TURGOT, 1750, 1770, 1776, 1778.

Among the illustrious names of France few equal that of Turgot. He

was a philosopher among ministers, and a minister among philosophers.

Malesherbes said of him, that he had the heart of L’Hôpital and the

head of Bacon. Such a person in public affairs was an epoch for his

country and for the human race. Had his spirit prevailed, the bloody

drama of the French Revolution would not have occurred, or it would at

least have been postponed: I think it could not have occurred. He was

a good man, who sought to carry into government the rules of goodness.

His career from beginning to end was one continuous beneficence. Such a

nature was essentially prophetic, for he discerned the natural laws by

which the future is governed.

He was of an ancient Norman family, whose name suggests the god Thor.

He was born at Paris, 1727, and died, 1781. Being a younger son, he

was destined for the Church, and began his studies as an ecclesiastic

at the ancient Sorbonne. Before registering an irrevocable vow, he

announced his repugnance to the profession, and turned aside to

other pursuits. Law, literature, science, humanity, government, now

engaged his attention. He associated himself with the authors of the

“Encyclopédie,” and became one of its contributors. In other writings

he vindicated especially the virtue of Toleration. Not merely a

theorist, he soon arrived at the high post of Intendant of Limoges,

where he developed talent for administration and sympathy with the

people. The potato came into Limousin through him. But he continued

to employ his pen, particularly on questions of political economy,

which he treated as a master. On the accession of Louis the Sixteenth

he was called to the Cabinet as Minister of the Marine, and shortly

afterwards gave up this place to be the head of the Finances. Here he

began a system of rigid economy, founded on curtailment of expenses

and enlargement of resources. The latter was obtained especially by

removal of disabilities from trade, whether at home or abroad, and the

substitution of a single tax on land for a complex multiplicity of

taxes. The enemies of progress were too strong at that time, and the

King dismissed the reformer. Good men in France became anxious for the

future; Voltaire, in his distant retreat, gave a shriek of despair, and

addressed to Turgot remarkable verses entitled “Épître à un Homme.”

Worse still, the good edicts of the minister were rescinded, and

society was put back.

The discarded minister gave himself to science, literature, and

friendship. He welcomed Franklin to France and to immortality in

a Latin verse of marvellous felicity. He was already the companion

of the liberal spirits who were doing so much for knowledge and

for reform. By writing and by conversation he exercised a constant

influence. His “ideas” seem to illumine the time. We may be content

to follow him in saying, “The glory of arms cannot compare with the

happiness of living in peace.”[333] He anticipated our definition of

a republic, when he said “it was founded upon _the equality of all

the citizens_,”[334]--good words, not yet practically verified in all

our States. Such a government he, living under a monarchy, bravely

pronounced “the best of all”; but he added, that he “never had known

a constitution truly republican.”[335] With similar plainness he

announced that “the destruction of the Ottoman Empire would be a real

good for all the nations of Europe,” and he added, still further,

for humanity also, because it would involve the abolition of negro

slavery, and because “to despoil an oppressor is not to attack, but to

vindicate, the common rights of humanity.”[336] With such thoughts and

aspirations the prophet died.

But I have no purpose of writing a biography, or even a character. All

that I intend is an introduction to Turgot’s prophetic words. When only

twenty-three years of age, while still an ecclesiastic at the Sorbonne,

the future minister delivered a discourse on the Progress of the Human

Mind, in which, after describing the commercial triumphs of the

ancient Phœnicians, covering the coasts of Greece and Asia with their

colonies, he lets drop these remarkable words:--

“Les colonies sont comme des fruits qui ne tiennent à l’arbre

que jusqu’à leur maturité: devenues suffisantes à elles-mêmes,

elles firent ce que fit depuis Carthage,--_ce que fera un jour

l’Amérique_.”

