SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION

A good deal of Eastern Shoshone social organization has already been

described in the section on the subsistence cycle and in the context

of historical data. Although the summer was spent in scattered groups,

the collective buffalo hunt and the large winter camp made these

Shoshone among the best organized of all the Shoshone population.

Horses, a richer game supply, and the constant need for protection

caused the Eastern Shoshone to travel in much larger groups than those

of Nevada and perhaps also of Idaho, and leadership was,

correspondingly, more highly developed. We hear early of the "'Horn

Chief,' a distinguished chief and warrier of the Shoshonee tribe," who

was frequently encountered in the Bear River region (Ferris, 1940, pp.

71-73). Ferris also tells of two other Shoshone chiefs, but does not

localize them or their following (p. 309):

The principal chief of the Snakes is called the "_Iron

Wristband_," a deceitful fellow, who pretends to be a great

friend of the whites, and promises to punish his followers for

killing them or stealing their horses. The "_Little Chief_" a

brave young warrior, is the most noble and honorable character

among them.

Ferris also mentions a Shoshone leader named "Cut Nose," who, he said,

assumed white dress and left the tribe (p. 310).

During the 1840's the name of Washakie is mentioned with increasing

frequency in historical sources and thereafter this chief overshadows

all other leaders. We first hear of him from the trapper Russell who

recorded a conversation at Weber River, Utah, in which the Shoshone

leaders were discussed (Russell, 1921, pp. 114-116).

One remarked that the Snake chief, Pah-da-hewak um da was

becoming very unpopular and it was the opinion of the Snakes in

general that Moh-woom-hah, his brother, would be at the head of

affairs before twelve months, as his village already amounted

to more than three hundred lodges, and, moreover, he was

supported by the bravest men in the nation, among whom were

Ink-a-tosh-a-pop, Fibe-bo-un-to-wat-see and Who-sha-kik, who

were the pillars of the nation and at whose names the Blackfeet

quaked with fear.

The death of the first two brothers in 1842 and 1843 resulted in

considerable disorganization, according to Russell, and "the tribe

scattered in smaller villages over the country in consequence of

having no chief who could control and keep them together" (pp.

145-146).

Washakie is next mentioned in Hamilton's journal as a Shoshone chief

encountered on Wind River (Hamilton, 1905, p. 63). In 1849, Agent

Wilson listed him among the chiefs of the mounted Shoshone (J. Wilson,

1849, p. 1002).

The principal chiefs of the Sho-sho-nies are Mono, about

forty-five years old, so called from a wound in the face or

cheek, from a ball that disfigures him; Wiskin, Cut-hair;

Washikick, Gourd-rattle, (with whom I have had an interview;)

and Oapichi, Big Man. Of the Sho-sho-nees Augatsira is the most

noted.

Washakie maintained good relations with the whites and in 1852

appeared in Salt Lake City to arrange peaceful trade with the Mormons.

Also in 1852, Brigham Young's peace conference between the Ute and

Shoshone included "Anker-howhitch (Arrow-pine being sick) and

thirty-four lodges; on the part of the Shoshones, Wah-sho-kig,

To-ter-mitch, Watchenamp, Ter-ret-e-ma, Pershe-go, and twenty-six

lodges...." (Young, 1852, p. 437). Of these five Shoshone chiefs, only

Washakie is subsequently mentioned in the literature. Brigham Young

apparently recognized Washakie as the leader of the Eastern Shoshone,

for in or about 1854 he sent a Mormon, Bill Hickman, to establish

contact with Washakie in the Green River country (Hickman, 1872, p.

105). Superintendent Forney reported of the Shoshone in 1859 (1860_a_,

p. 731):

One of these [the fourteen bands listed by Forney], by common

consent, is denominated a tribe, and is under the complete

control of Chief Was-a-kee, assisted by four to six sub-chiefs.

These number, at least, twelve hundred.

If this census is accurate, this number must have included most of the

Eastern Shoshone population.

