revolutionary
era.]
[Footnote 265: See Letter XXIV, p. 56.]
[Footnote 266: _I.e._, in biting language. _Archilochum proprio rabies
armavit iambo_ (Hor. _A. P._ 79).]
[Footnote 267: The _Cosmographia_ of Alexander of Ephesus. See Letter
XLVIII, p. 120.]
XLVII (A II, 21)
TO ATTICUS (IN EPIRUS)
ROME (JULY)
[Sidenote: B.C. 59, ÆT. 47]
Why should I write to you on the Republic in detail? It is utterly
ruined; and is, so far, in a worse state than when you left it, that
then a despotism seemed to be oppressing it which was popular with the
multitude, and though offensive to the loyalists, yet short of actual
mischief; but now all on a sudden they have become so universally hated,
that I tremble to think what will be the end of it. For we have had
experience of those men's resentment and violence, who have ruined
everything in their anger against Cato; yet they were employing such
slow poisons, that it seemed as though our end might be painless. Now,
however, I fear they have been exasperated by the hisses of the crowd,
the talk of the respectable classes, and the murmurs of Italy. For my
part, I was in hopes, as I often used actually to say to you, that the
wheel of the state chariot had made its revolution with scarcely any
noise and leaving scarcely any visible rut; and it would have been so,
if people could only have waited till the storm had blown over. But
after sighing in secret for a long time they all began, first to groan,
and at last to talk and shout. Accordingly, that friend of ours,
unaccustomed to being unpopular, always used to an atmosphere of praise,
and revelling in glory, now disfigured in body and broken in spirit,
does not know which way to turn; sees that to go on is dangerous, to
return a betrayal of vacillation; has the loyalists his enemies, the
disloyal themselves not his friends. Yet see how soft-hearted I am. I
could not refrain from tears when, on the 25th of July, I saw him making
a speech on the edicts of Bibulus. The man who in old times had been
used to bear himself in that place with the utmost confidence and
dignity, surrounded by the warmest affection of the people, amidst
universal favour--how humble, how cast down he was then! How ill-content
with himself, to say nothing of how unpleasing to his audience! Oh,
what a spectacle! No one could have liked it but Crassus--no one else in
the world! Not I, for considering his headlong descent from the stars,
he seemed to me to have lost his footing rather than to have been
deliberately following a path; and, as Apelles, if he had seen his
Venus, or Protogenes his Ialysus daubed with mud, would, I presume, have
felt great sorrow, so neither could I behold without great sorrow a man,
portrayed and embellished with all the colours of my art, suddenly
disfigured. Although no one thought, in view of the Clodius business,
that I was bound to be his friend, yet so great was my affection for
him, that no amount of injury was capable of making it run dry. The
result is that those Archilochian edicts of Bibulus against him are so
popular, that one can't get past the place where they are put up for the
crowd of readers, and so deeply annoying to himself that he is pining
with vexation. To me, by Hercules, they are distressing, both because
they give excessive pain to a man whom I have always loved, and because
I fear lest one so impulsive and so quick to strike, and so unaccustomed
to personal abuse, may, in his passionate resentment, obey the dictates
of indignation and anger. I don't know what is to be the end of Bibulus.
As things stand at present he is enjoying a wonderful reputation. For on
his having postponed the _comitia_ to October, as that is a measure
which is always against the popular feeling, Cæsar had imagined that the
assembly could be induced by a speech of his to go to Bibulus's house;
but after a long harangue full of seditious suggestions, he failed to
extract a word from anyone. In short, they feel that they do not possess
the cordial goodwill of any section: all the more must we fear some act
of violence. Clodius is hostile to us. Pompey persists in asserting that
he will do nothing against me. It is risky for me to believe that, and I
am preparing myself to meet his attack. I hope to have the warmest
feelings of all orders on my side. I have personally a longing for you,
and circumstances also demand your presence at that time. I shall feel
it a very great addition to my policy, to my courage, and, in a word, to
my safety, if I see you in time. Varro does all I can expect. Pompey
talks like an angel. I have hopes that I shall come off with flying
colours, or at any rate without being molested. Be sure and tell me how
you are, how you are amusing yourself, and what settlement you have come
to with the Sicyonians.
