“Trust not the masters of slaves in what concerns legislation
for slavery. However specious their laws may appear, depend
upon it, they must be ineffectual in their application. It is
in the nature of things that they should be so.… Their laws
can never reach, will never cure the evil.… There is something
in the nature of absolute authority, in the relation between
master and slave, which makes despotism, in all cases and under
all circumstances, an incompetent and unsure executor even of
its own provisions in favor of the objects of its power.”[69]
The same testimony was repeated at a later day by Brougham, who, in one
of his most remarkable speeches, while protesting against leaving to
the colonies legislation for the freedmen, said,--
“I entirely concur in the observations of Mr. Burke, repeated
and more happily expressed by Mr. Canning: that the masters of
slaves are not to be trusted with making laws upon slavery;
that nothing they do is ever found effectual; and that, if, by
some miracle, they ever chance to enact a wholesome regulation,
it is always found to want what Mr. Burke calls _the executory
principle_,--it fails to execute itself.”[70]
Such is the concurring authority of three statesmen orators, whose
eloquent voices unite to warn against trusting the freedmen to their
old masters.
Reason is in harmony with this authoritative testimony. It is not
natural to suppose that people who have claimed property in their
brethren, God’s children,--who have indulged that “wild and guilty
fantasy that man can hold property in man,”--will become at once the
kind and just legislators of freedmen. It is unnatural to expect it.
Even if they have made up their minds to Emancipation, they are, from
inveterate habit and prejudice, incapable of justice to the colored
race. There is the President himself, who once charmed the country and
the age by announcing himself the “Moses” of their redemption; and
yet he now exerts all his mighty power against the establishment of
safeguards without which there can be no true redemption. In present
discussion, the old proslavery spirit that was in him, with hostility
to principles and to men, comes out anew,--as, on the application of
heat, the old tunes frozen up in the bugle of Baron Munchausen were
set a-going and broke forth freshly. People do not change suddenly or
completely. The old devils are not all cast out at once. Even the best
of converts sometimes backslide. From so grave a writer as Southey, in
his History of Brazil, we learn that a woman accustomed to consider
human flesh an exquisite dainty was converted to Christianity in
extreme old age. The faithful missionary strove at once to minister to
her wants, and asked if there was any particular food she could take,
suggesting various delicacies; to all which the venerable convert
replied: “My stomach goes against everything. There is but one thing
which I think I could touch. If I had the little hand of a little
tender Tapuya boy, I think I could pick the little bones. But, woe is
me! there is nobody to go out and shoot one for me!”[71] In similar
spirit our Presidential convert now yearns for a taste of those odious
pretensions which were a part of Slavery.
Now, when a person thus situated, with great responsibilities to his
country and to history, bound by public professions and by political
associations, who has declared himself against Slavery, and has every
motive for perseverance to the end,--when such a person openly seeks to
preserve its odious pretensions, are we not admonished again how unsafe
it must be to trust old masters, under no responsibility and no pledge,
with the power of legislating for freedmen? I protest against it.
I claim this power for the Nation. If it be said that the power
has never been employed, then I say that the time has come for its
employment. I claim it on at least three several grounds.
1. There is the Constitutional Amendment, already adopted by the
people, which invests Congress with plenary powers to secure the
abolition of Slavery,--ay, its “extirpation,” according to the promise
of the Baltimore platform,--including the right to sue and testify in
court, and the right also to vote. The distinction attempted between
what are called _civil_ rights and _political_ rights is a modern
invention. These two words in their origin have the same meaning.
One is derived from the Latin, and the other from the Greek. Each
signifies what pertains to a _city_ or _citizen_. Besides, if the
elective franchise seem “appropriate” to assure the “extirpation” of
Slavery, Congress has the same power to secure this right that it has
to secure the right to sue and testify in courts, which it has already
done. Every argument, every reason, every consideration, by which you
assert the power for the protection of colored persons in what are
called _civil_ rights, is equally strong for their protection in what
are called _political_ rights. In each case you legislate to the same
end,--that the freedman may be maintained in the liberty so tardily
accorded; and the legislation is just as “appropriate” in one case as
in the other.
2. There is also that distinct clause of the Constitution requiring
the United States to “guaranty to every State in this Union _a
republican form of government_.” Here is a source of power as yet
unused. The time has come for its use. Let it be declared that a State
which disfranchises any portion of its citizens by a discrimination
in its nature insurmountable, as in the case of color, cannot be
considered a republican government. The principle is obvious, and its
practical adoption would ennoble the country and give to mankind a new
definition of republican government.
