The objects which I seek in Reconstruction are regarded in very
different lights by myself and by Senators who have spoken. The
Senator from New Jersey, the Senator from Maryland, and the Senator
from Ohio all regard these requirements as in the nature of burdens or
penalties. Education is a burden or penalty; a homestead is a burden
or penalty. It is a new burden or penalty which I am seeking--so these
distinguished Senators argue--to impose upon the South. Are they right,
or am I right? Education can never be burden or penalty. Justice in the
way of a homestead can never be burden or penalty. Each is a sacred
duty which the nation owes to those who rightfully look to us for
protection.
Now, at this moment, in the development of events, the people at the
South rightfully look to us for protection. They rightfully look to
us, that, in laying the foundation-stone of future security, we shall
see that those things are done which will make the security real, and
not merely nominal. And yet, when I ask that the security shall be
real, and not merely nominal, I am encountered by the objection that
I seek to impose new burdens,--that I am harsh. Sir, if I know my own
heart, I would not impose a burden upon any human being. I would not
impose a burden even upon those who have trespassed so much against
the Republic. I do not seek their punishment. Never has one word
fallen from my lips asking for their punishment, for any punishment
of the South. All that I ask is the establishment of human rights on
a permanent foundation. Is there any Senator who differs from me? I
am sure that my friend from Ohio seeks the establishment of future
security; but he will allow me to say, that to my mind he abandons it
at the beginning,--he fails at the proper moment to require guaranties
without which future security will be vain.
This is not the first time that the Senator from Ohio has set himself
against fundamental propositions of Reconstruction. When, now more
than four years ago, I had the honor of introducing into this Chamber
a proposition declaring the jurisdiction of Congress over this whole
question, and over the whole Rebel region, I was met by the Senator,
who reminded me that I was alone, and did not hesitate to say that my
position was not unlike that of Jefferson Davis.
Here Mr. Sumner sent to the desk the speech of Mr. Sherman,
April 2, 1862, and the Secretary read what he said of Mr.
Sumner’s position.
I have not called attention to these remarks in any unkind spirit, for
I have none for the Senator; I have no feeling but kindness and respect
for him; but as I listened to him a few minutes ago, remonstrating
against the position I now occupy, I was carried back to that early
day when he remonstrated, if possible, more strenuously against the
position I then occupied. I had the audacity then to assert the
paramount power of Congress over the whole Rebel region. That was the
sum and substance of my argument; and you have heard the answer of the
Senator. And now, in the lapse of time, the Senator has ranged himself
by my side, voting for that measure of Reconstruction which is founded
on the jurisdiction of Congress over the whole Rebel region.
As time passed, the subject assumed another character. It was with
regard to the suffrage. A year ago I asserted on this floor that we
must give the suffrage to all colored persons by Act of Congress and
without Constitutional Amendment, founding myself on two grounds.
One was the solemn guaranty in the Constitution of a republican form
of government; and I undertook to show that any denial of rights on
account of color was unrepublican to such extent that the government
sanctioning it could not be considered in any just sense republican.
I then went further, and insisted, that, from the necessity of the
case, at the present moment, Congress must accord the suffrage to all
persons at the South, without distinction of color. I argued that the
suffrage of colored citizens was needed to counterbalance the suffrage
of the Rebels.[92] One year has passed, and now, by Act of Congress,
you have asserted the very power which the Senator from Ohio, and
other distinguished Senators associated with him, most strenuously
denied. That Senator and other Senators insisted that it could be only
by Constitutional Amendment. I insisted that it could be under the
existing text of the Constitution; nay, more, that from the necessity
of the case it must be in this way. And in this way it has been done.
But, in doing it, you have unhappily failed to make proper provision
for enforcing this essential security. You have provided no machinery,
and you have left other things undone which ought to be done. And
now, urging that these things should be done, I am encountered again
by my friend from Ohio, whom I had encountered before on these other
cardinal propositions; and he now, just as strenuously as before,
insists that it is not within our power or province at this moment to
make any additional requirements of the Rebel States. He is willing
that the bill in certain particulars shall be amended. I do not know
precisely to what extent he would go; but he will make no additional
requirements, as he expresses it, in the nature of burdens. Sir, I
make no additional requirements in the nature of burdens. I have
already said, I impose no burdens upon any man; but I insist upon the
protection of rights. And now, at this moment, as we are engaged in
this great work of Reconstruction, I insist that the work shall be
completely done. It will not be completely done, if you fail to supply
any safeguards or precautions that can possibly be adopted.
A great orator has told us that he had but one lamp by which his
feet were guided, and that was the lamp of experience.[93] There is
one transcendent experience, commanding, historic, which illumines
this age. It is more than a lamp; it is sunshine. I mean the example
afforded by the Emperor of Russia, when he set free twenty million
serfs. Did he stop with their freedom? He went further, and provided
for their education, and also that each should have a piece of land.
And now, when I ask that my country, a republic, heir of all the ages,
foremost in the tide of time, should do on this question only what
the Emperor of Russia has done, I am met by grave Senators with the
reproach that I am imposing new burdens. It is no such thing. I am
only asking new advantages for all in that distracted region, with new
securities for my country, to the end that it may be safe, great, and
glorious.
After remarks by Mr. Howard, of Michigan, the resolutions, on
motion of Mr. Frelinghuysen, were laid on the table,--Yeas 36,
Nays 10.
March 12th, the resolutions were again considered, when Mr.
Morton, of Indiana, spoke in favor of education, and Mr. Howe,
of Wisconsin, sustained the resolutions generally.
July 3d, Mr. Sumner made another attempt to have them
considered, speaking specially upon the importance of a
homestead for freedmen.