III

The time and the man had met. Although Mr. Tilden had not before held

executive office, he was ripe and ready for the work. His experience

in the pursuit and overthrow of the Tweed Ring in New York, the great

metropolis, had prepared and fitted him to deal with the Canal Ring at

Albany, the State Capital. Administrative Reform was now uppermost in

the public mind, and here in the Empire State of the Union had come

to the head of affairs a Chief Magistrate at once exact and exacting,

deeply versed not only in legal lore but in a knowledge of the methods

by which political power was being turned to private profit, and of

the men--Democrats as well as Republicans--who were preying upon the

substance of the people.

The story of the two years that followed relates to investigations that

investigated, to prosecutions that convicted, to the overhauling of the

civil fabric, to the rehabilitation of popular censorship, to reduced

estimates and lower taxes.

The campaign for the presidential nomination began as early as the

autumn of 1875. The Southern end of it was easy enough. A committee of

Southerners residing in New York was formed. Never a leading Southern

man came to town who was not “seen.” If of enough importance, he was

taken to No. 15 Gramercy Park. Mr. Tilden measured to the Southern

standard of the gentleman in politics. He impressed the disfranchised

Southern leaders as a statesman of the old order and altogether after

their own idea of what a President ought to be. The South came to St.

Louis, the seat of the National Convention, represented by its foremost

citizens and almost a unit for the Governor of New York. The main

opposition sprang from Tammany Hall, of which John Kelly was then the

Chief. Its very extravagance proved an advantage to Tilden. Two days

before the meeting of the Convention I sent this message to Mr. Tilden:

“Tell Blackstone [his favorite riding horse] that he wins in a walk.”

The anti-Tilden men put up the Hon. S. S. (“Sunset”) Cox, for Temporary

Chairman. It was a clever move. Mr. Cox, though sure for Tammany, was

popular everywhere and especially at the South. His backers thought

that with him they could count upon a majority of the National

Committee.

The night before the assembling, Mr. Tilden’s two or three leading

friends on the Committee came to me and said: “We can elect you

Chairman over Cox, but no one else.” I demurred at once. “I don’t know

one rule of parliamentary law from another,” I said. “We will have the

best parliamentarian on the continent right by you all the time,” they

said. “I can’t see to recognize a man on the floor of the convention,”

I said. “We’ll have a dozen men to tell you,” they replied. So it was

arranged, and thus at the last moment I was chosen.

I had barely time to write the required “key-note” speech, but

not to commit it to memory, nor sight to read it, even had I been

willing to adopt that mode of delivery. It would not do to trust to

extemporization. A friend, Colonel Stoddard Johnston, who was familiar

with my penmanship, came to the rescue. Concealing my manuscript behind

his hat, he lined the words out to me between the cheering, I having

mastered a few opening sentences.

[Illustration: From a photograph owned by F. H. Meserve THOMAS F.

BAYARD of Delaware

The Century Illustrated Monthly Magazine (May 1913) Vol. LXXXVI. New Series: Vol. LXIV. May to October, 1913 · 第 23 / 166 题