CHAPTER IX

TOWN AND COUNTRY

"For never to my mind was evening yet

But was far beautifuller than its day."

BROWNING

"Wherefore is the sun red at even? For he goeth toward hell."

("The Master of Oxford's Catechism" (XV. cent.);

"Reliquiae Antiquae," i., 232.)

That which in Chaucer's day passed for rank "sluggardy a-night" might yet

be very early rising by the modern standard; and our poet, sorely as he

needed Philippa's shrill alarum, might still have deserved the character

given to Turner by one who knew his ways well, "that he had seen the sun

rise oftener than all the rest of the Academy put together." It is indeed

startling to note how sunrise and sunset have changed places in these five

hundred years. When a modern artist waxes poetical about the sunrise, a

lady will frankly assure him that it is the saddest sight she has ever

seen; to her it spells lassitude and reaction after a long night's

dancing. Chaucer and his contemporaries lived more in Turner's mood: "the

sun, my dear, that's God!" In the days when a tallow candle cost four

times its weight in beefsteak, when wax was mainly reserved for God and

His saints, and when you could only warm your hands at the risk of burning

your boots and blearing your eyes, then no man could forget his strict

dependence on the King of the East. The poets of the Middle Ages seem to

have been, in general, as insensible to the melancholy beauties of sunset

as to those of autumn. Leslie Stephen, in the first chapters of his

"Playground of Europe," has brought a wealth of illustration and

penetrating comment to show how strictly men's ideas of the picturesque

are limited by their feelings of comfort; and the medieval mind was even

more narrowly confined within its theological limitations. Popular

religion was then too often frankly dualistic; to many men, the Devil was

a more insistent reality than God; and none doubted that the former had

special power over the wilder side of nature. The night, the mountain, and

the forest were notoriously haunted; and, though many of the finest

monasteries were built in the wildest scenery, this was prompted not by

love of nature but by the spirit of mortification. At Suelte, for instance,

in the forest of Hildesheim, the blessed Godehard built his monastery

beside a well of brackish water, haunted by a demon, "who oft-times

affrighted men, women and maidens, by catching them up with him into the

air." The sainted Bishop exorcised not only the demon but the salts, so

that "many brewers brew therefrom most excellent beer ... wherefore the

Buergermeister and Councillors grant yearly to our convent a hundred

measures of Michaelmas malt, three of which measures are equal in quantity

to a herring-barrel." What appealed to the founders of the Chartreuse or

Tintern was not the beauty of "these steep woods and lofty cliffs," but

their ascetic solitude. When, by the monks' own labours and those of their

servants, the fields had become fertile, so that they now found leisure to

listen how "the shady valley re-echoes in Spring with the sweet songs of

birds," then they felt their forefathers to have been right in "noting

fertile and pleasant places as a hindrance to stronger minds."[118] After

all, the earth was cursed for Adam's sake, and even its apparent beauty

was that of an apple of Sodom. That which Walther von der Vogelweide sang

in his repentant old age had long been a commonplace with moralists--

"The world is fair to gaze on, white and green and red,

But inly foul and black of hue, and dismal as the dead."

Ruskin's famous passage on this subject ("M. P.," iii., 14, 15) is, on the

whole, even too favourable to the Middle Ages; but he fails to note two

remarkable exceptions. The poet of "Pearl," who probably knew Wales well,

describes the mountains with real pleasure; and Gawin Douglas anticipated

Burns by venturing to describe winter not only at some length but also

with apparent sympathy.[119] Moreover, Douglas describes a sunset in its

different stages with great minuteness of detail and the most evident

delight. Dante does indeed once trace in far briefer words the fading of

daylight from the sky; but in his two unapproachable sunsets he turns our

eyes eastwards rather than westwards, as we listen to the vesper bell, or

think of the last quiet rays lingering on Virgil's tomb.[120] The scenic

splendour of a wild twilight seems hardly to have touched him; his soul

turns to rest here, while the hardy Scot is still abroad to watch the

broken storm-clouds and the afterglow. And if Douglas thus outranges even

Dante, he leaves Chaucer and Boccaccio far behind. The freshness and

variety of the sunrises in the "Decameron" is equalled only by the bald

brevity with which the author despatches eventide, which he connects

mainly with supper, a little dancing or music, and bed. It would be

equally impossible, I believe, to find a real sunset in Chaucer;

Criseyde's "Ywis, it will be night as fast," is quite a characteristic

epitaph for the dying day.