XLVIII (A II, 22)
TO ATTICUS (IN EPIRUS)
ROME (JULY)
[Sidenote: B.C. 59, ÆT. 47]
How I wished you had stayed at Rome! I am sure you would have stayed if
you had foreseen what was going to happen. For then we should have had
no difficulty in keeping "Pulchellus" in order, or at least should have
known what he was going to do. As things are, he darts about, talks like
a madman, never sticks to anything: threatens now this one and now that:
seems likely, in reality, to do whatever turns up. When he sees how
unpopular the present state of things is, he seems to intend an attack
upon the authors of it; but when he again recalls their power and
armies, he transfers his hostility to the loyalists. Me personally he
threatens at one time with violence, at another with impeachment. With
him Pompey has remonstrated, and, as he tells me himself--for I have no
other evidence--has urgently remonstrated, pointing out that he would
himself lie under the extreme imputation of perfidy and unprincipled
conduct, if any danger to me were created by the man whom he had himself
armed by acquiescing in his becoming a plebeian: that both he and
Appius[268] had pledged themselves in regard to me: if Clodius did not
respect that, he should shew such annoyance that everyone would
understand that he valued my friendship above everything. Having said
this and much else to the same effect, he told me that the fellow at
first argued against it at great length and for a long time, but
eventually gave way and declared that he would do nothing against his
wishes. Nevertheless, he has not ceased since then speaking of me with
the greatest bitterness. But even if he had not done so, I should have
felt no confidence in him, but should have been making every
preparation, as in fact I am doing. As it is, I am so conducting myself
that every day the affections of people towards me and the strength of
my position are enhanced. I don't touch politics in any shape or way; I
employ myself with the greatest assiduity in pleading causes and in my
regular forensic business.[269] And this I feel is extremely gratifying,
not only to those who enjoy my services, but also to the people
generally. My house is crowded; I am met by processions; the memory of
my consulship is renewed; men's feelings are clearly shewn: my hopes are
so raised, that the struggle hanging over me seems at times one from
which I need not shrink. Now is the time that I need your advice, your
love and fidelity. Wherefore come post haste! Everything will be easy
for me if I have you. I can carry on many negotiations through our
friend Varro, which will be on firmer ground with you to back them up; a
great deal can be elicited from Publius himself, and be brought to my
knowledge, which cannot possibly be kept concealed from you; a great
deal also--but it is absurd to enumerate particulars, when I want you
for everything. I would like you to be convinced of this above all, that
everything will be simplified for me if I see you: but it all turns on
this coming to pass _before_ he enters on his office. I think that if
you are here while Crassus is egging on Pompey--as you can get out of
Clodius himself, by the agency of "Iuno,"[270] how far they are acting
in good faith--we shall escape molestation, or at any rate not be left
under a delusion. You don't stand in need of entreaties or urgency from
me. You understand what my wish is, and what the hour and the importance
of the business demand. As to politics, I can tell you nothing except
that everybody entertains the greatest detestation for those who are
masters of everything. There is, however, no hope of a change. But, as
you easily understand, Pompey himself is discontented and extremely
dissatisfied with himself. I don't see clearly what issue to expect: but
certainly such a state of affairs seems likely to lead to an outbreak of
some sort. Alexander's books[271]--a careless writer and a poor poet,
and yet not without some useful information--I have sent back to you. I
have had pleasure in admitting Numerius Numestius to my friendship, and
I find him a man of character and good sense, worthy of your
recommendation.
[Footnote 268: Appius Claudius Pulcher, elder brother of P. Clodius.]
[Footnote 269: The speeches known to us of this year are those for his
colleague, C. Antonius, A. Thermus, and L. Flaccus. The two former are
lost, but we know from his own account that he had not avoided touching
on politics in the speech for Antonius, but had so offended Pompey and
Cæsar that they at once carried out the adoption of Clodius (_de Domo_,
§ 41).]