“Colonies are like fruits, which hold to the tree only until

their maturity: when sufficient for themselves, they did that

which Carthage afterwards did,--_that which some day America

will do_.”[337]

On this most suggestive declaration, Dupont de Nemours, the editor of

Turgot’s works in 1808, remarks in a note:--

“It was in 1750 that M. Turgot, being then only twenty-three

years old, and devoted in a seminary to the study of theology,

divined, foresaw, the revolution which has formed the United

States,--which has detached them from the European power

apparently the most capable of retaining its colonies under its

dominion.”

At the time Turgot wrote, Canada was a French possession; but his words

are as applicable to this colony as to the United States. When will the

fruit be ripe?

* * * * *

In contrast with this precise prediction, and yet in harmony with it,

are the words of Montesquieu, in his ingenious work, which saw the

light in 1748, two years before the discourse of Turgot. In the famous

chapter, “How the laws contribute to form the manners, customs, and

character of a nation,” we have a much-admired picture of “a free

nation” “inhabiting an island,” where, without naming England, it is

easy to recognize her greatness and glory. And here we meet a Delphic

passage, also without a name, pointing to the British Colonies:--

“If this nation sent out colonies, it would do so more to

extend its commerce than its dominion.

“As people like to establish elsewhere what is found

established at home, it would give to the people of its

colonies its own form of government; and this government

carrying with it prosperity, _we should see great peoples

formed in the very forests which it should send to

inhabit_.”[338]

The future greatness of the Colonies is insinuated rather than

foretold, and here the prophetic voice is silent. Nothing is said of

the impending separation, and the beginning of a new nation; so that,

plainly, Montesquieu saw our future less than Turgot.

* * * * *

The youthful prophet did not lose his penetrating vision with years.

In the same spirit and with immense vigor he wrote to the English

philosopher, Josiah Tucker, September 12, 1770:--

“As a citizen of the world, I see with joy the approach of

an event which, more than all the books of the philosophers,

will dissipate the phantom of commercial jealousy. _I speak

of the separation of your colonies from the mother country_,

WHICH WILL SOON BE FOLLOWED BY THAT OF ALL AMERICA FROM EUROPE.

It is then that the discovery of this part of the world will

become truly useful to us. It is then that it will multiply our

enjoyments much more abundantly than when we purchased them

with torrents of blood. The English, the French, the Spaniards,

etc., will use sugar, coffee, indigo, and will sell their

products, precisely as the Swiss do to-day; and they will also,

like the Swiss people, have the advantage, that this sugar,

this coffee, this indigo will no longer serve as a pretext for

intriguers to precipitate their nation into ruinous wars and to

oppress them with taxes.”[339]

It is impossible not to feel in this passage the sure grasp of our

American destiny. How clearly and courageously he announces the

inevitable future! But the French philosopher-statesman again took the

tripod.

This was in the discharge of his duties as minister of the Crown, and

in reply to a special application. His noble opinion is dated 6th

April, 1776. Its character appears in a few sentences:--

“The present war will probably end in the absolute independence

of the Colonies, and that event will certainly be _the epoch of

the greatest revolution in the commerce and politics, not of

England only, but of all Europe_.… When the English themselves

shall recognize the independence of their colonies, _every

mother country will be forced_ in like manner to exchange

its dominion over its colonies for bonds of friendship and

fraternity.… When _the total separation of America_ shall have

cured the European nations of commercial jealousy, there will

exist among men one great cause of war the less; and it is very

difficult not to desire an event which is to accomplish this

good for the human race.”[340]

His letter to the English Dr. Price, on the American Constitutions,

abounds in profound observations and in prophecy. It was written

just at the time when France openly joined against England in our

War of Independence, and is dated March 22, 1778, but did not see

the light until 1784, some years after the death of the author, when

it was published by Dr. Price.[341] Its criticism of the American

Constitutions aroused John Adams to his elaborate work in their

“Defence.”[342]

