DEAR SIR:

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[Illustration]

Notes of a Staff Officer

of our

First New Jersey Brigade

on the

Seven Day's Battle on the

Peninsula in 1862

by

E. Burd Grubb

Brevet Brigadier General U. S. Volunteers

MOORESTOWN, N. J.

MOORESTOWN PRINTING CO.

1910.

The Seven Day's Battle on the Peninsula

as Seen by a Lieutenant on the Staff

Camille Baquet, Esq.,

Historian of First New Jersey Brigade,

Elizabeth, N. J.

DEAR SIR:

In accordance with your request I give you herewith my recollections of

the Battle of Gaines' Mills. In order to give a minute description of

this battle, it may be well to describe where the New Jersey Brigade

started from to go into it, and how it came to be where it did start

from.

The Brigade had been at the village of Mechanicsville about three and a

half miles from Richmond on the northern side of the Chickahominy during

the latter part of the month of May. It was moved up from Mechanicsville

about a mile and a half west up the Chickahominy near the Meadow Bridge,

but was not on picket at that bridge when Fitzhugh Lee's cavalry

attacked the picket of the United States Cavalry commanded by Captain

Royal and killed a number of his men and desperately wounded that

officer. Captain Royal was well known in Burlington, New Jersey, he

having married a sister of Admiral John Howell of that city.

The brigade was withdrawn soon after that and moved down the

Chickahominy taking the road on top of the northern ridge and stopping

near Dr. Gaines' house.

On the 31st of May the brigade was under orders to move at a moment's

notice and the Battle of Fair Oaks was in progress on the southern side

of the river. Part of it could be seen and a good deal of it heard.

On the morning of the first of June the brigade moved down across the

Chickahominy and out on the battle field of Fair Oaks. General Taylor

informed me that we had been held in reserve through the morning and

were considered the support of the second line. We were not engaged

because the fight was practically over before we reached the field, but

Captain George Wood, whose mother lived next to my father's house in

Burlington and who was captain in a Pennsylvania regiment, was carried

by and spoke to me while I was sitting on my horse with General Taylor

at the edge of the battle field. Captain Wood was shot through the leg.

The brigade was encamped on this battle field along the eastern side of

the road running to Richmond, having crossed on what was known as the

Grapevine Bridge, across the Chickahominy, and while there I visited the

Second Brigade, many of whom, particularly in the Fifth Regiment, came

from Burlington. George Burling, afterwards Gen. Burling, commanded a

regiment. They had had a very desperate fight and many of them had been

killed and wounded. They were camped directly on the spot where they had

fought, and for many reasons it was the most disagreeable camp I ever

saw, dead men and dead horses having been only covered with perhaps six

inches or a foot of earth and the stench and the flies exceeded anything

I ever saw before or since. We remained here until the morning of the

27th of June. All through the afternoon of the 26th up to nine o'clock

that night there had been a heavy battle raging at and around

Mechanicsville and the roar of the guns and the flashes of the shells

had been very continuous. Early in the morning of the 27th the brigade

was moved down with the rest of Slocum's division near the Grapevine

Bridge and over the small hill from which the north side of the

Chickahominy River could be very well seen.

It is my recollection that the tents which were of course shelter tents,

and the knap-sacks of all the brigade, were left in the camp when we

moved out that morning and the reason I think so is because I was in

charge of the detail which buried the knap-sacks of the entire Fourth

Regiment which were in their camp when we returned late on the night of

the 27th after the battle. These knap-sacks were buried on the morning

of the 28th of June, 1862, and while I have never been at the place

since, although I have visited the battle field of Gaines' Mills twice,

I have always thought that I could find this place. If the members of

the Fourth Regiment have not already done so, of this I do not know.

About eight o'clock in the morning General Taylor directed me to go over

the river and get some idea of the topography of the ground upon which

we would probably fight. After crossing the river, riding across, I went

to the westward, crossing a field or two, and came to a barn on the top

of which were some signal officers, one of whom I knew, he being from my

own regiment. He asked me to come up on top of the barn, and I climbed

up and from there about half a mile away through a small gap in the

woods, I watched a solid column of the enemy passing from left to right,

until I was sure that a very heavy body of infantry was making that

movement, I then went to the northwestward until I came to our line of

battle. The men were lying down along the edge of the pine woods and so

far as I saw, there was no rifle pit or attempt of any shelter of that

kind, I rode along for certainly the length of the entire division and

got a fair idea of the lay of the land, and I saw a place which has

considerable to do with my account of this battle. It was a swale or

shallow ravine possibly, where it came through the pine woods, about six

feet deep and one hundred feet wide. On the northwest side of it there

was a peach orchard and high grass and from the configuration of the

country, I judged that the swale was formed from the water wash through

that orchard towards the Chickahominy. There was no creek or rivulet

going through it, but there was quite a deep ditch running along in the

fields to the eastward perpendicular to the direction of the swale. Our

line of battle was not in the ditch but considerably to the westward of

it, say one hundred and fifty yards, I do not remember what troops were

there, but I think that at least some of them were Regulars. My reason

for thinking so is because I spoke to and saw regular officers whom I

knew. The line of battle was not extended across this swale when I saw

it in the morning, nor was it in the afternoon when I saw it again. I

extended my observations along the line of battle for probably a mile to

which this swale was nearly a central point. I made careful observations

because I could not tell where our brigade would go in. I made a pencil

sketch of the line as it appeared to me and returned to General Taylor

with as much information as I could give him together with the sketch.

The swale and ditch were marked upon the sketch as was also the barn

where the signal officers were, and the general direction and the

distance from the bridge head as near as I could give it. I do not know

why it occurred to me that the course of the brigade should be to the

left after we crossed the bridge, but it was so, and the reason I did

think so was because I saw immediately that that was the weakest part of

our line of battle.

About two o'clock in the afternoon we had not yet crossed the bridge. It

will be remembered that one of the names of this battle of Gaines'

Mills, is the "noiseless battle." A four o'clock in the afternoon there

were nearly sixty thousand men engaged, having a great number of

cannon, firing an immense number of cartridges, (of course at that time

loaded with black noisy powder) and it is a fact that persons within two

miles of that battle never heard a sound of it. Ordinarily the noise of

that battle would easily have been heard for fifty miles.