On the other hand, however, the medieval sunrise is delightful in its

sincerity and variety, even under the disadvantage of constant

conventional repetition; and here Chaucer is at his best. He may well

have been too bookish to please either his neighbours or her whom Richard

de Bury calls "a two-footed beast, more to be shunned (as we have ever

taught our disciples) than the asp and the basilisk," yet no poet was ever

farther removed from the bookworm. Art he loved, but only next to Nature--

On bookes for to read I me delight,

And to them give I faith and full credence,

And in mine heart have them in reverence

So heartily, that there is game none

That from my bookes maketh me to go'n

But it be seldom on the holyday;

Save, certainly, when that the month of May

Is comen, and that I hear the fowles sing,

And that the flowers 'ginnen for to spring,

Farewell my book and my devotion![121]

Not only was the May-day haunt of Bishop's wood within a mile's walk of

Aldgate; but behind, almost under his eyes, stood the "Great Shaft of

Cornhill," the tallest of all the city maypoles, which was yearly reared

at the junction of Leadenhall Street, Lime Street, and St. Mary Axe, and

which gave its name to the church of St. Andrew Undershaft, whose steeple

it overtopped. How it hung all year under the pentices of a neighbouring

row of houses until the Reformation, and what happened to it then, the

reader must find in the pages of Stow.[122] These May-day festivities,

which outdid even the Midsummer bonfires and the Christmas mummings in

popularity, were a Christianized survival of ancient Nature-worship. When

we remember the cold, the smoke, the crowding and general discomfort of

winter days and nights in those picturesque timber houses; when we

consider that even in castles and manor-houses men's lives differed from

this less in quality than in degree; when we try to imagine especially the

monotony of woman's life under these conditions, doubly bound as she was

to the housework and to the eternal spinning-wheel or embroidery-frame,

with scarcely any interruptions but the morning Mass and gossip with a few

neighbours--only then can we even dimly realize what spring and May-day

meant. There was no chance of forgetting, in those days, how directly the

brown earth is our foster-mother. Men who had fed on salt meat for three

or four months, while even the narrow choice of autumn vegetables had long

failed almost altogether, and a few shrivelled apples were alone left of

last year's fruit--in that position, men watched the first green buds with

the eagerness of a convalescent; and the riot out of doors was

proportionate to the constraint of home life. Those antiquaries have

recorded only half the truth who wrote regretfully of these dying sports

under the growing severity of Puritanism, and they forgot that Puritanism

itself was a too successful attempt to realize a thoroughly medieval

ideal. Fenelon broke with a tradition of at least four centuries when he

protested against the repression of country dances in the so-called

interests of religion.[123] It would be difficult to find a single great

preacher or moralist of the later Middle Ages who has a frank word to say

in favour of popular dances and similar public merry-makings. Even the

parish clergy took part in them only by disobeying the decrees of synods

and councils, which they disregarded just as they disregarded similar

attempts to regulate their dress, their earnings, and their relations with

women. Much excuse can indeed be found for this intolerance in the

roughness and licence of medieval popular revels. Not only the Church, but

even the civic authorities found themselves obliged to regulate the

disorders common at London weddings, while Italian town councils attempted

to put down the practice of throwing on these occasions snow, sawdust,

and street-sweepings, which sometimes did duty for the modern rice and old

shoes; and members of the Third Order of St. Francis were strictly

forbidden to attend either weddings or dances.[124] These and other

similar considerations, which the reader will supply for himself, explain

the otherwise inexplicable severity of all rules for female deportment in

the streets. "If any man speak to thee," writes the Good Wife for her

Daughter, "swiftly thou him greet; let him go by the way"; and again--

"Go not to the wrestling, nor to shooting at the cock

As it were a strumpet, or a giggelot,

Stay at home, daughter."

"When thou goest into town or to church," says the author of the "Menagier

de Paris" to his young wife, "walk with thine head high, thine eyelids

lowered and fixed on the ground at four fathoms distance straight in front

of thee, without looking or glancing sideways at either man or woman to

the right hand or the left, nor looking upwards." Even Chaucer tells us of

his Virginia--

She hath full oftentimes sick her feigned,

For that she woulde flee the companye

Where likely was to treaten of follye--

As is at feastes, revels, and at dances,

That be occasions of dalliances.[125]

These, of course, were exaggerations bred of a general roughness beyond

all modern experience. Even Christmas mumming was treated as an

objectionable practice in London; as early as 1370 we find the first of a

series of Christmastide proclamations "that no one shall go in the streets

of the city, or suburbs thereof, with visor or mask ... under penalty of

imprisonment." Similarly severe measures were threatened against football

in the streets, against the game of "taking off the hoods of people, or

laying hands on them," and against "hocking" or extorting violent

contributions from passers-by on the third Monday or Tuesday after Easter.