Of our Union before the adoption of the National Constitution he

writes:--

“In the general union of the provinces among themselves I do

not see a coalition, a fusion of all the parts, making but one

body, one and homogeneous. It is only an aggregation of parts

always too much separated, and preserving always a tendency to

division, by the diversity of their laws, their manners, their

opinions,--by the inequality of their actual forces,--still

more by the inequality of their ulterior progress. It is only

a copy of the Dutch Republic: but this Republic had not to

fear, as the American Republic has, the possible enlargement of

some of its provinces. This whole edifice has been supported

hitherto on the false basis of the very ancient and very

vulgar policy: on the prejudice that nations and provinces, as

bodies, can have interests other than that which individuals

have to be free and to defend their property against brigands

and conquerors; a pretended interest to carry on more commerce

than others,--not to buy the merchandise of the foreigner, but

to force the foreigner to consume their productions and their

manufactures; a pretended interest to have a vaster territory,

to acquire such or such a province, such or such an island,

such or such a village; an interest to inspire fear in other

nations; an interest to surpass them in the glory of arms, and

in that of arts and sciences.”[343]

Among the evils to be overcome are, in the Southern Colonies, too

great an inequality of fortunes, and especially the large number of

black slaves, whose slavery is incompatible with a good political

constitution, and who, even when restored to liberty, will cause

embarrassment by forming two nations in the same State. In all the

Colonies he deprecates prejudice, attachment to established forms,

a habit of certain taxes, fear of those which it might be necessary

to substitute, the vanity of the Colonies who deem themselves most

powerful, and the wretched beginning of national pride. Happily he

adds: “I think the Americans destined to aggrandizement, not by war,

but by husbandry.”[344] And he then proceeds to his aspirations:--

“It is impossible not to desire earnestly that this people may

attain to all the prosperity of which they are capable. They

are the hope of the human race. They can become its model. They

are to prove to the world, by the fact, that men can be free

and tranquil, and can dispense with the chains of all kinds

which the tyrants and charlatans of every cloth have pretended

to impose under the pretext of the public good. They are to

give the example of political liberty, of religious liberty, of

commercial and industrial liberty. The asylum which they open

to all the oppressed of all nations is to console the earth.

The facility thereby afforded for escape from a bad government

will force the European governments to be just and enlightened.

The rest of the world, little by little, will open their eyes

to the nothingness of the illusions in which politicians have

indulged. To this end it is necessary that America should guard

against them, and should not again become, as your ministerial

writers have so often repeated, an image of our Europe, _a mass

of divided powers_, disputing about territory or commercial

profits, and continually cementing the slavery of the peoples

with their own blood.”[345]

After these admirable thoughts, so full of wisdom and prophecy, Turgot

alludes to the impending war between France and England:--

“Our two nations are going to do each other reciprocally much

evil, probably without either of them obtaining any real

advantage. The increase of debts and charges and the ruin of a

great many citizens will be, perhaps, the only result. England

seems to me even nearer to this than France. If instead of

this war you had been able to yield with good grace from the

first moment,--if it had been given to policy to do in advance

what infallibly it will be forced to do later,--if national

opinion could have permitted your Government to anticipate

events,--and, supposing that it had foreseen them, it had

been able to consent at once to the independence of America

without making war on anybody,--I firmly believe that your

nation would have lost nothing by this change. It will lose now

what it has already expended, and what it shall yet expend.

It will experience for some time a great falling off in its

commerce, great domestic disturbances, if it is forced to

bankruptcy, and, whatever may happen, a great diminution of

political influence abroad. But this last matter is of very

small importance to the real welfare of a people; and I am not

at all of the opinion of the Abbé Raynal in your motto.[346] I

do not believe that this will make you a contemptible nation,

and throw you into slavery. On the contrary, your troubles

will perhaps have the effect of a necessary amputation; they

are perhaps the only means of saving you from the gangrene

of luxury and corruption. If in your agitations you could

correct your Constitution by rendering the elections annual,

by apportioning the right of representation in a manner

more equal and more proportioned to the interests of those

represented, you would gain from this revolution as much,

perhaps, as America; for your liberty would remain to you, and

with this and by this your other losses would be very speedily

repaired.”[347]

Reading such words, the heart throbs and the pulse beats. Government

inspired by such a spirit would become divine, nations would live at

peace together, and people everywhere be happy.

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