Washakie gained fame as the friend of the white man. This reputation

was well deserved, for the wagon route through southwestern Wyoming

was made quite safe for the emigrants through his efforts.

Furthermore, hostile, predatory bands never developed among the

Eastern Shoshone as they did among the Shoshone and Paiute to the

west. In a report dated February, 1860, Lander observed (1860, p.

121): "No instance is on record of the Eastern Snakes having committed

outrages upon the whites." We obtain a fuller description of Washakie

in the same report (p. 122).

Wash-ikeek, the principal Chief of the tribe, is half Flathead.

He obtained his popularity in the nation by various feats as a

warrior and, it is urged by some of the mountaineers, by his

extreme severity. This has, in one or two instances, extended

so far as taking life. The word Washikee or Washikiek signifies

"Gambler's Gourd." He was originally called "Pina-qua-na" or

"Smell of Sugar." "Push-i-can" or "Pur-chi-can," another war

chief of the Snakes, bears upon his forehead the scar of a blow

of the tomahawk given by Washikee in one of these altercations.

Washikee, who is also known by the term of "the white man's

friend," was many years ago in the employment of the American

and Hudson's Bay Fur Companies. He was the constant companion

of the white trappers, and his superior knowledge and

accomplishments may be attributed to this fact.

Other names than that of Washakie are noted among the lists of chiefs

in Wyoming and Utah during the early 1860's. Among the Indians

reported killed at Bear River in 1863 were Bear Hunter, Sagwich, and

Leight (War of the Rebellion, 1902, p. 187). In the same source, the

chiefs Pocatello and San Pitch were said to be still at large. These

chiefs were usually in Utah and were independent of Washakie's band,

although the relations between Wyoming and Bear River would suggest

considerable interchange, even inseparability, of population. The

virtual impossibility of dividing bands and populations during this

period is indicated by Doty's list of the participants in the Fort

Bridger Treaty of 1863. Doty claimed that between three and four

thousand Indians were represented by the signatories and over one

thousand people were present at the treaty (1865, p. 319):

They are known as Waushakee's band (who is the principal chief

of the nation), Wonapitz's band, Shauwuno's band, Tibagan's

band, Peoastogah's band, Totimee's band, Ashingodimah's band

(he was killed at the battle on Bear River) Sagowitz's band

(wounded at the same battle) Oretzimawik's band, Bazil's band,

Sanpitz's band. The bands of this chief and of Sagowitz were

nearly exterminated in the same battle.

In a later compendium of chiefs Powell and Ingalls listed Sanpits as a

Cache Valley chief over a group of 124, Sai-guits as the leader of 158

Shoshone also in Cache Valley, Tav-i-wun-shean as headman at Bear Lake

with 17 people, and Po-ka-tel-lo as chief over 101 Indians at Goose

Creek (Powell and Ingalls, 1874, p. 419).

Washakie evidently owed his position to a combination of his status as

a war-leader, as a recognized intermediary with the whites, and as an

unusually strong personality. However, as we shall see later, there

were other chiefs among the Wyoming Shoshone, and Washakie's position,

although always strong, was never completely unchallenged. Much of his

strength derived from recognition by the whites, and the government

officials made every effort to bolster Washakie's prestige actively.

Lander, for example, urged: "Any steps which could be taken to augment

the power of Washakee, who is perfectly safe in his attachment to the

Americans and northern mountaineers, would also prove beneficial"

(Lander, 1860, p. 123). Also, Agent Mann reported in 1868 the

deviation of many Shoshone from Washakie's leadership in the following

terms (1869, p. 618):

This diminution of his strength is not satisfactory to

Washakie; hence I have instructed all who have the means and

are not too aged belonging to these bands to follow Washakie,

impressing them with the fact that he alone is recognized as

their head, and assuring them that if they expect to share the

reward they must participate in all dangers incident to the

tribe. [Mann refers to residence on the often attacked Wind

River Reservation.]

