CHAPTER XXXII.

THE ARGUMENT.

Afghan court life from an English standpoint. The rise and fall

of the Afghan Courtier. Untrustworthiness: the inevitable result.

Intrigue: a similar result. Question of “cause” or “consequence.”

Possibility of raising the moral plane: reasons in favour of. The

Amîr’s obvious opinion. His Highness’s great work. Certain evils.

Former condition of the middle classes: present condition: opening

of the eyes: comparison with similar class in India. Progress

in Afghanistan. Civilizing effect of the Amîr: his influence.

Dost Mahomed’s rule: his character: comparison with Abdurrahman.

Altered condition of country. The Amîr’s civilizing measures:

drastic measures. Peaceful measures: education: the teaching of

handicrafts: of art: the spreading of knowledge: prizes for good or

original work. Personal fascination of the Amîr.

Though I have endeavoured, by detailing my own experiences in the

country, to give an idea of the present condition of Afghanistan

and the character of the ruler, one must not forget that we English

in the service were on an entirely different footing, as regards

the Amîr, from any of the natives of the country. As outsiders we

noted, sometimes with amused, sometimes with painful, interest, many

occurrences which, however, concerned us only in the abstract and not

in any personal way.

[Sidenote: Rise and Fall of the Official.]

For instance, I have shown that the Amîr has raised men of the lowest

rank, even slaves, to positions nearly the highest in the kingdom.

Similarly, men of the highest rank are degraded in a day to nearly the

lowest. A high official is one day riding through the streets dressed

in velvet and gold, with a great retinue of servants around him: a

day or two afterwards, in a shabby coat, he is creeping from door to

door to beg a little bread, and I wondered if this state of things

were the _consequence_, or is it the _cause_, of an Afghan’s utter

untrustworthiness, when he is put into a position of responsibility.

As an example:--A man is made Governor of a Province on a very

moderate salary, and presently the Amîr sees him in gorgeous attire,

and surrounded by crowds of servants and horses. We, foreigners even,

could see that the pay did not run to it--it was impossible; how much

more clearly, therefore, could the Amîr see it, and yet the custom was

invariable. After a few years the man is recalled to Kabul to make

out a statement of accounts as regards the revenue and taxes of the

province. He cannot do it. Forthwith his ill-gotten wealth is put in

the Treasury, his finery, and the shawls and diamonds of his wives, in

the Government stores, and he finds himself, as he deserved, a beggar

or in jail. The sufferers--the men who have been squeezed--are the

peasants and traders. When “gentlemen” behave in this way it is not to

be wondered at that the Amîr makes a slave a gentleman.

On the other hand, there are cases, perhaps, as numerous where a man

owes his fall not to any rascality of his own, but to the combination

and intrigue of his enemies. This, I suppose, must necessarily be under

a despotic Government, where one man has supreme power. Be he ever so

wise and just a man he cannot know everything, and there being only

one man to work upon, a clever scoundrel, who has the _entrée_ to the

Durbar, and who studies that one man’s disposition and moods, can oust

a better man than himself, if he works long enough. Sometimes a man

compounds with his enemies: each party knows something incriminating

about the other, and both keep silent from mutual fear. This state of

things has existed not in the reign of the present Amîr only, but for

generations.

As a spectator I have watched the play many a time; it is interesting,

as I said, though apt to be depressing. Sometimes it is simply a

comedy; but more often the ending is tragic.

Are these rapid rises and falls to be looked upon as the _consequence_

or are they the _cause_ of the moral condition of the Afghan? The

question is an important one, if we are looking forward to a civilized

Afghanistan.

Does an Afghan in power, knowing the certainty of a fall, deserved or

undeserved, say to himself,

“I have authority now, but sooner or later somebody will undermine me

in the Amîr’s regard. I had better make the most of my power while it

lasts: get all I can out of other people, and enjoy myself. The evil

day may be long deferred.”

Looking at it in this way, it is possible to imagine that the condition

of things is the cause of his behaviour.

