NEGOCIATIONS WITH BOLIVAR--EXILE OF MONTEAGUDO--COMPLAINTS OF THE
LIMENOS--EXTRAVAGANCE OF THE GOVERNMENT--EXCULPATION OF SAN
MARTIN--EFFECTS OF POPULAR DISSENSION--DISAGREEMENT OF BOLIVAR
AND SAN MARTIN--VOTE OF PERUVIAN CONGRESS--EXTRAORDINARY NEGLECT
OF THE CHILIAN SQUADRON--SAN MARTIN'S ARRIVAL AT VALPARAISO--
I DEMAND HIS TRIAL--COUNTENANCE OF THE SUPREME DIRECTOR--
SQUADRON AT LENGTH PAID WAGES--REVOLT OF CONCEPTION--GENERAL
FREIRE APPRISES ME OF IT--FREIRE ASKS FOR MY SUPPORT--HIS
LETTER NOT REPLIED TO--SAN MARTIN'S INFLUENCE.
Mention has been made in a previous chapter
of the all but total destruction of a division of the
liberating army by General Canterac, and of the
bombastic proclamations issued on that occasion by
San Martin, to the effect that they were "only
dispersed, not beaten," &c. The Protector was
however ill at ease, and entered into a correspondence
with Bolivar, with a view to procure the assistance
of Columbian troops against the Spaniards, who,
following up their success, were making demonstrations
of attacking the patriot forces in Lima. To
this request was added another soliciting an interview
with Bolivar at Guayaquil. A similar despatch was
sent to Santiago, asking, in the most urgent terms,
for aid from the Chilian Government.
The whole affair--as narrated at the time, for
personally I had nothing to do with it--was somewhat
curious. San Martin's designs on Guayaquil
having got wind, Bolivar marched the Columbian
troops across the Cordillera, successfully invaded
Quito, and was hastening towards Guayaquil, with a
view of being beforehand with San Martin, of whose
intentions upon that province he was aware. After
the above-mentioned defeat of the Peruvian army by
Canterac, San Martin had been compelled to withdraw
his forces from Truxillo, on which Sucre, the
next in command to Bolivar, advanced to Guayaquil
and took possession of it. At this time, as was afterwards
well known, the Limeños were privately
soliciting Bolivar to give them his assistance in
liberating Peru, _both from the Protector_ and the
Spaniards!
Ignorant of this, the Protector, having delegated
the supreme authority to the Marquis of Torre Tagle,
and appointed General Alvarado Commander-in-Chief
in his absence, departed for Guayaquil, for the
purpose of the proposed interview.
No sooner had San Martin turned his back, than a
public meeting of the Limeños took place in the
Plaza, and insisted on the reconstitution of the _Cabildo_,
which assembly had been put down by the Protector
immediately after the declaration of independence.
The members having complied, it was decided that
"the Minister Monteagudo should be deposed, tried,
and subjected to the severity of the law," a note
being despatched to this effect to the Supreme
Delegate, Torre Tagle. The Council of State met,
and informed Monteagudo of what had taken place,
when he was induced to resign; the Supreme
Delegate politely informing the _Cabildo_ that the
ex-Minister should be made to answer to the Council
of State for the acts of his administration.
This note not satisfying the municipality, the
_Cabildo_ requested that Monteagudo should at once
be placed in arrest till called upon for his defence,
which was immediately complied with; but the step
was disapproved by the Limeños, who feared that
some crafty subterfuge might again place him in
authority. The _Cabildo_, therefore, in order to satisfy
the people and get rid of the ex-Minister,
requested of the Government that he might be put
on board ship, and exiled for ever from Peru. This
was also acceded to; and, on the anniversary of his
arrival in Lima, Monteagudo was sent under escort
to Callao, and forthwith taken to sea.