[Footnote 270: Βοῶπις, _i.e._, Clodia. See Letters XXXV, XL. _Crasso
urgente_ is difficult. Cicero must mean that while Crassus (whom he
always regards as hostile to himself) is influencing Pompey, he cannot
trust what Pompey says, and must look for real information elsewhere.]
[Footnote 271: Alexander of Ephesus. See Letter XLVI, p. 115.]
XLIX (A II, 23)
TO ATTICUS (IN EPIRUS)
ROME (JULY OR AUGUST)
[Sidenote: B.C. 59, ÆT. 47]
I don't think you have ever before read a letter of mine not written by
my own hand. You will be able to gather from that how I am distracted
with business. For as I had not a moment to spare and was obliged to
take a walk in order to refresh my poor voice, I have dictated this
while walking. The first thing, then, which I wish you to know is that
our friend "Sampsiceramus" is exceedingly dissatisfied with his
position, and desires to be restored to the place from which he has
fallen; that he confides his annoyance to me, and is without disguise
seeking for a remedy--which I don't think can be found. The second thing
is that all on that side, whether promoters or mere hangers-on, are
falling out of fashion, though no one opposes them: there never was a
greater unanimity of feeling or talk everywhere. For myself (for I am
sure you wish to know it) I take part in no political deliberations, and
have devoted myself entirely to my forensic business and work. Thereby,
as may easily be understood, I have frequent occasion to refer to my
past achievements and to express my regret. But the brother of our
"Iuno" is giving utterance to all kinds of alarming threats, and, while
disclaiming them to "Sampsiceramus," makes an open avowal and parade of
them to others. Wherefore, loving me as much as I know you do, if you
are asleep, wake up; if you are standing, start walking; if you are
walking, set off running; if you are running, take wings and fly. You
can scarcely believe how much I confide in your advice and wisdom, and
above all in your affection and fidelity. The importance of the
interests involved perhaps demands a long disquisition, but the close
union of our hearts is contented with brevity. It is of very great
importance to me that, if you can't be at Rome at the elections, you
should at least be here after his election is declared.[272] Take care
of your health.
[Footnote 272: _I.e._, between the time of his election and of his
entering on his office. The tribunes entered on their office on the 10th
of December; the elections usually took place in July, but were
postponed till October this year by Bibulus. See Letter XLVI, p. 115.]
L (A II, 24)
TO ATTICUS (IN EPIRUS)
ROME (JULY OR AUGUST)
[Sidenote: B.C. 59, ÆT. 47]
In the letter which I delivered to Numestius I begged you to come back,
in the most urgent and vehement terms it was possible to use. To the
speed which I then enjoined even add something if you possibly can. And
yet do not be agitated, for I know you well, and am not ignorant of "how
love is all compact of thought and fear." But the matter, I hope, is
going to be less formidable in the end than it was at its beginning.
That fellow Vettius, our old informer, promised Cæsar, as far as I can
make out, that he would secure young Curio being brought under some
suspicion of guilt. Accordingly, he wormed his way into intimacy with
the young man, and having, as is proved, often met him, at last went the
length of telling him that he had resolved by the help of his slaves to
make an attack upon Pompey and assassinate him. Curio reported this to
his father, the latter to Pompey. The matter was reported to the senate.
Vettius, on being brought in, at first denied that he had ever had any
appointment with Curio. However, he did not long stick to that, but
immediately claimed the protection of the state as giving information.