I remember afterwards that although the smoke of the guns and of the

musketry and the bursting of the shells in the air was distinctly

visible to all of us; yet there was exceedingly little or no noise where

we were until after we crossed the bridge, although we were within

three-quarters of a mile from where the battle was going on.

I think there are only one or two occasions in the history of the world

in which such peculiar conditions of the atmosphere existed at the time

of battle. About three o'clock one of General Slocum's aides came to

General Taylor with orders to cross the bridge at once, we moved down

and crossed, and were directed to move obliquely to the left and take

position in a large field which was a clover field, in echelon. The

battalions were closed in mass on the centre with intervals of one

hundred and twenty paces between the battalions. The Fourth Regiment was

the left rear echelon; the Third was the next; then the Second; then the

First. The field was a very large one and sloped both ways, first the

rise from the river to the top of it, then a slope towards the pine

woods which I have spoken of on the northern side. In forming the

echelon, all the brigade passed over the crest of the hill. As soon as

the brigade was in this position General Taylor ordered arms in place

rest.

In front of us and about five hundred yards away there was going on a

very severe battle, and many bullets came up from the woods and some

cannon balls and shells. In a few moments the General sent orders to the

brigade to lie down. Just as we came into position, a brigade which had

been fighting in the woods right in front of us and which contained

Duryea's Regiment of Zouaves of New York, fell back out of the woods not

in very much disorder, but breaking both to the right and left. Their

place was taken by Sykes' Brigade of the regular army which passed into

their place coming from the left and which went into position just about

the time that our men lay down on the hill. The regulars took up a fight

which commenced to rage again with great fury; their line pressed into

the woods and disappeared from our sight. The bullets commenced to come

out of the woods and come in where we were in a very disagreeable

manner, which I distinctly remember, as I sat on my horse with much

more apparent coolness than I really felt, alongside of the General who

certainly was very cool. In a few moments a very great many wounded men

began to come back from the woods, some being carried, some being

assisted, and some limping back themselves; and before very long an aide

of General Slocum's came to General Taylor and ordered him to put his

brigade in line of battle and advance. At this moment an incident

occurred of which I was personally cognizant and part of which I was an

eye witness to. I may digress here for a moment, and say that on the

crest of the hill of which I have spoken and which we passed, lying

between the Fourth and the Third Regiments, was a battery of seven

machine guns, the first that were ever tried in battle, I believe, and

the only ones I think at that time in any army of the world. They were

called the "Union Coffee Mill Guns" and consisted of a single rifle

barrel with an arrangement like a hopper at the butt of the barrel, into

which cartridges were put, and the turning of a crank did the rest. I

have also called to mind the fact that at the battle of Gaines' Mills

the first New Jersey Brigade used a cartridge in which the powder and

ball were enclosed together in some inflammable paper, it not being

necessary to bite the cartridge but merely to put it in the rifle and

ram down. I do not think they were ever used after the Peninsula

Campaign, but the brigade was furnished with from sixty to eighty of

these cartridges per man at the battle of Gaines' Mills, I think the

"Union Coffee Mill Guns" had this same kind of a cartridge, but I am not

sure of this.

Sergeant Dalzell of the Third New Jersey Regiment in the writhings of

this battle was for a time in charge of this battery and I think that

finally all the guns were lost. The reason that I speak about this

battery so particularly is because it was at a trial of these machine

guns some weeks previous at which I was present, by General Taylor's

orders, I met for the first time the two French officers now known as

the Comte de Paris, the Bourbon Pretender to the throne of France, and

his cousin the Duke de Chartres. These officers I subsequently met on

several occasions when I was sent with messages from General Taylor to

General McClellan while the brigade occupied the extreme right of the

army above Mechanicsville near the Meadow Bridge. I knew them by sight

and from introduction and they did not very much resemble each other.

Immediately after General Slocum's aide had given orders to General

Taylor to advance his brigade and before the brigade had gotten into

line of battle from the massed formation, an officer riding very fast

and coming down the line from the east rode up to General Taylor and

commenced speaking to him very rapidly in French (both of these officers

whom I have mentioned spoke English perfectly well). General Taylor

neither spoke nor understood French, and he turned to me and said: "Who

the devil is this, and what is he talking about?" I said to him: "This

is the Comte de Paris serving on General McClellan's staff, and he has

come to you by General Porter's orders under which you are to give him

one of our regiments." General Taylor said to me. "Do you know him?" I

said, "Yes, sir, I do." He said: "Very well, then give him the Fourth

Regiment and go and see where he puts it and come back and report."

These last few words saved me a trip to Libby Prison. We started up at

once after the Fourth Regiment where we arrived in a few jumps of our

horses. The French officer was a good deal excited. He was a young man

probably about twenty-five or six years of age. I do not think that he

said anything to me as we were riding, but I do remember that his horse

shied at a dead man who lay in our way and very nearly threw him over

his head. Arrived at the Fourth Regiment whose Colonel Simpson, a West

Point officer, was just beginning to form his line of battle. I

introduced him. Colonel Simpson spoke French very well and their

conversation was in French. I understood it and heard him tell Col.

Simpson just what I had told General Taylor and he said that if Col.

Simpson would get his regiment in columns of fours he would conduct him

where he wanted to go. The regiment was put into columns of fours and

went off to the left front with Col. Simpson, the French officer and

myself riding at the head of it, Col. Simpson on the left of us and the

French officer between us. We had not gone far before I saw that we were

approaching the swale that I have spoken of before, and soon we arrived

at it. To my great surprise there was no more line of battle there than

there was in the morning, although there was a very heavy battle going

on on the right on the eastern side of this swale. My recollection is

that there was not much going on on the left or western side, but I

cannot say that I remember distinctly about that. At the mouth of this

swale, apparently waiting for the Fourth Regiment, was the Eleventh

Pennsylvania Regiment also in columns and also apparently under the

orders of this French officer; for as soon as the Fourth came up both

regiments moved off together through this swale. The rest of this is

soon told. The last I saw of the French officer and Col. Simpson and

the right of that regiment was a swarm of grey coated soldiers with

their rifles in their hands within no more than thirty yards from us,

and with General Taylor's words in my ears to "Come back and report," I

lay flat down on my horse, put both spurs to him and did so. I rode up

the line until I came to some wounded soldiers of the Third Regiment,

and right here I saw Col. Tucker of the Second Regiment carried out of

the woods and put on a stretcher and then shot dead after he was on the

stretcher. I asked some of the Third men where General Taylor was, and

they said "With the Third Regiment," of which regiment he had been

colonel before he was promoted. I dismounted and tied my horse to a

little mulberry tree at the edge of the woods and to which tree General

Taylor's horse was also tied, and which tree is still alive, or was so

within the last four years, as I saw it. I then went up through the

woods about one hundred and fifty yards and came upon the line of battle

and soon found General Taylor parading up and down the line like a

wounded lion and in the midst of one of the most terrible battles I ever

saw.