Torre Tagle was unable to cope with the returning
spirit of the Limeños, nor did he attempt it, as the
army was as much disgusted as were the inhabitants,
and would not have raised a hand against them. The
liberty of the press returned, and the first use of it
was the following picture of the exiled Minister, taken
from the Lima newspapers; this would not have been
inserted here, except to shew the class of men with
whom I had so long to contend.
"Every honourable citizen found in Don Bernardo Monteagudo,
(this is the name of the man of whom we speak,) an enemy who
at any price would have sacrificed him. How many victims has he
not immolated in his one year's ministry! More than eight hundred
honourable families have been reduced by him to extreme indigence,
and the whole city to misery! Amongst the patriots of Lima,
nothing was thought of but where they might find an asylum in a
foreign land. Without agriculture, commerce, industry, personal
security, property, and laws, what is society here but a scene of the
most afflicting torments?"
"The religion of our forefathers suffered an equal persecution in
its ministers and its temples; these were deprived of their riches,
not for the service of our country, but for the reward of _espionage_,
and to deceive us with useless trickeries. The satellites of this
bandit were equally despotic with himself, and committed under his
protection the most horrid crimes. This is not a proper place in
which to insert the baseness with which he abused the delicacy and
weakness of females. Fathers of families * * * *. Every
man was intimidated. Every feeling man wept, because all were
the victims of the caprice of this insolent upstart, who made an
ostentation of atheism and ferocity."
"It is impossible to recapitulate his actions. Volumes would be
necessary to shew the world the arbitrary crimes of this atrocious
individual. It would appear that for the commission of so many
offences he must have had some cause that impelled him, for they
could not possibly be the effect of ignorance. It was impossible to
believe that by insulting and ruining every one, plundering our
property, despising the ingenuity and talents of the Peruvians, and
endeavouring to introduce anarchy, he could be longer tolerated in
this capital. Was the reduction of Peru to the most degrading
slavery, the means to make us or even himself happy?" &c. &c. &c
The reader can--from what has been narrated in these pages,--form pretty
correct opinions upon the majority of the enormities which drove
Monteagudo into exile. Of his private character I have always foreborn
to speak, as considering it a thing apart from official acts--but as the
Limeños themselves have forcibly alluded to it, I can say that in no
respect can their allegations be called in question.
The opinion of the roused Limeños, that for Monteagudo's plunders,
insults, and cruelties, there "must have been an impelling cause," is
correct, though it is rather surprising that they should not have more
justly estimated that cause. The vast amount of silver and gold which I
spared in the _Sacramento_ at Ancon, as being the property of the
Protector, shews the gulf which swallowed up his plunder of the
inhabitants. The costly extravagance of the Government--amidst which the
degraded Minister's ostentation was even more conspicuous than that of
the Protector himself--could have had no other source but plunder, for
of legitimate revenue there was scarcely enough to carry on the expenses
of the Government--certainly none for luxurious ostentation; which,
nevertheless, emulated that of the Roman Empire in its worst period--but
without the "_panem et circenses_."
The "impelling cause" was the Protector himself. Ambitious beyond all
bounds, but with a capacity singularly incommensurate with his ambition,
he believed that money could accomplish everything. Monteagudo supplied
this literally by plunder and cruelty, whilst San Martin recklessly
flung it away in ostentation and bribes. In return for the means of
prodigality, the Minister was permitted to carry on the Government just
as he chose, the Protector meanwhile indulging in the "_otium cum
dignitate_" at his country palace near La Legua--his physical powers
prostrated by opium and brandy, to which he was a slave, whilst his
mental faculties day by day became more torpid from the same
debilitating influence. This was well known to me, and alluded to in my
letter to him of August 7th, 1821, in which I adjured him to banish his
advisers and act as became his position. I now mention these things, not
to cast a slur on San Martin, but for the opposite purpose of averting
undue reproach, though my bitter enemy. The enormities committed in his
name were for the most part not his, but Monteagudo's; for, to
paraphrase the saying of a French wit, "San Martin reigned, but his
Minister governed." Duplicity and cunning were San Martin's great
instruments when he was not too indolent to wield them; and while he was
wrapped in ease, his Minister superadded to these qualities all the
cruelty and ferocity which sometimes converts a ruler into a monster, as
the Limeños very appropriately designate him. San Martin was not
innately cruel, though, as in the execution of the Carreras, he did not
hesitate to sacrifice men of far greater patriotism and ability than
himself, regarding them as rivals; but he would not, as Monteagudo did,
have endeavoured to tempt me ashore to the house of Torre Tagle, for the
purpose of assassinating me; nor, failing in this, would he as
Monteagudo also did, have liberated a convict for the express purpose of
murdering me on board my own ship. At this distance of time these things
may be mentioned, as there can be no delicacy in thus alluding to
Monteagudo, who, having lived the life of a tyrant, died the death of a
dog; for having sometime afterwards imprudently returned to the Peruvian
capital, he was set upon and killed in the streets by the enraged
Limeños.
