I immediately dropped everything else, and addressed myself to writing

that appeal unto Cæsar. In it I referred to the sanction of the Siamese

government to the establishment of the mission, given after the

interview with Prince Kāwilōrot at Wat Chêng, and subsequently renewed

on the appointment of his successor, Prince Intanon. I was very careful

not only to exonerate the latter from all blame, but also highly to

commend both him and his Princess for their uniform kindness, and for

their sympathy in this particular emergency. But the act of the Chao

Uparāt was, no doubt, only the beginning of what he would do if he were

not restrained. It was evidently his intention to reduce to slavery a

family that had always been free. In behalf of his loyal Christian

subjects we begged His Majesty to guarantee to them the same privileges,

civil and religious, which his other subjects enjoyed, among which

surely was the right to be married according to the ceremony of their

own religion. One request I put in with some misgiving—that the

Christians might be exempted from compulsory work on the Sabbath;

otherwise that point might always be used to create difficulty when the

master was hostile. While thus making our appeal to man, importunate

prayer was continually offered to Him who had been our help in times

past.

It was very necessary that the appeal should go as the joint action of

the mission as then constituted. I was aware that Dr. Cheek, the only

other member of the mission then on the ground, did not enter heartily

into the appeal. He was fearful that it would only make bad worse; that

it would give offence to the Lāo rulers, and possibly to the Siamese as

well. But as regards the Lāo, matters had already reached an extremity

in the case of the one who really ruled the country. And as to the

Siamese, our only human hope was in the King. So, when my paper was

finished, I took it to Dr. Cheek, and read it over to him. He listened

very attentively to the reading, and at its close I was delighted to

hear him say, “That seems all right.” After a few clerical alterations

which he suggested, we both signed the paper. A summary of it was read

to the Commissioner, and was afterwards enclosed by him with his

despatches. Our appeal to the King of Siam had, of course, to be made

through the United States Consul, Colonel Sickels. Our letter to the

King was, therefore, sent unsealed under cover to the Consul, so that he

might read it; and with it went a letter giving him a full account of

all the particulars of the case, and urging him to use his influence,

both personal and official, on our behalf. The whole was entrusted to a

special messenger in a swift boat, with instructions to make all

possible speed.

Having done our best, we waited prayerfully and hopefully. But the

greatness of the issue involved made us anxious. The liberal policy of

the young King was not then so well known as it became later. One could

not be absolutely certain how even our Consul would regard it. We

trusted, however, to the friendship of the Foreign Minister, who had

invited me to Pechaburī, and who had always been our true friend. No one

of all these persons concerned disappointed our expectations, or even

our hopes.

Colonel Sickels acted with commendable despatch. He was favoured in

securing an audience without the usual formalities. At that time His

Majesty had a regular day each week when his subjects and others might

approach him informally in his summer garden with petitions on urgent

business. Our appeal was presented to him there. He was already aware of

its nature through the Commissioner’s despatches. Anxiety with regard to

the political situation in the North no doubt prompted him to a decisive

assertion of authority in this matter as well. His Majesty informed the

Consul that his government had already reached a decision favourable to

our request, and that full religious toleration was to be proclaimed.

The courier returned with unwonted speed, reaching Chiengmai on Sunday,

September 29th. Late in the afternoon of that day the Commissioner

notified me of the arrival of despatches. Next morning I called upon

him. He was radiant with joy. All his own requests had been granted, and

enlarged powers had been given him, including power to make proclamation

of religious toleration in all the Lāo states. He seemed as much

delighted with our success as with his own. He said that he had already

notified the princes and officials to call in the afternoon, and he

would then inform them of the result. Of course, our hearts were

overflowing with gratitude.