As soon as I came close to him and he saw me he said: "Where is the

Fourth?" I said: "Gone to Richmond, sir." I shall never forget how the

old fellow's eyes glared, as with his sword in his hand, he turned to me

and said: "Young man, this is no place for levity." I said: "They are

captured, every man of them." He said: "My God, My God," and fairly

wrung his hands.

Now this is an incident of the capture of the Fourth Regiment as

witnessed and participated in by a staff officer. The identity of the

French officer who conducted the Fourth Regiment into the woods where it

was lost has been a subject of question ever since.

Colonel Simpson in his report of the battle and his capture mentions the

name of the Duke de Chartres as having been his conductor.

When I joined General Taylor he was near the left of the companies of

the Third Regiment; the smoke was so thick that it was impossible to see

twenty yards. The afternoon was very hot and the air close, and probably

the peculiar condition of the atmosphere of which I have spoken had

something to do with it, for I never saw smoke so thick in any battle as

it was at Gaines' Mills.

The firing of the enemy in our front was very constant, rapid, and

heavy, and while a good many of our men were being hit it appeared to me

that the bullets went high and the bark and the chips fell off the trees

over our heads. All of the men of the Third Regiment were lying down on

the ground loading and firing from that position and the same was true

of the First and Second Regiments who were on the right of the Third.

The first and only order that General Taylor gave me after I joined him

in the woods was given within two or three minutes after I came up to

him and after my report of the Fourth Regiment which I have detailed

above. He said: "Those men are not firing at anything. It is too thick

to see. Go to the regiments and give the order to cease firing and let

the smoke rise." I went along the line, gave the order to every officer

whom I saw--captains, lieutenants, and field officers. There were a

great many of the poor fellows dead and hurt, and my dear cousin,

Penrose Buckley, Captain of Company C, of the Third Regiment, with whom

I had enlisted in May, 1861, was lying on the ground among his men,

several of whom were dead and a number wounded, and he was pressing a

bloody handkerchief to his left hip as I passed along. I said to him:

"How is it with you, Penn?" and he said: "Not bad, Ned, only a buck shot

in my hip." That is the last I ever saw of him. He was shot through the

lungs a few minutes afterwards and lay on that spot four days in agony

and died there. Before this last mortal wound he had a hand to hand

encounter with two of the enemy, one of whom he killed, and the other

shot him through the lungs. This is the testimony of John Stewart,

Sergeant of Company C, who was lying on the ground beside him with his

right arm shot off at the wrist, and who is still living at this day.

After having communicated the order to fire I returned along the line

looking for General Taylor, as I reached about the centre of the Third

Regiment the smoke had risen from the ground as a curtain rolls up

slowly and there was no firing on the part of the enemy, our men

doubtless glad to be relieved from their cramped positions, arose from

the ground, some on their knees, and some standing erect peering through

the smoke.

As we know now that the enemy were in the sunken road which passed

through the woods parallel with the line of the brigade and where

undoubtedly our line of battle should have been formed in the morning.

This sunken road was deep enough to cover a man to his arm pits and

therefore only the head and shoulders of the enemy were above the level

of the ground, and the enemy was distant only about forty-five yards

when what I am speaking of occurred. I have paced the distance more than

once since on that spot and I believe this to be accurate.

Both General Taylor and I distinctly heard the clear order, "Aim," come

out of the smoke at the front, and instantly the order, "Fire." The

volley that fell upon the brigade was the most withering I ever saw

delivered, for the men were totally unprepared for it. Under that

volley, the New Jersey Brigade broke all to pieces I do not know whether

before this there was any break in the line of battle to the left of the

New Jersey Brigade. History is somewhat misty about this, but I do know

that the brigade fell back in great disorder upon receiving this volley.

General Taylor and several of the officers attempted to rally the men,

but this was impossible. The General said to me: "We must get in front

of them. Where's my horse?" It happened that I knew where his horse was

for I had tied my own beast to the same mulberry tree and he was no more

than fifty or sixty yards from where we were. James Morrow, of Company

C, Third Regiment, who is still living, helped me to find these horses,

and directly at the edge of the woods and right in the midst of the

retiring brigade Gen. Taylor ordered me to get in front of the men,

which would be to the rear, for he was coming back to rally them. We had

gone but a few steps when we came to a ditch which I have spoken of

previously and my horse, which was the black stallion so well known to

our brigade, cleared the ditch easily at one bound, Gen. Taylor's horse

balked just on the edge of it and Gen. Taylor very nearly went over his

head. Seeing that the horse would not leap, I dismounted, went through

the ditch and then led him up on the other side, upon which Gen. Taylor

put spurs to his horse and galloped off swinging his sword and calling

to his men to rally.

One of the curious incidents of my life happened just here. My horse was

very much excited by the noise and confusion, and just as I put one foot

in the stirrup he swung around so that I had great difficulty in getting

the other leg up, finally I did so and was just starting to rejoin Gen.

Taylor when a very tall and handsome young man came to me, and put his

hand on the pommel of my saddle, he had in his other hand a National

Regimental color. The lower part of his face and his chest was covered

with blood. He said to me: "I am hit so hard that I don't think I can go

any further, so I turn this over to you." I took the colors, put my

horse to full run, went through the crowd of retreating men and found

Gen. Taylor, who was forming a line about a quarter of a mile in the

rear of where we had been fighting, and found a small patch of the

Second Regiment, which was the nucleus around which that Regiment was

rallying, and gave the colors to them.