This bad commencement of the Peruvian Government subsequently entailed
on the country years of misery and civil war, from intestine feuds and
party strife--the natural results of the early abuse which unhappily
inaugurated its liberation. No such features have been exhibited in
Chili, where the maritime force under my command at once and for ever
annihilated the power of Spain, leaving to the mother country neither
adherents nor defenders, so that all men agreed to consolidate the
liberty which had been achieved. The same good results followed my
expulsion of the Portuguese fleets and army from Brazil, where, whatever
may have been the contentions of the parties into which the country was
divided, the empire has ever since been preserved from those revolutions
which invariably characterise states based at the outset upon virulent
contentions. In Peru, the liberty which had been promised was trodden
under foot by the myrmidons of San Martin, so that a portion of the
people, and that the most influential, would gladly have exchanged the
degradation of their country for a return to Spanish rule, and this was
afterwards very nearly achieved. Another portion, dreading the
Spaniards, invited Bolivar to free them from the despotism to which, in
the name of liberty, they had been subjected. A third party sighed for
independence, as they originally hoped it would have been established.
The community became thus divided in object, and, as a consequence, in
strength; being in constant danger of the oppressor, and in even more
danger from its own intestine dissensions; which have continued to this
day, not in Peru only, but in the majority of the South American States,
which, having commenced their career in the midst of private feud and
public dissension, have never been able to shake off either the one or
the other monuments of their own incipient weakness.
The intelligence of Monteagudo's forced exile was received at Valparaiso
on the 21st of September; and if this excited the surprise of the
Chilians, still greater must have been their astonishment when, on the
12th of October, General San Martin himself arrived at Valparaiso, a
fugitive from his short-lived splendour, amidst the desolation of
despotism.
The story of this event is brief, but instructive. Having met Bolivar,
as previously agreed upon, the Liberator, in place of entering upon any
mutual arrangement, bitterly taunted San Martin with the folly and
cruelty of his conduct towards the Limeños; to such an extent, indeed,
that the latter, fearing designs upon his person, precipitately left
Guayaquil, and returned to Callao shortly after the expulsion of
Monteagudo. Finding what had taken place, he remained on board his
vessel, issuing vain threats against all who had been concerned in
exiling his minister, and insisting on his immediate recal and
reinstatement. A congress had however, by this time been appointed, with
Xavier de Luna Pizarro as its head, so the remonstrances of the
Protector were unheeded. After some time spent in useless recrimination,
he made a virtue of necessity, and sent in his abdication of the
Protectorate, returning, as has been said, to Chili.
One of the first acts of the Peruvian Congress, after his abdication,
was to address to me the following vote of thanks, not only marking my
services in the liberation of their country, but denouncing San Martin
as a military despot:--
_Resolution of thanks to Lord Cochrane by the Sovereign Congress
of Peru._
The Sovereign Constituent Congress of Peru, in consideration
of the services rendered to Peruvian liberty by Lord Cochrane, by
whose talent, worth, and bravery, the Pacific Ocean has been
liberated from the insults of enemies, and the standard of liberty
has been planted on the shores of the South,
Has Resolved,--
That the Supreme Junta, on behalf of the Nation, shall offer to
Lord Cochrane, Admiral of the Chilian squadron, its most expressive
sentiments of gratitude for his hazardous exploits on behalf of
Peru, hitherto under the tyranny of military despotism, but now the
arbiter of its own fate.