This situation grew worse shortly after the treaty. Mann reported in

1869 (1870, p. 716): "A strong party is now separated from Washakie,

and under the leadership of a half-breed, who has always sustained a

good character, but who is, nevertheless, crafty and somewhat

ambitious." Mann's successor. Captain J. H. Patterson, said in the

same year. (Patterson, 1870, p. 717):

Washakie, the head chief, is rapidly losing his influence in

the tribe, though he has yet the larger band under his

immediate command; all or nearly all of the young men are with

the other chiefs. This division looks badly.

He goes on to identify some of these chiefs (ibid.):

Shortly after my arrival [June 24, 1869] Nar-kok's band of

Shoshones came in to receive their goods. Washakie's,

Tab-on-she-ya's, and Bazil's bands were near at hand.

The size of these bands is indicated in the following year, when Agent

Fleming commented that Washakie's people "were joined by Tab-en-shen

and Bazil, with about 64 lodges" (G. W. Fleming, 1871, p. 644).

However, Washakie maintained his position of spokesman for the Eastern

Shoshone. Governor J. A. Campbell claimed in 1870 (1871, p. 639):

Wash-a-kie ... has great influence with his tribe, which I have

endeavored to retain for him by always recognizing him as their

chief, and referring all others of his tribe to him as the only

one through whom I can hold any communication with them.

Wind River Shoshone informants showed more confusion over

chieftainship and patterns of leadership, in general, than on any

other subject. All knew of Washakie and recognized his chieftaincy,

but of those chiefs mentioned in sources confirmation was received

only of Nar-kok, and this from but one informant. Shimkin mentions

four main bands, each with its own chief (1947_a_, p. 247):

The band led by Ta'wunasia would go down the Sweetwater to the

upper North Platte [for the buffalo hunt]. That led by

Di'kandimp went straight east to the Powder River Valley; that

led by No'oki skirted the base of the Big Horn Mountains,

passing through Crow territory, then swung south again to the

Powder River Valley. Washakie ascended Big Wind River, and then

crossed the divide to winter near the headquarters of the

Greybull.

Except for Washakie, No'oki was the only one of the above chiefs given

also by our informants. Parenthetically, it should be emphasized that

most of our informants stated that all the Eastern Shoshone hunted

buffalo together for self-protection. The preceding historical

account also suggests that Shimkin's data do not represent a stable

traditional pattern, since the Plains were almost untenable until

after the treaty, except for short hunts in strength.

The following is a list of Wind River chiefs in the early reservation

period, as given by informants. It should be remembered that a man

might have more than one name, and phonetic transcriptions usually

vary according to the recorder (and the informant).

Wantsea

Wanhi (Wantni)

Ohata (Ohotwe)

Dupeshipoeoi (Dupishibowoi)

Dabunesiu

Bohowansiye (Bohowosa)

Witungak

Doenotsi

Noki (No'oki of Shimkin)

Wohowat

Yohodoekatsi

Noiohugo

Tagi

Tishawa

Wahawiichi

Sunup

Nakok (Narkok)

Washakie was mentioned by most informants as the head chief of the

Eastern Shoshone. One old woman, however, said that he was more of a

chief in the eyes of the whites than among the Shoshone; another

commented that there were many chiefs, but that only Washakie was

known by the whites. Washakie's most important function was to

represent the Shoshone before the whites; this is understandable since

the whites would deal with nobody else.

It was also commonly agreed that Washakie led the collective buffalo

hunt, although the oldest man on the reservation claimed that there

were many chiefs and that there was no special leader for the buffalo

hunt. Informants said, furthermore, that the head chief acted as such

only during those times of the year when all the people were together.

Some stated that he directed them to the winter encampment and told

them where to go in springtime and summer. Washakie was said to have

acted at these times in council with the lesser chiefs and decisions

were made known to the camp through an announcer. One informant said

that Noki (No'oki) acted as announcer. The statement that Washakie

assigned summer hunting areas to bands is undoubtedly erroneous, for

it conflicts with the testimony of most informants that each group

went where it chose.

There was also disagreement on the extent of Washakie's influence.