But the very frequency of the prohibitions is suggestive of their

inefficiency; and in 1418 the City authorities were still despairingly

"charging on the King's behalf and his City, that no man or person ...

during this holy time of Christmas be so hardy in any wise to walk by

night in any manner mumming plays, interludes, or any other disguisings

with any feigned beards, painted visors, deformed or coloured visages in

any wise, upon pain of imprisonment of their bodies and making fine after

the discretion of the Mayor and Aldermen."[126] Much of this mumming was

not only pagan in its origin but still in its essence definitely

anti-ecclesiastical. When, as was constantly the case, the clergy joined

in the revels, this was a more or less conscious protest against the

Puritan and ascetic ideal of their profession. The rule of life for

Benedictine nuns, to which even the Poor Clares were subjected after a

very brief career of more apostolic liberty, cannot be read in modern

times without a shudder of pity. Not only did the authorities attempt to

suppress all natural enjoyment of life--even Madame Eglantyne's lapdogs

were definitely contraband--but the girls were trammelled at every turn

with the minutely ingenious and degrading precautions of an oriental

harem. That was the theory, the ideal; yet in fact these convent churches

provided a common theatre, if not the commonest, for the riotous and often

obscene licence of the Feast of Fools. To understand the wilder side of

medieval life, it is absolutely necessary to bear in mind the pitiless and

unreal "other-worldliness" of the ascetic ideal; just as we can best

explain certain of Chaucer's least edifying tales by referring, on the

other hand, to the almost idolatrous exaggerations of his "A. B. C."

[Illustration: MEDIEVAL MUMMERS. (From Strutt's "Sports and Pastimes")]

But, however he may have revelled with the rest in his wilder youth, the

elvish and retiring poet of the "Canterbury Tales" mentions the sports of

the townsfolk only with gentle irony. "Merry Absolon," the parish clerk,

who played so prominent a part in street plays, who could dance so well

"after the school of Oxenford ... and with his legges casten to and fro,"

and who was at all points such a perfect beau of the 'prentice class to

which he essentially belonged--all these small perfections are enumerated

only that we may plumb more accurately the depths to which he is brought

by woman's guile. The May-dance was probably as external to Chaucer as the

Florentine carnival to Browning. While a thousand Absolons were casting to

and fro with their legs, in company with a thousand like-minded giggelots,

around the Great Shaft of Cornhill, Chaucer had slipped out into the

country. Many other townsfolk came out into the fields--young men and

maidens, old men and children--but Chaucer tells us how he knelt by

himself, worshipping the daisy as it opened to the sun--

Upon the smalle softe sweete grass,

That was with flowres sweet embroidered all.

At another time we listen with him to the leaves rustling in undertone

with the birds--

A wind, so small it scarcely might be less,

Made in the leaves green a noise soft,

Accordant to the fowles' song aloft.

Or watch the queen of flowers blushing in the sun--

Right as the freshe, redde rose new

Against the Summer sunne coloured is!

But for the daisy he has a love so tender, so intimate, that it is

difficult not to suspect under the flower some unknown Marguerite of flesh

and blood--

... of all the flowers in the mead

Then love I most these flowers white and red

Such as men callen daisies in our town.

To them I have so great affectioun,

As I said erst, when comen is the May,

That in my bed there dawneth me no day

But I am up and walking in the mead,

To see this flower against the sunne spread; ...

As she that is of alle flowers flower,

Fulfilled of all virtue and honour,

And ever y-like fair and fresh of hue.

And I love it, and ever y-like new,

And ever shall, till that mine hearte die....

I fell asleep; within an hour or two

Me dreamed how I lay in the meadow tho [then

To see this flower that I love so and dread;

And from afar came walking in the mead

The God of Love, and in his hand a Queen,

And she was clad in royal habit green;

A fret of gold she hadde next her hair,

And upon that a white crown she bare

With fleurons smalle, and I shall not lie,

For all the world right as a daysye

Y-crowned is with white leaves lite,

So were the fleurons of her coroune white;

For of one pearle, fine, oriental

Her white coroune was y-maked all.