The curious part of this matter is that I do not remember that I ever

had occasion to mention this incident in public until the year 1888,

when I was Department Commander of the G. A. R. in New Jersey, and at a

Camp Fire in Freehold in the Opera House before a very large audience

and an attentive one, I related it. Upon stating just as I have now, and

saying that I turned those colors over finally to the rallying regiment,

a tall, white-haired man with a long, drooping white moustache rising

from the centre of the audience said: "That is exactly true, I am the

man, and here is the wound," and drawing aside his moustache he showed

that his lips had been almost entirely cut off which was the wound of

which I have spoken and he was the color bearer of our Second Regiment,

who had turned the colors over to me at the Battle of Gaines' Mills. An

account of this curious incident was published in the Freehold papers

the following day.

As the brigade retreated from the woods we saw a melancholy sight of our

guns of the artillery of our division being captured, and we also had a

glimpse of the rushing to and fro of a small body of cavalry which is

known to be Rush's Lancers, Sixth Pennsylvania Cavalry. Twenty-one of

those guns were lost right there, and I wish to say that our brigade was

not at any time placed in support of these guns directly.

The last I saw of the Union Coffee Mills guns they were in a mass

together in a little rise of the ground about two hundred yards back of

our line and this was when we were retreating. I have always understood

here that Sergeant Dalzell, who was the color bearer of the Third

Regiment, was with these guns at that time.

After returning the colors to a group of the Second Regiment which was

the nucleus of the new line and which line was forming very rapidly, for

the men were not running away in a panic at all, and after Gen. Taylor

got in front of them and called them to rally, they did rally and at

once. It was then getting quite dusk and on the right of our brigade

there came up a brigade from the direction of the Chickahominy and this

I found to be Gen. Meagher's Irish Brigade. This brigade went into

position of the right of our line, and I want to say that our line was

formed before that brigade came up, and of this I am positive.

While our line was forming, men came in from the front and took

position, regardless of what regiment they belonged and in that line

there were a great many men of other regiments besides the Jersey

Regiments. Gen. Taylor told me to go to the left and help anybody form

the line down to the river, and this I did. Assisting several general

officers whose names I did not know, and about dark there was quite a

good line formed. The left of which extended almost to the river if not

quite there. There were a few pieces of artillery in this line on the

left and some few cavalry. The enemy came out of the woods immediately

after the brigade retreated through the woods, a very solid, good

formation, but after taking the guns which I have spoken of, for some

extraordinary reason they did not come on any farther, and why I have

never been able to ascertain from any account of this battle that I have

ever read. There was no military reason that any one can see why a

charge by the enemy along the line, or at any part of it, after Gen.

Porter's line of battle was broken should not have been entirely and

absolutely successful.

There is no question that our brigade and others would have fought on

that last line, but I think that it would have been a forlorn hope. The

battle was totally lost and every man knew it.

The enemy did not advance, and after dark the troops commenced to retire

across the bridges in our rear. These bridges were small, frail things

not much wider than four men could march abreast.

In the rear of the entire left of the new line of which I spoke, there

was only one of them. The orders to withdraw our brigade came to General

Taylor about quarter of nine o'clock. The enemy had been firing slowly

with artillery and undoubtedly endeavoring to strike the bridges and

many of their shot came close to the bridge heads, but I do not think

that any of them struck the bridge itself.

Just at nine o'clock as the Third Regiment was going over the bridge and

the General and myself were riding with it, just before we came to the

bridge head Lieutenant Howell of Company I, of the Third Regiment, who

was one of my dearest personal friends, came out of the ranks and shook

hands with me saying how glad he was that we were both alive. He walked

a few paces and turned there to say something else to me or to some of

his company, and a round shot that was fired by the enemy's gun struck

him full in the breast and literally tore him to pieces.

The brigade crossed the bridge and returned to its camp which they left

in the morning not far from the Fair Oaks battlefield which it reached

about ten o'clock that night. This was one of the most sorrowful nights

that I ever remember. We had lost a great battle, which every man and

officer knew should never have been fought in that way, and at that

place, and every one of us lost dear friends and companions and what was

worse their mangled bodies were at the tender mercy of the enemy. Only a

few wounded men escaped and what few we did get away were taken to the

field hospital at Savage Station and fell into the hands of the enemy

there. This battle was a stupendous military error from beginning to

end. History shows now and our military leaders should have known then,

that, after the battle of Mechanicsville, the day before, in which the

enemy suffered severe repulse, the right wing of our army should have

been withdrawn that night to the south of the Chickahominy River, and

under no circumstances should have been allowed to wait, in that false

position in which they met the fierce assault of the forty thousand

fresh troops of Stonewall Jackson, who was then coming through the

valley, and was known to be coming, and who struck us hard in the place

where we were without entrenchments and without support, on the

afternoon of the 27th of June. Any one who reads history cannot fail to

see that General McClellan's fatal mistake in his Chickahominy campaign

was that he did not advance with his whole force on Richmond after he

had practically won the battle of Fair Oaks.

The next morning the sorrowful duty of burying the knap-sacks of the

Fourth Regiment to which I have alluded, was performed, and I was

detailed to see that this was done, and I did so and I think I can find

the place, although I have never tried to. The next day the brigade

moved to Savage Station and after a short halt moved on towards White

Oak Swamp. During this halt at Savage Station many of us visited the

field hospitals in which were the wounded whom we had been able to bring

from the Gaines' Mills fight, and many wounded men who had been in that

battle were in tents scattered around the ground of the station house,

and here I paid a last farewell to many a dear friend, among them

Lieutenant Wm. Evans of Company B of the Third Regiment, one of the most

devoted friends of my life, who was shot through the upper part of the

left lung and died within twenty-four hours after we left him. I pushed

into his jacket as I said good-bye, all the money I had, not more than

six or seven dollars except one silver ten cent piece, and this also I

parted with near Malvern Hill as I shall relate.