At the appointed hour the Prince, the Chao Uparāt, and all the high

officials were assembled. When the order for the proclamation was made

known, some of them made a final personal appeal to him to stay

proceedings. They argued that unrestricted permission to become

Christians would be the ruin of the country. To understand the force of

this objection it must be remembered that among the Lāo, breach of the

Seventh Commandment was punished, not by civil or criminal procedure,

but by a “spirit-fine” paid to the patriarch of the woman’s family. It

was argued that if Christian young men should transgress with Lāo girls

or women, under the new régime, no fine could be imposed, and there

would be no redress whatever. The Commissioner then sent a messenger,

asking me to come to the audience. The scene, as I entered, reminded me

of that other notable audience with Prince Kāwilōrot and another

Commissioner. The Commissioner stated their objection, and asked me what

I had to say. I replied that the difficulty was purely an imaginary one.

In the first place, it was a cardinal doctrine of the church to forbid

such sins. In the second place, if a professed Christian violated his

vows, he made himself amenable to the discipline of the church, and so

put himself beyond its protection. The Commissioner said, “I have

already so answered, but I wanted those who are present to hear it from

the teacher himself.” To this no reply was made. After a short pause the

Commissioner broke the silence. With a gesture to the audience, he said

that the business was ended. When he had leisure, the Edict would be

issued. One after another the assembled princes and officials retired.

On my way home I noticed that the Chao Uparāt had stopped at his little

sālā beside the river, the same that Nān Inta had been set to watch. To

show that I had no personal grudge, I stopped to call on him. Rising, he

gave me a more respectful welcome than usual, and ordered a foreign rug

to be spread—the respectful way of receiving guests before the day of

chairs. When I was seated he asked why I had made complaint against him

to Bangkok—he was very sore at heart about it. I replied that I was

sorry, indeed, to be obliged to do it. Did he not remember how I had

told him that we could not submit to his decision; how I had even

entreated him not to force us to appeal to the King? And I could not

appeal without giving the facts as my ground for so doing. But now I

hoped that bygones might be bygones, and that we might be friends.—The

fact was that my letter had been translated in Bangkok, sent back to

Chiengmai, and had been read at the audience before my arrival. But I

never before had such a reception from the Uparāt.

The wording of the proclamation was left to the Commissioner. If he had

been hostile, or even indifferent, its effect might easily have been

neutralized by a little vagueness or ambiguity. But he was anxious to

have the matter settled decisively. When I took my leave of him that

morning, he promised to show me the draft of the proclamation before he

should affix his seal. When I saw it, there were only a few verbal

changes to suggest. It was a general permission to the Lāo to adopt any

religion they pleased. I suggested that since it was specifically

granted in the interest of Christians, it was desirable that

Christianity be specifically named—which was done. At my request two

extra copies of the proclamation were made with the official seals

attached; one for deposit in our safe, and one that might be read to the

people. The following is a literal translation of this famous document:

I Prayā Tēp Worachun, Representative of His Majesty the Supreme

King of Siam in Chiengmai, Lampūn, and Lakawn, hereby make

proclamation to the Princes, Rulers, and Officers of various

grades, and to the common people in the cities and provinces

named:—That His Majesty the King of Siam has been graciously

pleased to send me a Royal Letter under the Royal Seal, to the

effect that D. B. Sickels, Esqr., United States Consul, had

communicated to the Foreign Minister of Siam a complaint signed

by Rev. D. McGilvary and Dr. M. A. Cheek against certain parties

for molesting the Christians and compelling them to observe

their old religious customs. The Foreign Minister laid the

subject before His Majesty, who most graciously listened to the

said complaint, and gave the following Royal Command in

reference to the same:—

That religious and civil duties do not come in conflict. That

whoever wishes to embrace any religion after seeing that it is

true and proper to be embraced, is allowed to do so without any

restriction. That the responsibility for a right or a wrong

choice rests on the individual making the choice. That there is

nothing in the laws and customs of Siam, nor in its foreign

treaties, to throw any restriction on the religious worship and

service of any one.

To be more specific:—If any person or persons wish to embrace

the Christian Religion, they are freely permitted to follow

their own choice.