This resolution being communicated to the Supreme Junta, they
will do that which is necessary for its fulfilment, by ordering it to
be printed, published, and circulated.
Given in the Hall of Congress, at Lima, September 27th, 1822.
Xavier de Luna Pizarro, President.
Jose Sanchez Carrion, Deputy and Secretary.
Francisco Xavier Mariatique, Deputy and Secretary.
In fulfilment of the preceding Resolution, we direct the same to
be executed.
Jose de la Mar,
Felipe Anto. Alvarado,
El Conde de Vista Florida.
By order of His Excellency,
Francisco Valdivieso.
San Martin had, however, played his cards so cunningly, that, in order
to be well rid of him, the Peruvian congress had been induced to give
him a pension of 20,000 dollars per annum, whilst nothing but thanks
were awarded to me, both for liberating their country and for freeing
them from military despotism! notwithstanding that the new Peruvian
Government was in possession of our prizes, the _Prueba_ and _Venganza_,
the latter only to be given up by paying 40,000 dollars to the Chilian
squadron, which at its own cost had run it down in Guayaquil--these
sums, no less than the value of the other frigate, being, in common
honesty, due from Peru to the Chilian squadron to this day. To have
thanked me so warmly as the exclusive instrument of their independence
and deliverance from military tyranny--yet to have rewarded the tyrant
and not myself in any form beyond the acknowledgment of my services, is
a circumstance to which the Peruvian Government of the present day
cannot look back with satisfaction; the less so as Chili has, after the
lapse of thirty years, partially atoned for the ingratitude of a former
Government in availing itself of my aid, without a shilling in the way
of recompense, though I had supported its squadron by my own exertions,
with comparatively no expense to the Government, during the whole period
that I held the command.
To add to this palpable injustice, the Peruvian Congress distributed
500,000 dollars amongst twenty general and field officers of the army;
but the officers of the squadron, whose prowess had freed the Pacific of
the enemy, and by the admission of the Congress itself Peru also--were
not only excluded from the Peruvian bounty, but were denied the
prize-money which they had won and generously given up to the temporary
exigencies of Chili. Such a monstrous perversion of justice and even
common honesty, never before reflected discredit on a state. But more
of this hereafter.
It having been circulated in Lima that San Martin had secreted a
quantity of gold in the _Puyrredon_, steps were taken to verify the
rumour, on which, at midnight on the 20th of September, he ordered the
Captain to get under weigh, though the vessel was not half manned, and
had scarcely any water on board. He then went to Ancon, and despatched a
messenger to Lima, on whose return, he ordered the Captain instantly to
weigh anchor and proceed to Valparaiso, where on his arrival, it was
given out that an attack of rheumatism compelled him to have resource to
the baths of Cauquenes.
On the arrival of the Ex-protector, two _aides-de-camp_ were sent by
Zenteno to compliment him, and his flag was regularly saluted, the
Governor of Valparaiso's carriage being sent to convey him to the
Government house. Yet shortly before, this very Governor of Valparaiso
had rightly branded those who abandoned the Chilian flag for that of
Peru, as "deserters;" but now he received the man who had not only first
set the example, but had also induced others to desert--with the honours
of a Sovereign Prince! The patriots were eager that I should arrest
General San Martin, and there were those in power who would not have
complained had I done so, but I preferred to leave the Government to its
own course.