When the brigade reached the first bridge from the White Oak Swamp it

was halted and General Taylor was told by an aid of General Slocum's

that we were to be the rear division of the army, and that he must keep

himself in touch with Division Headquarters wherever they were. This

order caused me to ride a great many miles, for I had two horses and

they were both kept pretty busy. As we reached the bridge head, of

course it was a very small bridge, there was a very heavy cannonade

apparently across our front about half a mile away. I was sent to see

what it was and found that the enemy had opened a battery or several

batteries on a pack of our wagons which had in some way become exposed

to them. The hill country was covered thickly with trees and underbrush.

There were very few clearings and scarcely any high ground, and it was

very difficult to see what was going on. I could see, however, that

there was a great panic among the teamsters and that the wagons were

being deserted, and the wagoners riding off on the mules and horses of

the teams. Presently our line of skirmishers appeared facing the

southwest and at that time the head of our column was facing the east,

so the position was very much mixed. The skirmishers advanced towards

the Rebel batteries very rapidly, and while I was looking on the

batteries withdrew. I went back and reported to General Taylor and drew

a diagram of what I had seen and gave it to him, and told him I was

utterly unable to understand the positions, but that these were facts.

An aid of General Slocum's came up with orders to cross the bridge and

turn sharply to the right which would cause us to march about due south.

This we did for probably a mile or more and then came to a fairly good

bridge across White Oak Creek and this the brigade crossed. After

crossing, the creek here ran through a ravine the sides of which were

quite precipitous, the road down to the bridge on one side and up on the

other being very steep. An aid of General Slocum's told General Taylor

that our brigade was now the rear of the army, that there was a piece of

our artillery on the north side of the creek, that he expected General

Taylor to look after it when the pickets and skirmishers were withdrawn.

After awhile, probably half an hour, some of the pickets commenced to

come across the bridge, and having nothing to do I thought I would go

across the bridge and see where that piece of artillery was. I found it

on top of the hill about five hundred yards from the bridge in good

position commanding the road. The officer in charge was a lieutenant of

Williston's battery whom I knew very well. He asked me if I had any

orders for him, when I said no, he said he would like to have an order.

So after a little while I went back to the brigade. The pickets and

skirmishers were coming across the bridge and after a while a few of our

cavalry came across and after that the pioneers commenced to destroy the

bridge by hewing through the timbers. We were lying down and resting on

the top of the hill on the south side of the ravine when I saw the

pioneers commence to cut the bridge to pieces. I said to General Taylor:

"Why that gun is over on the other side." He said, "How do you know it

is?" I said: "Why I saw it half an hour ago." He used a very strong

expression, pulling his moustache and told me to tell our lieutenant to

"get out of that as quick as the Lord would let him." So I ran down and

stopped the men from cutting the bridge, ran up the other side and told

the officer of the gun what the general had said. They were all ready

and sitting on their horses but had had no order to move. The enemy's

skirmishers who were coming on had fired several shots at them, and I

must say that I never saw a gun go down a hill more rapidly than that

did. To make a long story short they got the gun over all right, and the

enemy's skirmishers shot at our pioneers while they were cutting the

bridge. This was a curious, but as it turned out, a very fortunate

occurrence, for history shows that these were Stonewall Jackson's men,

and that Jackson with a heavy force was behind them. They reported that

this bridge was held strongly with artillery and infantry, and this

report made such an impression upon Jackson that he did not attempt to

force the passage of the creek at that place. Why he did not cross the

creek at a ford about a mile further up of which he should have known,

historians on both sides have never discovered; but that Jackson's delay

on that occasion, at that spot and his counter march gave McClellan the

opportunity to withdraw his armies successfully to Malvern Hill, is the

opinion of all authorities whom I have read upon the subject.

This was about two o'clock in the afternoon, it must be remembered that

this was when the days were long and also very hot. In half an hour we

received orders to march and move south along the White Oak road towards

Charles City crossroads. After marching about two miles we were halted

and the men were directed to rest along the east side of the road which

was well wooded on the east side, and on the west side were several

quite large clearings. I am sure that General Taylor was not informed

that we were occupying the line of battle, and I am sure that General

Torbert, who was then colonel of the First Regiment, did not know this

until several years after, but it is a fact that we were a part of the

line and an exceedingly important part. While we were lying down along

the edge of the road an aid of General Slocum's rode by and told General

Taylor that General Slocum's headquarters were in the field on the left

or east side of the road about five hundred yards ahead of us, and that

was all he said to him, for I heard it, and he then rode away. In about

fifteen minutes the enemy opened with about sixty pieces of artillery,

firing across the road in front of us and gradually increasing the

rapidity of the firing until it was the most tremendous cannonade I had

ever heard. No enemy was visible to us anywhere, the smoke of those guns

came over the edge of the woods probably eight hundred yards from the

road, and a few hundred yards further along the right of the brigade.

None of those shells came across where we were. While the cannonade was

at its height, and of course such a cannonade as this is always the

precursor of a charge of a line of battle, General Taylor said that he

must have some orders from General Slocum's headquarters as he did not

know what was wanted of him, so he said: "Grubb, ride to General

Slocum's headquarters and ask him what he wants me to do." I had then

one of the most terrible experiences that I ever had under artillery

fire, and what is more, I had two of them, for I rode down that road

across that line of firing, and I think I came nearer being killed by

the flying pieces of fence rails and pieces of trees than by the shells.

I found the oak tree, but I did not find General Slocum, and I came back

to General Taylor, really very much bewildered by the terrible fire, and

told him that General Slocum was not where he said. He merely said: "Go

back and find him." And I had to do what I should have done, of course,

at first. It must be remembered that I was only a little over nineteen

years of age. I finally did find General Slocum more than half a mile

from where I was told he would be, and a very heavy infantry fight going

on in front of him. I told him what General Taylor had said. He did not

even look at me but simply said: "When I want him I will let him know."

Which I had the pleasure of repeating to General Taylor word for word.