On the other hand, is the moral nature of the Afghan utterly hopeless?

I do not mean does he lie, steal, murder, and betray, for we know he

has done that for ages; but I mean, is the nation incapable of being

raised to a higher moral condition?

[Sidenote: The Amîr’s Great Work.]

Their frank open-hearted manner and sense of hospitality; their love

of liberty and of home; their faithfulness (sometimes) to a friend in

adversity,--I have seen this in spite of widespread treachery; the

graceful gratitude for a favour conferred: all these seem to show that

the moving spirit of the race was once on a far higher moral plane than

it is now, and one would think, therefore, that they _are_ capable of

being raised to a condition vastly superior to their present state.

That the Amîr thinks so is clear, for he has commenced to raise them by

a system of education.

To say that Abdurrahman did not come to the throne by chance is to

utter a platitude. There was a work to be done that doubtless he only

could do. It was essential that the power of the “Barons,” the great

chiefs with rival interests, should be broken and their constant feuds

ended; that the country should be united under one head; that there

should be respect for authority, and thus a possibility established

of drawing the people from the slough of ignorance in which they are

wallowing. The Amîr has done and is doing, in this country over which

he has acquired nearly absolute control, a grand civilizing work.

Still, one cannot be blind to the fact that the usual evils of

a Despotic Government exist:--the instability of every official

appointment: the great evil of the “place-seeker” to which I have

referred: the oppression of the poor; and the grinding down of

the peasants and traders. These are enough to sap the life of any

government, for there can be no strength where there is no mutual trust.

It is impossible for the Amîr, though like Napoleon he employs a

complicated system of espionage, it is impossible for him to know

all the evil that exists. In the preceding reigns the oppression of

the middle and lower classes (the backbone of every country) was far

greater than it is now, but the people had the continual excitement of

constantly-recurring intertribal wars, when every Afghan is a soldier,

to draw their attention away from their own miserable condition. Now,

they have time to think, and though their condition is far better than

it was, they are beginning to see how bad it is--to make comparisons.

That Afghanistan has during the last ten years made considerable

strides toward civilization, there can, I think, be no doubt in the

minds of those who have had the opportunity of collecting sufficient

facts upon which to base an opinion. And that this progress has been

entirely due to the remarkable Prince who is now occupying the throne

of Afghanistan--Amîr Abdurrahman--requires but little proof.

We have only to compare the condition of the country and the “bent”

of the people at the present time with their condition a few years

ago, to bring out, in a very clear light, the civilizing effect of a

far-seeing, strong man’s personality.

[Sidenote: Personal Influence of the Amîr.]

Amîr Abdurrahman is absolute autocrat of Afghanistan. His is now the

only influence that has any lasting effect upon the people. There is no

Press to guide public opinion. The influence and power of the Priests

has been enormously curtailed. The Chief Priest--the Khani Mullah Khan

himself--though treated with respect by His Highness, the Amîr, has

scarcely more power, nor does he receive a greater share of attention

than one of the Civil magistrates. The opinion of the Amîr, delivered

in open Durbar, is the keynote from which all tunes are played. It

is caught up by the Chamberlains, the Court Officials, and Pages; it

reaches the bazaars, and soon the people join in the chorus. It is woe

to the man who utters a discordant note: people look at him askance and

draw out of his neighbourhood. Attention is directed to him, and unless

he alters his note he is--dismissed from the choir.

The Amîr is, as I have said, the Chief of the powerful Durani tribe.

This tribe has been from time immemorial more tolerant and more

civilized than any other of the tribes of Afghanistan: and from it

the native rulers of the country have been invariably drawn. When we

consider the Amîr’s marvellous personal influence, we can but see it is

a happy thing that his leaning is towards civilization and justice.

That it is so can be shown.

What was the condition of Afghanistan no further back than the time of

his grandfather, Amîr Dôst Mahomed, the great Amîr--“Amîr-i-Kabir”--as

the Afghans called him?