On the following day, General San Martin was forwarded in one of the
Director's carriages to Santiago with an escort, the pretence for this
mark of honour being fears for his personal safety, in which, there
might be something of truth, for the Chilian people rightly estimated
his past conduct. Without troubling myself about such matters, I
immediately forwarded to the Supreme Director the annexed demand, that
he should be tried for his desertion and subsequent conduct:--
MOST EXCELLENT SIR,
Don Jose de San Martin, late Commander-in-Chief
of the Expeditionary forces from Chili for the liberation of Peru,
having this day arrived at Valparaiso, and being now within the
jurisdiction of the laws of Chili, I lose no time in acquainting you
that, if it be the pleasure of Government to institute an inquiry into
the conduct of the said Don Jose de San Martin, I am ready to
prove his forcible usurpation of the Supreme Authority of Peru, in
violation of the solemn pledge given by his Excellency the Supreme
Director of Chili; his attempts to seduce the navy of Chili; his
receiving and rewarding deserters from the Chilian service; his
unjustifiably placing the frigates, _Prueba_ and _Venqanza_, under the
flag of Peru; with other demonstrations and acts of hostility towards
the Republic of Chili.
Given under my hand this 12th day of October, 1822, on board
the Chilian ship _O'Higgins_, in the harbour of Valparaiso.
(Signed) COCHRANE.
In place of my demand being complied with, San Martin was honoured by
having the palace appointed as his residence, whilst every mark of
public attention was paid him by the Ministry, the object being no other
than to insult me, both as regarded the countenance given to him in the
face of my demand for his trial, and the infamous accusations which he
had made against me, but which he did not dare to sustain.
The passive acquiescence of the Supreme Director in the treachery of his
advisers caused an amount of popular discontent which ended in his exile
also; both Chilenos and Spaniards revolting at the idea of San Martin
being thus publicly honoured. To see the Supreme Director parade himself
as the friend and ally of such a man, was more than the patriot spirit
could bear, and the voice of dissatisfaction was loud in every
direction. By the partisans of San Martin this was attributed to the
squadron; and at his instigation, as was generally believed, troops were
sent to Valparaiso for the purpose of overawing it. I was cautioned to
be on my guard against personal seizure or assault, as had been
attempted in Peru, but did not place sufficient reliance on the courage
of my opponents to adopt any steps evincing doubt of the Chilian people,
who were well disposed to me.
On the 21st of November there occurred an earthquake, which completely
destroyed the town of Valparaiso, so that scarcely a house remained
habitable; the people rushing to the hills or to the ships in the
harbour. On the first shocks, knowing that terrible disasters would
ensue, I went on shore to restore what order could be maintained amongst
the terrified people, and met with the Supreme Director, who had
narrowly escaped with his life when hurrying out of his house. It being
impossible to render the unhappy townspeople any service, I paid His
Excellency every possible attention, even though I had reason to
believe that his visit was unfriendly to me, he being falsely persuaded
that my incessant demands for the payment of the squadron was an act of
hostility to himself, instead of a measure of justice to the officers
and men.
Finding me determined, after what had occurred, to procure the payment
of the squadron, the now tottering Government gave in, and thus far
decided on doing justice; but even in this--as I had reason to
believe--the counsels of San Martin induced them to adopt a plan of
making the payments ashore, and paying the men and petty officers
first--after which, they were to be allowed a furlough of four months.
As this plan was palpably meant to unman the squadron, and thus place
the officers and myself at the mercy of the intriguers, I would not
suffer it to be carried into effect, the men were therefore paid on
board their respective ships.
A new system of annoyance was hereupon practised towards me by Zenteno,
who had again assumed the office of Minister of Marine. From the neglect
to repair the ships--which were left in the same wretched condition as
when they returned from Peru and Mexico--the _Independencia_ was alone
seaworthy; and was sent to sea by Zenteno without even the formality of
transmitting the requisite orders through me.
But a crisis was now at hand. The insult offered to General Freire, by
sending Santa Cruz to supersede him, will be fresh in the reader's
recollection. Soon after this the Provincial Convention of Conception
met, and passed a vote of censure upon the Council of Government at
Santiago, for re-electing General O'Higgins as Supreme Director after
his resignation--an act which it considered illegal, as no such power
was vested in the Ministry--and it became known that General Freire was
about to march with the troops under his command to enforce these views.