The last time I came down the road the cannonade had almost died out,

and the infantry fighting about opposite to where I had seen General

Slocum was very severe. The corps engaged, it turned out, was the Third

Corps and the division on its left which was of course next to our right

because we were right in front in column and had been marching south

when we halted, was General Phil. Kearney's division and commanded by

General Phil. Kearney in person. Now it will be seen that our brigade

being in column of four right in front under the old tactics to have

formed a line of battle the order would have been given front, and all

the men would have turned to the left which would have brought their

backs to the enemy, as the enemy was on our right or west side. To have

formed the line of battle we would have had to have faced by the rear

rank, and while that did not make much difference in merely forming the

line, only so far as the file closers were concerned, any subsequent

manoeuvers from that formation would become exceedingly complicated; and

I doubt whether any of the regiments of the First Brigade at that time

could have successfully performed those manoeuvers. These were some of

the difficulties which the Upton's tactics subsequently adopted, aimed

to obviate and did so.

General Kearney was the idol and hero of our brigade from the time we

first saw him. He and all his staff were well known to every man and

officer of us; and when Captain Moore of Kearney's staff came riding

down the road waving his hat and calling out that General Kearney had

lost a battery, and wanted the Jersey Brigade to help him get it back,

it seemed to me that the whole brigade heard him because I am sure that

no orders were given to do that which occurred, and I had barely time to

scramble on my horse and join in the rushing throng. General Taylor

called to me as I passed him: "Keep ahead of them and keep them from

going too far. The enemy's line is in the woods right in front of our

guns." Captain Moore, who was talking to him, had probably told him

this. The guns that had been captured were not more than three hundred

yards from us, a little advanced to the west of the road. I had noticed

that they were not gone when I passed along on my ride to General

Slocum's but the melee was so confused that I have not and never had a

very clear idea of it. When I got to where the guns were the road was

somewhat sunken and as the bank was so steep that I could not ride my

horse up, I jumped off and scrambled up. There were a good many men

among the guns before I got there, and the guns were being re-captured.

But I do know that when I passed near a gun, a sergeant of the First

Regiment, whose name was either Hollins or Hollister, had a Rebel

prisoner by the neck. The man, though captured, had not surrendered, and

as I passed him in carrying out the order which I had, to stop the men

from going beyond the guns, he thrust at our sergeant with his bayonet,

missed him, and gave me a prod, the scar of which I carry to this day.

Though it did not disable me then or now, as it was on the inside of the

thigh. I passed the order to halt to several of the officers of our

brigade. It is my impression that there were lots of Kearney's men from

his own division who were there almost instantly; but I do not think

they were there when we first came up.

I expected that we would receive a withering volley from the woods which

were only across a small field in which the General had told me the

enemy would be. For some blessed reason that volley never came; and in a

few minutes our men were recalled to the road and continued our march,

and towards night fall we went into line of battle along the side of the

road not more than twenty yards from the road side. On the west side our

skirmishers were thrown out perhaps fifty yards more and we engaged with

the Rebel skirmishers until dark. There was a good deal of artillery

firing along the roads which intersected the road on which we were

marching; but most of the shots went through the tree tops and only a

few of our men were injured. The line we were holding and which we held

there from dark until twelve o'clock that night was the gap in the line

into which the enemy had charged and captured Major General McCall and a

large part of his division.

About nine o'clock that night I, having been constantly engaged under

General Taylor's orders, in passing along our skirmisher line and

getting reports from the officers, came up to where the General was in a

fence corner, and found him utterly exhausted. Neither he nor I had had

any nourishment, except a cup of coffee for breakfast, since the night

before and that coffee had been given to us by some of the men of our

headquarters. The wagon with all our rations was with the train and we

did not see it for thirty-six hours afterwards.

I said to him: "General, the brigade is very much mixed up and ought to

be straightened out." He said: "Very well, sir, go straighten it out."

And so I went, but I had not gone more than twenty steps before I came

to the conclusion that that was too much of a contract for a young man

of my age, so I went to Colonel Torbert of the First Regiment and stated

the case, just what the General had said, and that I believed that

General Taylor was entirely exhausted, and that the job was too big for

me. He said: "Never mind, sonny, I will fix it up for you." So we went

together and Colonel Torbert arranged the brigade that night. Some of

the companies of the Second were mixed up with the Third, and some of

the Third were mixed up with the First until we straightened them out.

The men were lying down, some of them asleep, all of them cross, and it

was no easy job to shift them around, but we finally got it done about

eleven o'clock. I got back to my old colored man, James Huggs, who had a

blanket for me in the same fence corner where the General was, and I had

about two hours' sound sleep. A little before one o'clock an aid of

General Slocum's gave us marching orders. We found an entire brigade in

the road ready to take our places, and passing through them to the road

we continued our march in column going somewhere, we did not know where,

but headed, we all knew, towards the James River on the way from

Richmond. This last fact was heartbreaking to the men, for from the

moment that we landed at West Point in May our faces had been towards

the Rebel Capitol. Although the battle of Gaines' Mills had been lost

just the day after we were much nearer Richmond than we were now and it

was only the night of the battle of Charles City crossroads that our men

realized that we were retreating. We marched until about seven o'clock

in the morning and then the brigade was given about three hours' rest

along the road. The General and I had some coffee which the men of the

Provost Guard gave us and I went down into my old Company C, of the

Third Regiment, and got from Richard Poole, a private in that company,

who was a painter in Burlington, three hard tack, and after he had given

them to me, just one-half of all he had, I searched in my pocket and

found the silver ten cent piece, that was the last thing I had. Richard

refused to accept this in exchange for the hard tack, but I finally

pressed it upon him as a souvenir, and he showed it to me many times

afterwards. About twelve o'clock the brigade was assembled and marched

along the road towards Malvern Hill which we did not then know by that

name or any other name, but it was a high and commanding position and we

saw a great many of our batteries already in position upon it, and very

readily came to the conclusion that our army was going to make a stand

there. I think the Jersey Brigade was at that time in the rear guard,

and the reason I think so is because after our brigade passed through

the pickets which were at the edge of the hill nothing came behind us

but some cavalry, and I have a good reason to remember that. Within

about a half a mile of the hill on the left hand side of the road was a

fine farm and near the fence were two fine cherry trees full of

cherries. As we passed along, the General and myself being in the rear

of the brigade, he said: "I would like to have some of those very much."