This Proclamation is to certify that from this time forth all

persons are permitted to follow the dictates of their own

conscience in all matters of religious belief and practice.

It is moreover strictly enjoined on Princes and Rulers, and on

relatives and friends of those who wish to become Christians,

that they throw no obstacles in their way, and that no one

enforce any creed or work which their religion forbids them to

hold or to do—such as the worship and feasting of demons, and

working on the Sabbath day, except in the case of war and other

great unavoidable works, which, however, must not be a mere

pretence, but really important. Be it further observed that they

are to have free and unobstructed observance of the Sabbath day.

And no obstacle is to be thrown in the way of American citizens

employing such persons as they may need, since such would be a

breach of the treaty between the two countries.

Whenever this Proclamation is made known to the Princes and

Rulers and Officers and People, they are to beware and violate

no precept contained therein.

Proclamation made on the Thirteenth Day of the Eleventh waxing

Moon, in the Eleventh Year of His Majesty’s Reign, October the

Eighth, Eighteen Hundred and Seventy-Eight.

The Edict furnishes a second natural division in the history of the Lāo

mission. Its first period was one of struggle for its very existence,

culminating in positive prohibition to preach the gospel and virtual

expulsion of the missionaries. That situation was abruptly brought to an

end by the death of Prince Kāwilōrot and the appointment of his

son-in-law, Prince Intanon. In our second period of struggle, the

conclusion of which we have just witnessed, the conditions were in many

respects similar to those of the first. Our chief antagonists in the two

contests were alike in their love of absolute power, in their

determination to break down all rival influences, and alike, therefore,

in their settled hostility to our work. In neither case was their

antagonism to Christianity primarily on religious grounds. But Kāwilōrot

was of much more imposing personality and figure than the Uparāt.

Within his own realm Kāwilōrot was really “Lord of Life.” He was

absolute head both of church and of state. He brooked no rival and no

contradiction in either. The highest positions in the religious

hierarchy were bestowed or withdrawn at his pleasure. His own

brothers-in-law languished in exile in Siam, because it was not thought

safe for them to return and be within his reach. At home he had

vanquished or terrified into submission all possible rivals. Even the

court of Siam seemed inspired with a wholesome fear of meddling with

him. The crime of the first Christians was the unpardonable one that

they had dared to become such against the will of Kāwilōrot. But the

time and place for such rulers had passed. Such attitude and temper

suited neither a position under superior authority, nor the policy of a

government striving to rise with the progress of the age. But he served

his purpose in the world, and Providence used him.

Of his titular successor, Prince Intanon, and of his noble wife, I have

already spoken. His real successor in the government of the land, and in

his championship of the old régime of feudal autocracy, was the Chao

Uparāt. But he had neither the commanding dignity of Kāwilōrot nor his

interesting personality;—had little, in fact, of any of his qualities

save his lodged and settled hatred of all innovation. For him we had

none of a certain kind of respect which the late Prince inspired; and we

were under no constraint of gratitude for favours. The only debt of

gratitude the mission owed him was for being, by his lawless acts, the

unwitting and unwilling cause of the proclamation of religious freedom.

But the crisis which he precipitated hastened likewise that

centralization of government which Siam was waiting for. The tendency of

the age is everywhere toward centralization. Strong central governments

are everywhere taking the place of weak and scattered ones. Chiengmai

itself and all the existing Lāo states have grown by the capture and

absorption of their weaker, though by no means insignificant,

neighbours. The authority and fear of Siam had long been felt indirectly

in preventing those petty wars in which one weak state captured and

enslaved another. That authority was now to be exerted more directly to

bring to an end the era of arbitrary, personal, autocratic rule among

its dependencies, and to establish in its place the more equal and

stable reign of law. Feudalism with its “organized anarchy” was to give

way to the Nation.