Dôst Mahomed was Amîr of the Kabul Province; his brother Ramdil

occupied Kandahar: and Herat was held independently by Shah Mahomed,

brother of Shah Shujah. This was in 1835. These chiefs were constantly

intriguing with Persia and Russia; and their conflicting interests and

personal jealousies brought the country into a condition so unsettled

as to be little better than Anarchy. War, and in its train, robbery

and murder were so constantly carried on, that it was most unsafe for

Afghans, and quite impossible for foreigners, to travel from one city

to another. So suddenly did fighting break out, that when travelling,

one found one’s self in danger of falling into the thick of it.

Caravans--such as ventured to start--made long and wearisome detours

to avoid battlefields. The more savage of the Afghan tribes delighted

in nothing more than the chances thus offered of unpunished highway

robbery and murder.

About the year 1850 Dôst Mahomed succeeded in annexing Turkestan, and

in 1854 he managed to evict Ramdil from Kandahar. Meanwhile, in Herat,

Shah Kamran succeeded his father, Mahmud; and at his death came his

minister, Yar Mahomed. The Persians at once advanced and took Herat:

Herat being the key of India--this necessitated British interference.

Sultan Jan, brother of Dôst Mahomed, was put in possession. He died

in 1862, and there were many claimants for the Chieftainship, each of

whom appealed to Persia. Dôst Mahomed therefore advanced with an army,

besieged, and took Herat. This was his last act, for he died in his

camp a few days after.

While Dôst Mahomed was on the throne it was allowable in Kabul to

revile and curse the British openly, and although as a successful

Warrior, with bluff, hearty manners, and a free accessibility to his

people, he was a popular Monarch, nevertheless, there was not a single

act he did which in any way increased the material prosperity of his

people. To use the words of a skilled and indefatigable observer

of facts, Dr. Bellew, of whom one still hears much in Kabul--“Dôst

Mahomed, during his long reign, did nothing to improve the condition

or advance the domestic welfare of his people, nor did he introduce a

single measure of general benefit to his country. He kept it a close

borough of Islam, stationary in the ignorance of the Middle Ages, and

pervaded with the religious bigotry of that period, and, to the close

of his life he defended that policy as the only one whereby to maintain

the independence of the country. His great merit is that he had the

sense to perceive his own interest in the British alliance, and he

reaped the fruits of his good judgment in the ultimate consolidation of

his kingdom. But he was a barbarian, nevertheless.”

[Sidenote: Abdurrahman and Dôst Mahomed.]

Attention has been drawn to a certain resemblance existing between Amîr

Abdurrahman and Dôst Mahomed.

The Hon. G. N. Curzon, speaking at the Society of Arts, remarked that

the Amîr seemed to possess some of the strongest characteristics of his

grandfather, Dôst Mahomed. Without doubt this is so; and one may add

that to the strong character of Dôst Mahomed, Abdurrahman unites a high

degree of education and considerable stores of information--scientific,

artistic, and general--acquired from books, from conversation, and

from observation during his travels. To the simple manners and free

hospitality of Dôst Mahomed, he adds a dignity and kindly courtesy of

manner most remarkable in a man of his strong passions, and in one who

is constantly surrounded with adulation and flattery. He is readily

accessible to his people: and even when suffering from the pangs of

gout will listen patiently to the petitions of the poorest of his

subjects, and give rapid though just judgments in the cases brought

before him.

From my narrative may have been gathered some idea of the steps

that the Amîr has taken to civilize his people and advance

them in prosperity. Highway robbery and murder are no longer

common in the country; nor is murder or theft in the town.

Englishmen--Feringhis--have been, for the last six or seven years,

travelling constantly between Kabul and Peshawur, and never has there

been the slightest attempt to injure or annoy them. Indeed, for myself

I may say that at every halting-place when the villagers brought

their sick for me to attend to, I went among them freely, unarmed and

unguarded.