So I immediately said: "I will get you some." I got over the fence and

climbed up a tree dropping my sword and belt in the clover at the foot

of the tree as I went up, I broke off a good many branches and proceeded

to fill myself as quickly as possible. A scouting party of some of our

cavalry came by going toward the hill and an officer told the General

that there were some Rebel scouts not very far behind him, upon which

the General recalled me from the tree, and we proceeded to rejoin the

brigade which had gone up Malvern Hill. When the brigade was halted and

arranged upon the line which had been assigned to us near the top of the

hill, I instantly noticed that I had not my sword and belt and

remembered that they were in the grass at the foot of the cherry tree a

half a mile outside of our lines. I asked the General for permission to

go back and get them and he proceeded to read me a lecture on

carelessness. Saying, among other things, which I distinctly remember

and always have, that "A soldier should lose his head rather than his

sword." So I went back to the picket line and very fortunately for me I

happened to know the captain very well who commanded a cavalry troop

that was on picket on that spot, that is to say, near the base of the

hill. He said to me that he had not seen any Rebel scouts for half an

hour and that he would send two of his men with me to get the sword

which he did, and we all got back safely without seeing anybody, and the

cavalry also got a lot of cherries. I mention this incident so

particularly, because it has a very particular bearing upon a very

extraordinary occurrence that happened that night. There was an immense

park of our wagons not very far from the hill the night before the

battle of Malvern Hill, and while the brigade was on the hill in line of

battle and sleeping behind the breast works which they had made of logs

and earth, a very flimsy sort of breast works, but which by reason of

the admirable position on the hill would have been very effective if

assaulted, General Taylor received an order informing him that the wagon

trains of the army would be burnt that night, and he, accompanied by

some others and my old servant, James Huggs, went down into the wagon

park and took out a small quantity of their personal belongings, among

other things a small hand bag of mine containing some underclothing, my

mother's letters, and a few other things of that kind. I did not go with

them as I was asleep at the root of a tree, and when the order came the

General told my man he did not wish to disturb me. I saw the printed

order the next morning. It was in the same form and apparently the same

type as that which we received from the headquarters of the Army of the

Potomac. General Taylor returned to where he had placed his headquarters

under a great white pine tree, and my old servant, James Huggs, sat at

the camp fire, for, although it had been a hot day, the nights were cool

and the fire was lighted. Huggs says that about eleven o'clock while the

General was walking up and down between the tree and the fire, the

orderly on duty came up to the General and said that a messenger from

General McClellan's headquarters wanted to see him outside of the rifle

pit, and Huggs says that the General walked straight down that way, he,

of course, not going with him. The next morning at grey day light, I

awoke with the most intense gnawing hunger that I had ever experienced

in my life. I had had nothing to eat but three hard tack, two cups of

coffee, and some cherries for two days, and I had ridden probably fifty

miles in those two days. I had, moreover, been in a pretty severe fight

and had an ugly wound in my leg which hurt me every instant I sat in the

saddle. As soon as I sat up and rubbed the sleep out of my eyes I saw

within about twenty-five yards of me a small pig rooting along on the

ground, I also saw right close to me a rifle of the orderly's leaning

against the tree, it being the custom then for an orderly merely to have

the ram rod in his hand while he was on duty. I knew there was a

positive order against the discharge of any firearm without permission,

but I was very hungry and there was the pig, so I took deliberate and

careful aim, and killed that pig dead. Simultaneously with the crack of

the rifle came the voice of General Taylor: "If you had missed him, sir,

I would have put you under arrest." He was standing on the other side of

the tree and had not lain down all night. The pig was cooked and eaten

at once. The battle of Malvern Hill which took place that day was a

magnificent pageant for those of our brigade who could see it. The

coming down of a great mass of the enemy on the open plain to their

utter destruction by the awful artillery fire. It was indeed a cruel and

bloody sight, but after it was all over, many of us felt that we were

avenged for what had happened at Gaines' Mills.

Those of us who can remember can even see today in our mind's eye,

knapsack, hats, and even bodies of men thrown up in the air by the

explosions of our shells in the serried masses of the enemy. Our brigade

was not engaged at all, some men were hit by spent shots and bits of

shells, but I think our casualties were twenty-eight in all. During the

day on more than one occasion my attention was called to the fact that

General Taylor was not wearing his own sword, but the sword that he was

wearing belonged to his son, Captain Taylor, who had been partially

disabled in the battle of Gaines' Mills. I noticed this because the two

swords were not alike at all, and moreover, because I had been the

object of a lesson on carelessness the previous afternoon, but of course

I did not say anything.

The morning after the battle of Malvern Hill our brigade marched into a

great wheat field at Brandon, near Harrison's Landing, and went into

camp in the mud. As soon as the wagons were up and our tents were

pitched, General Taylor directed me to mount my horse and accompany him.

We went straight down to the James River and up along the river bank

until we came to Berkley Mansion, which was General McClellan's

headquarters. We had an orderly with us and both dismounted and left our

horses with the orderly. I accompanied the General into the house and

upstairs to the second floor. There were a number of wounded men in the

house lying on the floors, and the house was crowded with officers of

all grades. General Taylor went into a room on the second floor which I

afterwards found was General McClellan's private headquarters and in a

few minutes came out and said to me. "I shall be here for some time, you

may make yourself comfortable, and when I want you I will call you." So

I went out of the house, for it was indeed a grewsome place. It was

raining hard, and after telling the orderly to spread an oil cloth

blanket, which I had, over my horse, I looked around for a place to make

myself comfortable, and found a chicken coop with some bright dry straw

on the floor (there were no chickens in it) so I lay down and went to

sleep. In about an hour an orderly called me. The General was standing

on the porch, mounting our horses we rode off towards camp, I riding, of

course, a horse's length behind the General. After going about two or

three hundred yards, he checked his horse and said: "Ride up along side

of me." Which I did. He then said: "Did you notice that I did not have

my sword when I went to General McClellan's headquarters?" I said: "I

did, sir, I noticed that you had neither sword nor belt." He said: "You

see I have got them now." I said: "I do, sir." He said: "Well, I got

them at General McClellan's headquarters." He said: "Last night while

you were asleep an orderly told me that a messenger from General

McClellan wanted to see me outside the rifle pit, I went there and two

men on gray horses met me, one of whom was dismounted. This man

presented a pistol at my head and instantly demanded my sword. Believing

that I was captured and a prisoner there was nothing else for me to do

but give him my sword which I did. Upon taking it he immediately mounted

his horse and rode off."