Such was the period at which we have arrived in this narrative of our

life and work in the Lāo states. It is a wonderful thing to have lived

through such a series of changes, and possibly to have been, under

Providence, the means of bringing some of them about. We work for an end

apparent to ourselves; but God’s designs are deeper and broader than

ours. “He maketh the wrath of man to praise Him.” Of nations, as well as

of individuals, is it true that

“There’s a divinity that shapes our ends,

Rough-hew them how we will.”

Among the Christians the Edict, of course, was greeted with an outburst

of joy. To Nān Inta it was like life from the dead. It was in reality

freedom from slavery. And no man made such efficient use of it as he

did. With the sealed copy of the Edict in his hand, he returned to his

village; and wherever he went he could assure the people, on the faith

of his Sovereign, that a profession of the “Jesus-religion” meant

neither the ruffian’s club nor slavery. The effects of the Edict upon

the church will be traced in its future growth as our story moves on. I

may venture, however, to anticipate so much—that within two years’ time

two of our strongest village churches were organized; one of them in Nān

Inta’s own village. Neither of these churches could have existed had not

the Uparāt’s power been abridged.

To the country, the new authority conferred on the High Commissioner at

that time has resulted in a revolution as silent and as effectual as the

change of the seasons. His new title, Pū Samret Rāchakān—he who fulfills

the King’s work—was used, I believe, for the first time in that

proclamation; and it really marked the passing of the sceptre from the

hands of the Princes of Chiengmai. The titular Chao Chīwit—Lord of

Life—was allowed to retain his title and honours during his lifetime;

but he has had no successor. The Lāo country has ceased to be either a

feudal dependency or a separate “buffer-state.” Silently—almost

imperceptibly—it has become an integral portion of the consolidated

Kingdom of Siam. Autocratic rule has everywhere ceased. And all these

changes are directly in line with the civilization of the age.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

XX

SCHOOLS—THE NINE YEARS’ WANDERER

The year 1879 opened auspiciously. In March a little variety was

introduced into our secluded life by an official visit to Chiengmai of

Major Street, the British Commissioner at Maulmein. He and his party

arrived quite unexpectedly, spent a week in the city, and attended an

English service at the mission on Sunday. We met them a number of times,

both socially and at official dinners. They strengthened the position of

the Commissioner, and did us all good. But at that time we were

anxiously awaiting another arrival, in which we were more intimately

concerned. Mr. Wilson, who had been for two and a half years absent on

furlough, was daily expected, and with him were our long-looked-for

teachers for the Girls’ School.

The party was to arrive on April 9th. To please the three children and

myself, on the afternoon of the 8th we four started down the river in a

small boat to meet and welcome them. But the river was low, and we had

not yet reached them when darkness came on and we were obliged to seek

moorings. When, at last, we got ashore, we learned to our great joy that

the mission boats were moored only a few hundred yards below, in the

same bend of the river. We all walked down in the moonlight, and

presently spied their lights close at hand. The young ladies had retired

to read, but not to sleep. The meeting by moonlight at the river’s brink

was quite romantic. We talked till ten o’clock, though Mr. Wilson was so

hoarse that he could scarcely speak. At daybreak our fleet was under

way. We had a jolly breakfast together on board—our visitors at their

little table, and we on the deck. We then visited hard again until noon;

but it was two o’clock before we caught sight of the mission premises,

with the native Christians all waiting to greet the arrivals, old and

new.

The High Commissioner, a few days later, gave a dinner to the mission,

saying in the note of invitation that it was in honour of the young

ladies, for the boldness and piety that enabled them to leave their

fathers and mothers, and come so far to teach his people. When notified

of their arrival, the Princess sent down carriages and had us all up to

call on her. She was delighted to welcome the young ladies, and was

interested in the school.

* * * * *

The Siamese and the Lāo tongues are two closely related branches of the

same linguistic stock. The idiom and the great body of common words are

nearly the same in the two, differing, where they do differ, chiefly in

accent and intonation. Siamese is, of course, the speech of the ruling

race throughout the Siamese kingdom; and even at the time of which we

are speaking it was easy to foresee that the local dialect of its

northern provinces must eventually give way before it, especially for

all official and literary purposes. The chief obstacle in the way of a

speedy victory for the Siamese has been the fact that the Lāo is written

in a wholly different character. Were the two alike in this respect,

there is no doubt that the standard form of speech would take the place

of the dialectal almost without notice.