3. Another reason with me is peremptory. There is no discrimination
of color in the allegiance you require. Colored citizens, like white
citizens, owe allegiance to the United States; therefore they may claim
protection as an equivalent. In other words, allegiance and protection
must be reciprocal. As you claim allegiance of colored citizens, you
must accord protection. One is the consideration of the other. And this
protection must be in all the rights of citizens, civil and political.
Thus again do I bring home to the National Government this solemn duty.
If this has not been performed in times past, it was on account of
the tyrannical influence of Slavery, which perverted our Government.
But, thank God! that influence is overthrown. Vain are the victories
of the war, if this influence continues to tyrannize. Formerly the
Constitution was interpreted always for Slavery. I insist, that, from
this time forward, it shall be interpreted always for Freedom. This is
the great victory of the war,--or rather, it is the crowning result of
all the victories.
One of the most important battles in the world’s history was that of
Tours, in France, where the Mahometans, who had come up from Spain,
contended with the Christians under Charles the Hammer. On this
historic battle Gibbon remarks, that, had the result been different,
“perhaps the interpretation of the Koran would now be taught in the
schools of Oxford, and her pulpits might demonstrate to a circumcised
people the sanctity and truth of the revelation of Mahomet.”[72]
Thus was Christianity saved; and thus by our victories has Liberty
been saved. Had the Rebels prevailed, Slavery would have had voices
everywhere, even in the Constitution itself. But it is Liberty now
that must have voices everywhere, and the greatest voice of all in the
National Constitution and the laws made in pursuance thereof.
In this cause I cannot be frightened by words. There is a cry against
“Centralization,” “Consolidation,” “Imperialism,”--all of which are
bad enough, when dedicated to any purpose of tyranny. As the House
of Representatives is renewed every two years, it is inconceivable
that such a body, fresh from the people and promptly returning to the
people, can become a Tyranny, especially when seeking safeguards for
Human Rights. A government inspired by Liberty is as wide apart from
Tyranny as Heaven from Hell. There can be no danger in Liberty assured
by central authority; nor can there be danger in any powers to uphold
Liberty. Such a centralization, such a consolidation,--ay, Sir, such an
imperialism,--would be to the whole country a well-spring of security,
prosperity, and renown. As well find danger in the Declaration of
Independence and the Constitution itself, which speak with central
power; as well find danger in those central laws which govern the moral
and material world, binding men together in society and keeping the
planets wheeling in their orbits.
Often during recent trials the cause of our country has assumed
three different forms, each essential in itself and yet together
constituting a unit, like the shamrock, or white clover, with triple
leaf, originally used to illustrate the Trinity. It was Three in
One. These three different forms were: first, the national forces;
secondly, the national finances; and, thirdly, the ideas entering
into the controversy. The national forces and the national finances
have prevailed. The ideas are still in question, and even now you
debate with regard to the great rights of citizenship. Nobody doubts
that the army and navy fall plainly within the jurisdiction of the
National Government, and that the finances fall plainly within
this jurisdiction; but the rights of citizenship are as thoroughly
national as army and navy or finances. You cannot without peril cease
to regulate the army and navy, nor without peril cease to regulate
the finances; but there is equal peril in abandoning the rights of
citizens, who, wherever they may be, in whatever State, are entitled
to protection from the Nation. An American citizen in a foreign land
enjoys the protecting hand of the National Government. That protecting
hand should be his not less at home than abroad.
* * * * *
Fellow-citizens, allow me to gather the whole case into brief
compass. The President, wielding the One Man Power, has assumed a
prerogative over Congress utterly unjustifiable, while he has dictated
a fatal “policy” of Reconstruction, which gives sway to Rebels, puts
off the blessed day of security and reconciliation, and leaves the best
interests of the Republic in jeopardy. Treacherous to party, false to
the great cause, and unworthy of himself, he has set his individual
will against the people of the United States in Congress assembled.
Forgetful of truth and decency, he has assailed members as “assassins,”
and has denounced Congress itself as a revolutionary body, “called or
assuming to be the Congress of the United States,” and “hanging upon
the verge of the Government,”[73]--as if this most enlightened and
patriot Congress did not contain the embodied will of the American
people. To you, each and all, I appeal to arrest this madness. Your
votes will be the first step. The President must be taught that
usurpation and apostasy cannot prevail. He who promised to be Moses,
and has become Pharaoh, must be overthrown. And may the Egyptians
that follow him share the same fate, so that it shall be said now as
aforetime, “And the Lord overthrew the Egyptians in the midst of the
sea!”