On the 17th, General Freire had advanced his troops as far as Talca, and
a division of the army at Santiago was ordered to be in readiness to
meet him. The marines belonging to the squadron, under the command of
Major Hind, were also ordered to reinforce the Director's troops.
I was at this time at my country residence at Quintero, but learning
what was going on, I immediately went to Valparaiso and resumed the
command of the squadron, to which I found that orders had been issued at
variance with the arrangements which had been entered into in regard to
the prize-money due to the officers and men--the _Galvarino_, which was
pledged to be sold for that purpose, being under orders for sea, to
convey San Martin to some place of safety, for, not anticipating the
disorganisation which he found in Chili, he was afraid of falling into
the hands of General Freire, from whom he would doubtless have
experienced the full amount of justice which his conduct deserved. The
squadron in my absence had, however, taken the matter into its own
hands, by placing the _Lautaro_, with her guns loaded, in a position to
sink the _Galvarino_ if she attempted to move. The forts on shore had
also loaded their guns for retaliation, though of these the squadron
would have made short work.
No sooner had I restored order, by resuming the command, than I received
from General Freire the subjoined letter, which no longer left me in
doubt of his intentions:--
Conception, Dec. 18th, 1822.
MY LORD,
The province under my command being tired of
suffering the effects of a corrupted administration, which has reduced
the Republic to a state of greater degradation than that under
which it was labouring when it made the first struggle to obtain its
liberty; and when, by means of an illegitimately-created convention,
without the will of the people, they have traced the plans of
enslaving them, by constituting them as the patrimony of an
ambitious despot, whilst, in order to ensure him the command, they
have trodden under foot the imprescriptible right of the citizens,
exiling them in the most arbitrary manner from their native
country.
Nothing now remains for us but heroically to resolve that we will
place the fruit of eleven years of painful sacrifices in the way of
saving it; to which effect I have deposited in the hands of its legal
representatives who are united in this city the authority that I
have hitherto exercised; but notwithstanding my want of merit, and
sincere renouncement, the constituent power has deigned to place
upon my weak shoulders this enormous weight, by again depositing
the civil and military command in my person, which the adjoining
resolution I have the honour of remitting will explain to your
Lordship.
God preserve your Lordship many years.
(Signed) RAMON FREIRE.
In short, a revolution to depose the Supreme Director had commenced, and
General Freire, supported by the inhabitants of Conception and Coquimbo,
was in arms to effect it. With this revolution I was determined to have
nothing to do, because, as a foreigner, it was not desirable for me to
become a party to any faction, though it was evident that the authority
of General O'Higgins would shortly be at an end.
Regarding General Freire's letter as an indirect request to me to aid
him in deposing General O'Higgins, I did not even reply to it. On the
20th of September he made the following direct overture to me to join in
the revolution:--
Conception, Nov. 20th, 1853.
My Best and Most Distinguished Friend,
The time has arrived when circumstances and
the country require the protection of those who generously and
judiciously know how to maintain its sacred rights. Let us withdraw
the curtain from the scene which trifles with the interests of the
Republic, leading it to inevitable ruin. Its deplorable state is
public and notorious. There is not a man who is unacquainted
with it, and who does not bewail the prospective loss of its
independence,
with a thraldom also in view more grievous than the
Spanish yoke.
The self-assumed powers of the Government, the restrictions on
commerce, and, above all, the constitution recently promulgated,
place the ambitious views of the Chief Magistrate and the corruption
of his Ministers in a clear light. Every act proves that the
intentions of the Supreme Director have undergone a change.
Fortune, which has hitherto favoured him, has given a new turn to
his ambition, as if the proposal of a crown could no longer be
resisted--all the measures pursued throughout the state leading to
that end. It is grievous to see laurels thus stained in the grasp of
one who so gloriously obtained them. It is, however, needless to
trespass on you with further reflections on these occurrences, as
your judgment cannot fail to be formed both on the facts and their
consequences. Let us therefore touch on other subjects.