That the Amîr should have used drastic measures to bring the diseased

state of the country into a condition nearer approaching health, was

without doubt a necessity; mild measures would have been misunderstood

and completely disregarded. The savage tribes who haunted certain parts

of the highway and gave rise to such by-words as “the valley of death,”

were either killed by the Amîr’s troops, captured and executed, or

dispersed.

On the other hand, should a Kabuli wish to start business for himself,

he has but to apply to the Amîr, who will, for a certain number of

years, lend him a sum sufficient for his purposes, and this without

interest.

I have related in my narrative how that the Amîr was educating, not

merely the Court Pages and the boy soldiers of his Mahomedan regiment,

but many others, the sons of gentlemen, whom he was intending for

officers in his army.

[Sidenote: The Teaching of Handicrafts.]

The educational influence on the Afghans of the Amîr’s Kabul workshops

must be, and is, immense. The natives work in great numbers in the

shops, being taught by the English engineers who have from time

to time been in the service of His Highness, and by the Hindustani

_mistris_, who have been introduced from Lahore and Bengal.

Not only is war material produced in the workshops, but various

handicrafts are practised there. One body of men is doing leather

work--copying English and Russian boots of various kinds; making

saddles, bridles, belts, and cartridge pouches, portmanteaux, and mule

trunks. There are workers in wood--from those who manage the steam saws

to those who produce beautiful carved work for cabinets and chairs.

There are workers in brass, making vases, candelabra, lamps, and many

other things both useful and ornamental. There is another department

where they produce tin ware--pots, pans, and cans. The most artistic

are perhaps the workers in silver. They make for the Amîr or Sultana

very beautiful things: cups, beakers, beautifully embossed tea-pots,

dagger and sword handles, and scabbards. Their work is, however, rarely

original. The Amîr shows them a drawing or gives them a good English

model to copy from.

Everything European is now fashionable in Kabul, and European clothing

has become more universally worn by the Kabulis than it used to be

even at the time I entered the service of the Amîr. His Highness,

therefore, finding that his tailors, though they soon learnt the shape

of European garments, had not mastered the difficulties of “fit,” sent

for an English tailor to teach them. Classes were held on the subject

in the workshops and demonstrations given, with the result that such of

the Kabuli tailors who attended greatly improved in their system of

“cutting,” and obtained much better prices in the bazaars.

I have already related how that the Amîr desired me to start an Art

class, and with what success the artists learnt to draw.

It would be tedious and almost impossible for me to enumerate all the

different kinds of work carried on in the shops; but I think I have

said enough to show that the effects of the workshops, apart from the

output, must be immense. There are some thousand or fifteen hundred men

at work in them; these scatter to their homes at night and carry the

wonderful stories of all they see and do to their friends. In fact, the

most popular song of the day is one depicting the life of a lad in the

shops. It is supposed to be sung by the mother; but it ends somewhat

significantly by the workman being caught in the machinery and killed.

One must remember that this educational system of civilizing is being

carried on among a race of men who have been known hitherto simply

as fighters and robbers, semi-savages, and who, unlike so many of

the races of India, have shown but little if any sign that they were

capable of being converted into useful producers.

When I say, finally, that the Amîr offers prizes, and of considerable

value, for the best or most original work produced either in the shops

or elsewhere, it will be easily understood how much he has at heart the

desire to advance his people in knowledge and civilization.

[Sidenote: Personal Fascination of the Amîr.]

For a man of ordinary intelligence, such as myself, to attempt to

analyze the Amîr’s character would be both presumptuous and futile.

His intellect, though perhaps more subtile than profound; and his

wide knowledge, though more superficial than real, raise him high

above those by whom he is surrounded, and by contrast he shines as a

brilliant light among the dull flames of his Courtiers. European in

appearance, hearty in manner, with a robe of educated civilization, His

Highness is Afghan--an Afghan of the Afghans, and perhaps the finest

specimen of his race--but yet an Oriental.