Pictures like these, in their directness and simplicity, show more loving

nature-knowledge than pages of word-painting; and, if they are not only

essentially decorative but even somewhat conventional, those are qualities

almost inseparable from the art of the time. It is less strange that

Chaucer's sunrises should bear a certain resemblance to other sunrises,

than that his men and women should be so strikingly individual. Yet, even

so, compare two or three of his sunrises together, and see how great is

their variety in uniformity. Take, for instance, "Canterbury Tales," A.,

1491, 2209, and F., 360; or, again, A., 1033 and "Book of Duchess," 291,

where Chaucer describes nature and art in one breath, and each heightens

the effect of the other. With all his love of palaces and walled gardens,

though he revels in feudal magnificence and glow of colour and elaboration

of form, he is already thoroughly modern in his love of common

things.[127] Here he has no equal until Wordsworth; it has been truly

remarked that he is one of the few poets whom Wordsworth constantly

studied, and one of the very few to whom he felt and confessed

inferiority. Chaucer's triumph of artistic simplicity is the Nun's

Priest's tale. The old woman, her daughter, their smoky cottage and tiny

garden; the hens bathing in the dust while their lord and master preens

himself in the sun; the commotion when the fox runs away with

Chanticleer--all these things are described in truly Virgilian sympathy

with modest country life. What poet before him has made us feel how

glorious a part of God's creation is even a barn-door cock?

His voice was merrier than the merry orgon

On masse-days that in the churche go'n ...

His comb was redder than the fine coral,

Embattled as it were a castle wall;

His bill was black, and like the jet it shone,

Like azure were his legges and his toen;

His nailes whiter than the lily flower,

And like the burnished gold was his colour!

Nothing but Chaucer's directness of observation and truth of colouring

could have kept his work as fresh as it is. Like Memling and the Van

Eycks, he has all the reverence of the centuries with all the gloss of

youth. The peculiar charm of medieval art is its youthfulness and

freshness; and no poet is richer in those qualities than he.

In this, of course, he reflects his environment. Although London was

already becoming in a manner cockneyfied; although she already imported

sea-coal from Newcastle, and her purveyors scoured half England for food,

and her cattle sometimes came from as far as Nottingham, and most of her

bread was baked at Stratford, yet she still bore many traces of the

ruralism which so astonishes the modern student in medieval city life.

Even towns like Oxford and Cambridge were rather collections of

agriculturalists co-operating for trade and protection than a

conglomeration of citizens in the modern sense; and the University Long

Vacation is a survival from the days when students helped in the hay and

corn harvests. And, greatly as London was already congested in comparison

with other English cities, there was as yet no real divorce between town

and country. Her population of about 40,000 was nearly four times as great

as that of any other city in the kingdom; but, even in the most crowded

quarters, the mass of buildings was not yet sufficient to disguise the

natural features of the site. The streets mounted visibly from the river

and Fleet Brook to the centre of the city. St. Paul's was plainly set on a

hill, and nobody could fail to see the slope from the village of Holborn

down the present Gray's Inn Lane, up which (it has lately been argued)

Boadicea's chariot once led the charge against the Roman legions. Thames,

though even the medieval palate found its water drinkable only "in parts,"

still ran at low tide over native shingle and mud; the Southwark shore was

green with trees; not only monasteries but often private houses had their

gardens, and surviving records mention fruit trees as a matter of

course.[128] Outside, there was just a sprinkling of houses for a hundred

yards or so beyond each gate, and then an ordinary English rural

landscape, rather wild and wooded, indeed, for modern England, but dotted

with villages and church towers. Knightsbridge, in those days, was a

distant suburb to which most of the slaughter-houses were banished; and

the districts of St. James and St. Giles, so different in their later

social conditions, both sprang up round leper hospitals in open country.

Fitzstephen, writing in the days of Henry II., describes Westminster as

two miles from the walls, "but yet conjoined with a continuous suburb. On

all sides," he continues, "without the houses of the suburb, are the

citizens' gardens and orchards, planted with trees, both large, sightly,

and adjoining together. On the north side are pastures and plain meadows,

with brooks running through them turning watermills with a pleasant noise.

Not far off is a great forest, a well-wooded chase, having good covert for

harts, bucks, does, boars, and wild bulls. The cornfields are not of a

hungry sandy mould, but as the fruitful fields of Asia, yielding plentiful

increase and filling the barns with corn. There are near London, on the

north side, especial wells in the suburbs, sweet, wholesome, and clear.