Permit me, without offence to your delicacy, to make some
reflections on subjects equally public and notorious.
You enjoyed honours, rank, and fortune, amidst a people the most
distinguished in Europe. You generously abandoned ease and
comfort in order to aid in the attainment of our liberty, and you
have been the chief instrument which has enabled us to achieve it.
The whole world is acquainted with your gallant efforts to abolish
tyranny and give liberty to South America. The people of this
Republic are full of the most lively gratitude, and are grieved that
it is not in their power to give you an effectual proof of their deep
attachment. This Province, holding valour and merit in estimation,
idolizes you, whilst it holds in abhorrence and detestation the tyrant
"Liberator of Peru!" who has stained our soil with tears of blood
shed for his pretended services. Chacabuco would have terminated
the war throughout the Republic, had it not been deemed necessary
to foster its continuance for the interests of this individual.
This Province (Conception) having been completely sacrificed,
has arrived at the point of exasperation. Its inhabitants are
unanimously determined on a change and a reform of Government,
and declare that in Arauco they will breathe the air of liberty, and
that they will perish in the field of battle to obtain it. This is the
decision universally adopted without exception. This is the
determination of the gallant troops which I have the honour to command,
and of their valiant officers, and is moreover sanctioned by the holy
orders of the clergy.
Compromised by these declarations, what am I to reply to them?
Must I profess my sympathy and accordance of opinion with them,
and admit to you, that, though yesterday a private citizen, with a
heart burning to be freed from fetters, _I must to-day gird on the
sword_. May Heaven favour my lot in the absence of personal
merit! To my country I owe my life and the position I hold--from
having contributed to its welfare--can I then neglect the duty
that I owe to it? No, my dear friend, far be that course from me.
Freire has sworn to live or perish for the liberty of his native
country, and he now repeats that solemn oath, grieved at the cause
which compels him to renew it, but trusting in the hope that God
will avert the effusion of blood in the accomplishment of the object.
I know that you are deeply interested in securing the liberty of
Chili, for which you have so gloriously contended. I know you will
deeply feel the privation of hope--for neither in your generous
heart, nor in mine, can such events be received with indifference. Let
us then pursue a course in uniformity with the glory of Chili, and
the opinion of the world. Let us listen to the voice of the country,
which calls us to avert evils when repose might have been anticipated.
I count, together with the whole Province, on your
co-operation to avert mischief and advance the good of the country.
Act as you judge best, but for the promotion of that object, the
moment has arrived for action. Answer me with promptitude and
frankness. Let us have the satisfaction of applying effective
remedies to the evils which afflict the country, zealously and
disinterestedly for the good of the Republic, and without personal
views.
_I hold the residence of San Martin in any part of Chili as suspicious
and dangerous. Let him be off to make some other quarter happy,
where he can sell his protection to the ill-fated inhabitants._
I hope my intentions meet your approbation, and will be seconded
by the officers of the squadron.
I trust you will receive this as the sincerest proof that I can give
of the high consideration with-which I am
Your most faithful and unchangeable Friend,
RAMON FREIRE.
To Vice-Adm. Lord Cochrane,
Commanding the squadron of Chili.
I did not reply with promptitude, for I felt that it was no part of my
mission to mingle in civil warfare. This letter, however, corroborated
my opinion as to the fact of San Martin's influence over the Supreme
Director, and the recent coolness in his conduct towards me. If General
Freire's information was correct, there was evidently a desire to
restore San Martin to the Empire of Peru! when possession could be got
of the squadron, and he in return had deluded General O'Higgins into
the plot by promise of support. Whether this was so in reality is
problematical, but there is General Freire's letter, for the first time
published, and the Chilian people can thence draw their own conclusions.
Fortunately an occurrence took place, which relieved me from the dilemma
in which I was placed, as will be narrated in the succeeding chapter.