Of necessity all teaching so far attempted had been in the Siamese.

There was not a schoolbook in the Lāo character save the spelling

tables. When these had been mastered, there was no reading-book in Lāo

that could be put into the hands of the pupils; nor was there prospect

of any such being printed for years to come. On the other hand, in the

Siamese character there was a considerable Christian literature in

print, both religious and general, already available for purposes of

education. Our pupils, moreover, had all been girls; and almost no Lāo

women at that time could read writing in any character. It was,

therefore, not only much simpler, but quite as well for them on other

accounts, to learn the Siamese character from the start.

Now, however, when we were arrived at the establishment of regular

schools with a permanent organization and policy, the question could no

longer be postponed, In which language shall instruction be given? It

was not an easy question to decide. With regard to it there was

difference of opinion among the missionaries, both old and new. On the

one hand, it was urged, that since ours was a Lāo mission, the Lāo

should, of course, be the language of the schools. On the other hand

were pointed out the greater scope and availability of the Siamese, its

assured supremacy, and the dwindling future of the Lāo throughout the

territory of Siam. The matter at last was compromised by continuing the

Siamese in the Girls’ School, and adopting the Lāo for the boys.

Meantime it was desirable to have some portions of the Scriptures in the

Lāo character; and, to accomplish this, the first requisite was a font

of Lāo type. To this end, on my first furlough in 1873, I went from

North Carolina to New York, and not only spent some time, but was at

some personal expense, in the effort to secure such a font. The American

Bible Society voted a liberal sum for the purpose. But there turned out

to be some mechanical difficulties to be overcome in making and using

the type, which were beyond my skill to solve. So, lest the attempt

should fail in my hands, I gave it up. And having accomplished nothing,

I presented no bill of expense either to the Bible Society or to the

Board.

There seemed, indeed, to be some fatality attending our efforts in this

direction. Mr. Wilson, on the furlough from which he was but now

returned, had gone further. He actually succeeded in getting a font of

Lāo type. But the whole of it was lost, and never reached the

mission.[11] It was not until Dr. Peoples’ furlough in 1889 that we

succeeded in getting our present type. Meanwhile we had used the Siamese

Scriptures, with some present disadvantages, indeed, but with some

advantages as well. Some of our first Christians were attracted to our

religion by their desire to learn Siamese; and the Siamese Bible and

catechism were our textbooks. And now, under Siamese rule, knowledge of

the Siamese opens the way to promotion in the government service.

Siamese alone is taught in the government schools. Young monks are more

eager to study Siamese than their own tongue.

Footnote 11:

Mr. Wilson brought only a few specimens with him. He writes:—“The rest

of the type was to be boxed up and sent to Mr. Cutter, and the boxes

were to be put away in the store-room of the Mission Rooms at 23

Centre Street, and forwarded when called for. They must have been lost

when the Board moved from 23 Centre Street to the Lenox property, and

then to 156 Fifth Avenue.”

But the important thing, after all, was that we had a school actually

begun, and that there was teaching in _both_ dialects. It was like a new

beginning of our work under conditions more favourable than at the

first. For twelve years it had been a hard, and, sometimes, an

apparently hopeless struggle. But the history of missions affords many

similar instances with even fewer visible results. In twelve years we

had gathered forty converts into the church. Some of these were among

the most useful we have ever had in the history of the mission. It is

hard to estimate rightly the importance of work spent on the foundations

of such an enterprise. But now, with that church organized, with the

medical work well established, the evangelistic work strengthened, and

the initial school, begun long before by Mrs. McGilvary, placed on a

permanent basis, we could write in large letters on our altar,

“Jehovah-Nissi”—Jehovah our banner.

* * * * *

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