There was a shout of "no" to this;[273] but he went on to state that
there had been a confederacy of young men under the leadership of Curio,
to which Paullus had at first belonged, and Q. Cæpio (I mean
Brutus[274]) and Lentulus, son of the flamen, with the privity of his
father: that afterwards C. Septimius, secretary to Bibulus, had brought
him a dagger from Bibulus. That made the whole thing ridiculous, as
though Vettius would have been at a loss for a dagger unless the consul
had given him one; and it was all the more scouted because on the 5th of
May Bibulus had told Pompey to be on his guard against plots; on which
occasion Pompey had thanked him. Young Curio, being brought into the
senate, spoke in answer to the allegations of Vettius; and on this
particular occasion the strongest thing against Vettius was his having
said that the plan of the young men was to attack Pompey in the forum,
with the help of Gabinius's gladiators,[275] and that in this the
ring-leader was Paullus, who was ascertained to have been in Macedonia
at that time. A decree of the senate is passed that "Vettius, having
confessed to having 'worn a dagger,'[276] should be cast into prison;
that anyone releasing him would be guilty of treason to the state." The
opinion generally held is that the whole affair had been arranged.
Vettius was to be caught in the forum with a dagger, and his slaves also
with weapons, and he was then to offer to lay an information; and this
would have been carried out, had not the Curios given Pompey previous
information. Presently the decree of the senate was read in public
assembly. Next day, however, Cæsar--the man who formerly as prætor had
bidden Q. Catulus[277] speak on the ground below--now brought Vettius on
to the rostra, and placed him on an elevation to which Bibulus, though
consul, was prevented from aspiring. Here that fellow said exactly what
he chose about public affairs, and, having come there primed and
instructed, first struck Cæpio's name out of his speech, though he had
named him most emphatically in the senate, so that it was easy to see
that a night and a nocturnal intercession[278] had intervened: next he
named certain men on whom he had not cast even the slightest suspicion
in the senate: L. Lucullus, by whom he said that C. Fannius was usually
sent to him--the man who on a former occasion had backed a prosecution
of Clodius; L. Domitius, whose house had been agreed on as the
headquarters of the conspirators. Me he did not _name_, but he said that
"an eloquent consular, who lived near the consul, had said to him that
there was need of some Servilius Ahala or Brutus being found."[279] He
added at the very end, on being recalled by Vatinius after the assembly
had been dismissed, that he had been told by Curio that my son-in-law
Piso was privy to these proceedings, as M. Laterensis also. At present
Vettius is on trial for "violence" before Crassus Dives,[280] and when
condemned he intends to claim the impunity of an informer; and if he
obtains that, there seem likely to be some prosecutions. I don't despise
the danger, for I never despise any danger, but neither do I much fear
it. People indeed shew very great affection for me, but I am quite tired
of life: such a scene of misery is it all. It was only the other day
that we were fearing a massacre, which the speech of that gallant old
man Q. Considius prevented:[281] now this one, which we might have
feared any day, has suddenly turned up. In short, nothing can be more
unfortunate than I, or more fortunate than Catulus, both in the
splendour of his life and in the time of his death. However, in the
midst of these miseries I keep my spirit erect and undismayed, and
maintain my position in a most dignified manner and with great caution.
Pompey bids me have no anxiety about Clodius, and shews the most cordial
goodwill to me in everything he says. I desire to have you to suggest my
policy, to be the partner in my anxieties, and to share my every
thought. Therefore I have commissioned Numestius to urge you, and I now
entreat you with the same or, if possible, greater earnestness, to
literally fly to us. I shall breathe again when I once see you.
[Footnote 273: _Reclamatum est._ The MSS. have _haud reclamatum est_,
"it was not refused."]
[Footnote 274: Marcus Iunius Brutus, the future assassin of Cæsar,
adopted by his uncle, Q. Servilius Cæpio. The father of Lentulus was
_flamen Martialis_ (L. Lentulus), _in Vat._ § 25. Paullus is L. Æmilius
Paullus, consul B.C. 50.]
[Footnote 275: _Cum gladiatoribus._ Others omit _cum_, in which case the
meaning will be "at the gladiatorial shows of Gabinius." As some _date_
is wanted, this is probably right.]
[Footnote 276: Under the _lex de sicariis_ of Sulla carrying a weapon
with felonious intent was a capital crime, for which a man was tried
_inter sicarios_. See 2 _Phil._ §§ 8, 74.]