THE SENATE CHAMBER: ITS VENTILATION AND SIZE.

SPEECH IN THE SENATE, ON AN AMENDMENT TO THE CIVIL APPROPRIATION BILL,

JULY 23, 1866.

On motion of Mr. Buckalew, of Pennsylvania, a committee was

appointed to consider the ventilation and sanitary condition

of the Senate wing of the Capitol; and the committee made an

elaborate report.

July 23d, while the Senate had under consideration the bill

making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the

Government, this Senator moved an amendment appropriating

$117,685.25 for improvements approved and recommended in the

report. In the debate that ensued, Mr. Sumner said:--

MR. PRESIDENT,--The Senator from Pennsylvania has entitled himself to

the gratitude of all his brethren for the attention he has bestowed

upon an uninviting subject, which concerns the comfort of the

Senate,--I was about to say, the character of our legislation; for,

while breathing this anomalous atmosphere, legislation itself must too

often suffer with our bodies. But he will pardon me, if I suggest that

he is not sufficiently radical in his proposition. I am aware that he

is unwilling to be thought radical. The name is not pleasant to him.

MR. BUCKALEW. I have no distaste for the name. I claim to be

very radical on some subjects.

MR. SUMNER. Very well. I hope he will be radical now,--in other words,

that he will be thorough in his remedy for the present case.

Catching a phrase from ancient Rome, the Senator says that the roof

over our heads must be destroyed, as if it were another Carthage. To

my mind, this is not enough; the walls by which we are shut in must be

destroyed. Our present difficulty is less with the roof than with the

surrounding inclosure, separating us entirely from the open air and

the light of day. Windows are natural ventilators; but we have none.

Let this chamber be brought to the open air and the light of day, and

Nature will do the rest. From its commanding position on a beautiful

eminence, where every breeze can reach it, the Capitol will have an

invigorating supply from every quarter. I doubt if any public edifice

in the world can compare in site with that enjoyed by it,--and I do not

forget the monumental structures of London, Paris, Vienna, or Rome.

But in entering this stone cage with glass above, we renounce the

advantages and opportunities of this unparalleled situation.

I would have all this massive masonry about us taken down, and the

chamber brought to the windows. This change would make ventilation

easy, and secure all that the Senator so anxiously recommends. It is

more revolutionary than his plan. It will be expensive, very expensive,

I fear; for the very completeness of the original work is an impediment

to change. This Capitol, as we all see, is built for immortality. Its

disadvantages will not be less permanent than its advantages, unless we

apply ourselves resolutely to their revision. Without legislation and

positive effort on our part, this chamber will continue uncomfortable

for generations and long centuries. Senators after us, in thickening

ranks, will sit here as uncomfortable as ourselves. If not for

ourselves, then for those who come after us, we should initiate a

change.

Besides bringing this chamber to the windows, its proportions should be

reduced,--I am disposed to say one half. A chamber of one half the size

would answer every purpose of business, and not fail essentially even

on occasions of display. Everything is now sacrificed to the galleries.

Senators are treated as the gladiators of the ancient amphitheatre, not

to make “a Roman holiday,” but a Washington show. As many as fourteen

or fifteen hundred people are constantly gathered in these galleries.

But such surrounding multitudes are plainly inconsistent with the

quiet transaction of business and the simple tone which belongs to

legislation.

I am reminded of the testimony attributed to Sir Robert Peel, whose

protracted parliamentary life made him an expert. Interrogated by the

Committee of the House of Commons with regard to the proper size for

the new chamber, he replied, that, though the House consisted of six

hundred and fifty-eight members, yet that full number was rarely in

attendance, so that on common occasions even a small house would not

be filled, and in his judgment the chamber should be constructed with

a view to the daily business rather than to the infrequent occasions

when it would be crowded. His compendious conclusion was, that the

House should be comfortable every day, at the risk of a tight squeeze

now and then. The same idea had been expressed before by one of the

best of early English writers, Thomas Fuller, who in his proverbs

says: “A house had better be too little for a day than too great for

a year”:[43] houses ought to be proportioned to ordinary, and not

extraordinary occasions. In these concurring sayings I find practical

sense.

Plainly the Senate Chamber is too big for our daily life. It is not

proportioned to ordinary occasions or every-day business. We all know

that anything in a common tone of voice is heard with difficulty,

unless we give special attention. Now I cannot doubt that the chamber

should be so reduced that a motion or question or remark in a common

tone of voice would be easily heard by every Senator. This should have

been the rule for the architect at the beginning; and I would have it

followed now in the change I suggest. With seven hundred listeners in

the galleries, and with the large corps of reporters, the public would

be in sufficient attendance, and the business of the country would be

transacted more easily and advantageously.

Looking at these enormous spaces, adapted to the eye rather than to

the ear, I turn with envy to that other chamber where the Senate sat

so many honorable years, and listened to speeches which now belong

to the permanent literature of the country. I doubt if any Senator

who remembers that interesting chamber would not prefer it to this

amphitheatre. For the transaction of daily business it was infinitely

superior; and even on rare occasions, when the republic hung upon the

voice of the orator, there were witnesses enough. The theory of our

institutions was satisfied. The public was not excluded, and there were

reporters to communicate promptly what was said.

The amendment was agreed to.

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