We English in his service, dazzled by the glamour of his strong

personality and charmed by the kindly courtesy of his manner, grew to

feel an attachment strong and personal to His Highness; but there were

those among us of the more observant who felt, as the years passed,

that we were but as “Pawns” on the chess-board of this Prince, to be

swept off with an unshrinking hand when a move in the game might need

it.

Nevertheless, though life at an Oriental Court offers so little that

is congenial to the tastes of an educated Englishman; where, indeed,

each man strives to harm his neighbour; where truth is not, nor

honour; where Vice and Villainy walk at noonday unveiled, such is the

fascination of the Man that, had one none to consider but one’s self,

the temptation, for his sake, to re-enter the life would be almost

irresistible.

THE END.

SIMMONS & BOTTEN, LIMITED, PRINTERS, LONDON.

* * * * *

Transcriber's Note

The following apparent errors have been corrected:

p. x "Usbàks," changed to "Usbàks."

p. x "Painda" changed to "Paînda"

p. xii "khirgar," changed to "khirgar."

p. xiv "ea cup" changed to "tea cup"

p. 88 "costume, First" changed to "costume. First"

p. 90 "au assassin" changed to "an assassin"

p. 103 (header) "Naíb" changed to "Naib"

p. 168 "the service" changed to "the service."

p. 171 (note) "smothered" changed to "smothered."

p. 189 (header) "The Amir’s" changed to "The Amîr’s"

p. 193 "Painda" changed to "Paînda"

p. 256 "Samarcand" changed to "Samarcànd"

p. 293 "The Amir" changed to "The Amîr"

p. 311 "muscular," changed to "muscular."

p. 335 "were Ishak" changed to "where Ishak"

p. 362 "Hîs Highness" changed to "His Highness"

p. 394 "advised,:" changed to "advised,"

p. 427 "new ta" changed to "new to"

p. 436 "many thing;" changed to "many things;"

p. 450 "mind.’" changed to "mind.”

p. 451 "my baggage" changed to "my baggage;"

p. 493 "I send" changed to "I sent"

p. 495 "“Nau Rôz" changed to "“Nau Rôz”"

p. 506 "<sc>Dear Miner</sc>" changed to "“<sc>Dear Miner</sc>"

The following possible errors have been left as printed:

p. 258 ignominous

p. 316 For God sake

p. 339 I put him at rocky slope.

p. 399 the physician;

p. 494 been drank

The following are used inconsistently in the text:

Bâbur and Babur

backbone and back-bone

Bâdshah and Badshah

Bâli and Bali

bathroom and bath-room

beeftea and beef-tea

bodyguard and body-guard

By-and-bye and By and bye

countermove and counter-move

darûst and darust

Dôst and Dost

Ghuzniguk and Ghuzni guk

goldsmith and gold-smith

Íd and Îd

kaimaghchai and kaimagh-chai

Khyber and Kyber

Kûdus and Kudus

Kurghàn, Kurghán and Kurghan

Lâla and Lala

lûngi and lungi

maidservants and maid-servants

Mahmûd and Mahmud

Maliks and Maleks

matchbox and match-box

Mazár-i-Sherif and Mazar-i-Sherif

Mazarîs and Mazaris

Mîr and Mir

mîrza and mirza

Naû Rôz, Naû Roz and Nau Rôz

nowadays and now-a-days

Ramazàn and Ramazan

Ressûl and Ressul

Sêyid and Seyid

Shere Derwaza and Sher Durwaza

Sherpûr and Sherpur

sunstroke and sun-stroke

Suffêd Koh and Sufféd Kôh

Sûnni and Sunni

sweatmeat and sweetmeat

Takh-ta-Pûl and Takh-ta-Pul

teapots and tea-pots

watercourse and water-course

Wazîr and Wazir

Zohàk-i-Marhan and Zohak-i-Marhan

End of Project Gutenberg's At the Court of the Amîr, by John Alfred Gray

At the Court of the Amîr: A Narrative · 第 32 / 32 章