That is all that General Taylor ever told me on the subject, and it is

all I know about it. (I may add that General McClellan's body guard

always rode gray horses). The fact is that this occurred, on my word as

a gentleman and a soldier, exactly as I have stated it.

As the brigade was marching in to the great wheat field at Berkley where

the army was then commencing to encamp, suddenly and without any idea

that the enemy was in the vicinity, several shells came in and exploded

among the wagon trains which were in the road along side of which our

men were marching. My recollection is that not more than a dozen shells

came. A regiment of Zouaves, which I think were the 55th of New York,

went back in double-quick, and I understood captured two guns which the

enemy had run up close to our encampment without any supports whatever.

The official records will show the circumstances of this. I remember

that one of the shells exploded within a few feet of General Taylor's

horse.

Some incidents of interest occurred during our encampment at Malvern

Hill. It was hot and uncomfortable and sorrowful, for there were many

deaths and bands playing the Dead March were continually heard through

the day. Deaths from sickness and many wounded.

One night, a few nights after we encamped, we were roused at midnight by

a very lively cannonade from the opposite side of the river. Our camp

was about a quarter of a mile back from the river, the long roll was

beaten throughout the army and the brigade turned out and stood in line.

I do not think there were any casualties in the brigade though there

were some in our division from its shells. One man I remember as Dr.

Oakley asked me to go and see a man in the field hospital who had his

entire stomach carried away by shells and lived four days afterwards.

This wound is reported among the curiosities of the war. I saw the man

twice and strange to say, he appeared to be suffering no pain except

through hunger.

A few days after our arrival at the Camp, President Lincoln came down

and reviewed the army. I presume by reason of the small space in which

it was necessary to hold it each brigade was drawn up on the northern

side of its own camp in double columns, closed en masse, and the field

officers were dismounted. My clothing, all except the one suit which I

had during the seven days' battle, had been lost and it happened that

the only coat I had was a short jacket coming to the waist, and the only

trousers I had were those which I had worn since the 27th of June. My

saddle had been hit twice with pieces of shell, once while I was in it

and once when I was not. It was not torn much but the screws were all

loosened in it and one of them had worked up and from day to day had

torn my trousers to such an extent that I can only say they were not fit

to appear in review; so upon seeing my condition General Taylor excused

me from going in the review and I sat in the door of my tent next to

General Taylor's and within a few feet of it. President Lincoln rode a

large bay horse and was dressed in a black frock coat and a high silk

hat and rode at the head of the cavalcade with General McClellan and

his staff of probably a hundred officers immediately behind him. They

passed down from east to west along the front of the army, the President

taking off his hat as he passed the colors of each brigade. When they

arrived in front of our brigade they halted and General Taylor and the

President came up to General Taylor's tent, no others were with them.

The President dismounted and my servant, James Huggs, who is still

living, brought camp stools and they sat down under the fly of General

Taylor's tent; it seems that the President wanted a drink of water, the

day being very hot. James Huggs went to the spring a few yards away and

got some water and the President drank heartily of it; as he got up to

go away he saw me standing in the position of a soldier facing him at my

tent door and he said to General Taylor: "I suppose this is one of your

staff, I hope that he has not been wounded?" General Taylor called me to

them and told him that I was Captain Grubb on his staff, and told one or

two very pleasant things about me to the President which caused my

cheeks to tingle and then taking me by the shoulder, he said: "He would

have been in the review but his clothes were not good enough to allow

him." President Lincoln put his hand on my shoulder, I shall never

forget the kind expression of his magnificent eyes, as he looked me in

the face and said: "My son, I think your country can afford to give you

a new pair of breeches." As these were the only words that President

Lincoln ever said to me they impressed themselves very deeply on my

mind. I have never forgotten them and never shall.

The rest of our stay at Harrison's Landing is filled with unpleasant

memories for me. I had contracted typhoid fever although I did not know

it and tried to fight it off, and did so until the morning the brigade

marched from Harrison's Landing when in the wind and dust of that

morning I mounted my brown stallion with great difficulty, fell over the

other side of him into the dust and the next thing I remember was

awaking up in New York Harbor in the hospital ship some ten days

afterwards with two Sisters of Mercy taking care of me and my old

servant, James Huggs, standing at the foot of the bed. He had hired a

colored man whom he found and helped him carry me down to the water's

edge and succeeded in getting me on board the hospital ship "Spaulding"

in a little dug out canoe, for the anchor of that ship had been raised

and she was the last hospital ship to leave filled with sick and

wounded.

I did not know that the brigade had been most dreadfully cut up and

General Taylor killed at the Bull Run Bridge until after I had been sent

from the hospital ship to my father's house in Burlington, where I found

a letter from Colonel Torbert commanding the brigade and asking me to

serve on his staff. I joined the brigade just before the Crampton's Pass

battle (and my account of that which I delivered at a reunion of the

brigade at my place, Edgewater Park, printed at their request I herewith

enclose).

We saw the battle of Antietam and were under a terrible artillery fire

but we were in the reserve and I am sure that I need only say that it

was the opinion of every man and officer in our brigade that if the

Sixth Corps had been thrown forward that afternoon over the Burnside

bridge after Burnside crossed it and placed across the right flank of

the Confederate army, which were all there lying in the wheat field

opposite us, the result of that battle would have been far different

from what it was.

After Antietam we marched to Bakersville and encamped there and were

there joined by the Twenty-third New Jersey Regiment, into which I was

promoted as Major a few days before the battle of Fredericksburg. (And I

would suggest that as the history of that regiment which, of course, is

part of the history of the brigade, has been carefully collected and

printed by the Regimental Association of the Twenty-third Regiment, and

that regiment was in that brigade until the expiration of its term of

service in June, 1863, and in battle with the brigade in the battles of

Fredericksburg and Salem Church, that that printed history be received

as part of the history of the brigade.)

Notes of a staff officer of our First New Jersey Brigade on the Seven Day's Battle on the peninsula in 1862 · 第 1 / 5 题