According to some informants, the term "Buffalo Eaters," as applied to

Washakie's Wind River band, did not denote the people in the Green

River country. Wanhi was said to be the chief of the people in the

Fort Bridger area and not Washakie, who was chief only in Wind River.

This division probably refers to the split between those who chose to

settle on the reservation and those who did not.

Despite considerable confusion about the role of the subchiefs, or

lesser chiefs, they appear to have been men of prestige who had their

own small following, although they recognized the personal influence

of Washakie during large gatherings and general band endeavors. When

not on the buffalo hunt or in winter camp these smaller groups of

families, led by one or two of the minor leaders, functioned

autonomously. Their itineraries and activities have already been

described.

The small band was undoubtedly a much more basic unit in Eastern

Shoshone society than the "tribe" as a whole. Intermarriage linked the

small camp groups, although one could marry into his own unit if

incest rules, as determined by kinship bonds, were not violated.

There was no obligatory rule of residence, but the couple more

frequently resided after marriage with the bride's family. This was

not necessarily a permanent arrangement, and visits were made to the

families of either mate for extended periods. This, combined with

individual freedom of choice of band membership, caused affiliations

to be shifting and fluid. Ultimately these Shoshone were bilocal and

neolocal. As has been said, the bands were not territory-owning units,

and their chief functions were to provide economic cooperation and

defense against enemies.

Leadership was an attained status and was not transmitted by descent.

Raynolds, however, refers to Cut-Nose as being the "hereditary chief

of the Snakes," according to information received from Jim Bridger

(Raynolds, 1868, p. 95), and the reservation chieftaincy passed

patrilineally in Washakie's family until the Reorganization Act

established the tribal council. However, all informants agreed that

one became a chief owing to merit--primarily through renown as a

warrior. That the chieftaincy was neither inherited nor permanent is

indicated by the proliferation of chiefs' names in historical sources.

Except for such figures as Washakie and Pocatello, a chief is rarely

mentioned twice, and it can be hypothesized that many were the leaders

of ephemeral predatory bands that arose for specific purposes of

defense or agression against the whites and dissolved shortly after

the period of emergency passed. Finally, any man who had achieved

renown and prestige or was the leader of a camp group, was known as a

"chief," for the lack of institutionalization and formalization of the

office made its tenure most nebulous.

It was not even necessary that a Shoshone chief be a Shoshone. During

1858, we hear of a Delaware Indian named Ben Simons, undoubtedly a

former fur trapper, who was at the head of some 150-400 Shoshone on

the upper Bear River (Gove, 1928, pp. 133, 146, 277). And Washakie,

himself, was born into the Flathead tribe. Washakie's Flathead father

was killed by the Blackfoot, and his mother sought refuge with the

Lemhi River Shoshone of Idaho. He eventually gained renown in the

Green and Bear River country as a warrior and attained his final

position as a successful mediator with the whites.

Finally, Washakie's career gives additional evidence that there were

no hard and fast lines between the so-called "Eastern Shoshone" and

other Shoshone groups. Washakie's wanderings, according to Wilson,

took him into Utah, Idaho, and Montana (E. N. Wilson, 1926, pp.

68-73). This was consistent with the general Shoshone pattern of

visiting between areas for short or extended periods. The unique

character of Washakie's leadership can best be explained in terms of

contact with the whites and the Shoshones' need to expand into the

buffalo grounds east of the Rocky Mountains. First, Washakie united

and represented all those Shoshone who did not choose to join their

fellows in northern Utah and southern Idaho in hostilities against the

whites. Second, Washakie was an able and vigorous war leader under

whom the embattled Shoshone could rally. Although at no time a

separate, territorially distinct and exclusive group, the Eastern

Shoshone evidently became somewhat differentiated from their people to

the west by the latter's long distance from the shrinking buffalo

grounds and by their distaste for the warlike activities of their Utah

and Idaho fellows. The Eastern Shoshone, however, did not attempt to

maintain the area over which they roamed to the exclusion of other

Shoshone and of the Bannock. Their neighbors and colinguists to the

west, if they were properly mounted, could and did join with them in

buffalo hunting.

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