Amongst which Holy Well, Clerkenwell, and St. Clement's Well are most

famous, and most frequented by scholars and youths of the city in summer

evenings, when they walk forth to take the air." No doubt in Chaucer's

time the suburbs had grown a little, but not much; it is doubtful whether

the population of England was greater in 1400 than in 1200 A.D. Eastward

from his Aldgate lodgings the eye stretched over the woody flats bordering

the Thames. Northwards, beyond the Bishop's Wood in Stepney parish and the

fen which stretched up the Lea valley to Tottenham, rose the "Great

Forest" of Epping. In a more westerly direction Chaucer might have seen a

corner of the moor which gave its name to one of the London gates, and

which too often became a dreary swamp for lack of drainage; and, above and

beyond, the heaths of Highgate and Hampstead. Riley's "Memorials" contain

frequent mention of gardens outside the gates; it was one of these, "a

little herber[129] that I have," in which Chaucer laid the scene of his

"Legend of Good Women." These gardens seem to have made a fairly

continuous circle round the walls. The richest were towards the west, and

made an unbroken strip of embroidery from Ludgate to Westminster. Nearer

home, however, Lincoln's Inn Fields, and Saffron Hill, and Vine Street,

Holborn, carry us back to the Earl of Lincoln's twenty carefully-tilled

acres of herbs, roses, and orchard-land, or to the still more elaborate

paradise belonging to the Bishop and monks of Ely, whose vineyard and

rosary and fields of saffron-crocus stretched down the slopes of that

pleasant little Old-bourn which trickled into Fleet Brook. Holborn was

then simply the nearest and most suburban of a constellation of villages

which clustered round the great city; and, if the reader would picture to

himself the open country beyond, let him take for his text that sentence

in which Becket's chaplain enumerates the rights of chase enjoyed by the

city. "Many citizens," writes Fitzstephen, "do delight themselves in hawks

and hounds; for they have liberty of hunting in Middlesex, Hertfordshire,

all Chiltern, and in Kent to the water of Cray." The city huntsman was, in

those days, a salaried official of some dignity.

So Chaucer, who had at one gate of his house the great city, was on the

other side free of such green English fields and lanes as have inspired a

company of nature-poets unsurpassed in any language. May we not hope that

his companions in the "little herber," or on his wider excursions, were

sometimes "the moral Gower" or "the philosophical Strode?" And may we not

picture them dining in some country inn, like Izaak Walton and his

contemplative fellow-citizens? Chaucer's friend was probably the Ralph

Strode of Merton College, a distinguished philosopher and anti-Wycliffite

controversialist; and it is noteworthy that a Ralph Strode was also a

lawyer and Common Serjeant to the city, where he frequently acted as

public prosecutor, and that he received for his services a grant of the

house over Aldersgate in the year after Chaucer had entered into

Aldgate.[130] There is no obvious reason to dissociate the city lawyer

from the Oxford scholar, who has also been suggested with some probability

as the author of "Pearl" and other 14th-century poems second only to

Chaucer's. However that may be, "the philosophical Strode" must

unquestionably have influenced the poet who dedicated to him his

"Troilus," and we may read an echo of their converse in Chaucer's own

reflections at the end of that poem on Love and Thereafter--

O younge freshe folkes, he or she,

In which that love upgroweth with your age,

Repair ye home from worldly vanitie,

And of your heart upcast ye the visage

To that same God that after His image

You made; and think that all is but a fair,

This world, that passeth soon as flowers fair.

But we are wandering, perhaps, too far into the realm of mere

suppositions. With or without philosophical converse in the fields, the

long day wanes at last; and now--

When that the sun out of the south 'gan west

And that this flower 'gan close, and go to rest,

For darkness of the night, the which she dread,

Home to mine house full swiftly I me sped

To go to rest, and early for to rise.

The curfew is ringing again from Bow Steeple; the throng of citizens grows

thicker as they near the gates; inside, the street echoes still with the

laughter of apprentices and maids, while sounds of still more uproarious

revelry come from the wide tavern doors. Soon, however, in half an hour or

so, the streets will be empty; the drinkers will huddle with closed doors

round the embers in the hall; and our poet, as he lays his head on the

pillow, may well repeat to himself those words of Fitzstephen, which he

must surely have read: "The only pests of London are the immoderate

drinking of fools, and the frequency of fires."

Chaucer and His England · 第 9 / 24 章