CHAPTER I._The Voyages of Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, 1595 to 1606. Volume 1

WORKS ISSUED BY

The Hakluyt Society.

THE VOYAGES

PEDRO FERNANDEZ DE QUIROS,

1595 TO 1606.

SECOND SERIES.

No. XIV.

THE VOYAGES

PEDRO FERNANDEZ DE QUIROS,

1595 TO 1606.

Translated and Edited

SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM,

K.C.B., P.R.G.S.;

PRESIDENT OF THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

IN TWO VOLUMES.--VOL. I.

LONDON:

PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

M.DCCCCIV.

COUNCIL

THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

Sir Clements Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S., President.

The Right Hon. the Lord Amherst of Hackney, Vice-President.

Rear-admiral Sir William Wharton, K.C.B., F.R.S., Vice-President.

Colonel George Earl Church.

Sir William Martin Conway.

George William Forrest, C.I.E.

William Foster, B.A.

F. H. H. Guillemard, M.A., M.D.

The Right Hon. the Lord Hawkesbury.

Edward Heawood, M.A.

John Scott Keltie, LL.D.

Frederic William Lucas.

Admiral Sir Albert Hastings Markham, K.C.B.

Mowbray Morris.

Commr. John Franklin Parry, R.N.

Edward John Payne, M.A.

Ernest George Ravenstein.

Admiral of the Fleet Sir F. W. Richards, G.C.B.

Henry William Trinder.

Richard Stephen Whiteway.

Basil H. Soulsby, B.A., Honorary Secretary.

CONTENTS.

VOLUME I.

Page

Dedication ix

Introduction xi

Note on the Cartography of the Southern Continent.

By B. H. Soulsby xxxvii

I.--Narrative of the Second Voyage of the Adelantado

Alvaro de Mendaña, by the Chief Pilot Pedro Fernandez

de Quiros 3

II.--Narrative of the Voyage of the Adelantado Alvarez de

Mendaña de Niera for the Discovery of the Islands of

Solomon, written by the Chief Pilot Pedro Fernandez

de Quiros for Don Antonio de Morga, Lieutenant-General

of the Philippines 149

III.--Narrative of the Voyage of Pedro Fernandez de Quiros

in 1606, for the Discovery of the Austrial Regions 161

VOLUME II.

IV.--True Account of the Events of the Voyage that the

Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros made to the unknown

Southern lands, by Gaspar de Leza, Chief Pilot of the

said Fleet 321

V.--Torquemada's Account of the Voyage of Quiros 407

VI.--Letter from Luis Vaez de Torres to the King of Spain 455

VII.--Legends on the Four Maps signed by Diego de Prado y

Tobar 469

APPENDIX.

I.--Eighth Memorial of Quiros 477

II.--Memorial of Quiros, 1607 487

III.--Memorial of Quiros, 1609 504

IV.--Memorial of Don Fernando de Castro, 1608 508

V.--Letters from Diego de Prado y Tobar, 1613 511

VI.--Note on the Memorials of Quiros by the Council of

the Indies, 1610 514

VII.--Memorial touching Papers printed by Quiros, 1610 516

VIII.--Memorial by Juan Luis Arias 517

Index 537

MAPS.

1.--Planos de las Bahías descubiertas el año de 1606, In Pocket

en las islas del Espíritu Santo y de Nueva Guinea at the end.

y Dibujadas por D. Diego de Prado y Tovar en Igual

Fecha (Soc. Geogr. de Madrid, 1878).

2.--New Hebrides, Banks and Duff Groups, showing In Pocket

Discoveries of Quiros in 1606. G. Mackay del. at the end.

3.--Routes of Mendaña, 1595; Quiros, 1606, and Torres, In Pocket

1606. G. Mackay del. at the end.

DEDICATION.

COMMANDER ROBERT FALCON SCOTT,

R.N., M.V.O., F.R.G.S.;

LEADER OF THE NATIONAL ANTARCTIC EXPEDITION,

1901 TO 1904.

My Dear Scott,

I dedicate this translation of the Voyages of Pedro Fernandez de Quiros

to you, because the efforts and aspirations of the first navigator who

ever conceived the idea of discovering the Antarctic continent cannot

fail to have an interest for you who have actually made such great

discoveries in the Far South; as a tribute also of admiration for your

great qualities as a leader, and of affectionate regard for yourself.

Believe me to be ever, my dear Scott,

Your attached friend and well-wisher,

Clements R. Markham.

INTRODUCTION.

The Council of the Hakluyt Society has decided that the volumes

containing the narratives of the discovery of the Solomon Islands

by Mendaña shall be followed by a monograph on the two voyages of

Quiros. In the first voyage he was Chief Pilot to Mendaña; the second

and most famous voyage was under his own command.

The best and most detailed narrative of both voyages is contained

in a work which remained in manuscript until twenty-eight years ago,

when it was edited and published at Madrid by Don Justo Zaragoza. It

is entitled History of the Discovery of the Austrial Regions, made by

the General Pedro Fernandez de Quiros. [1] Two copies were known to

be in existence: one in the private library of the King of Spain, the

other in that of the Ministry of Marine. Both have erroneous titles,

written by careless librarians. The narratives were evidently dictated

by Quiros, or written from his notes; but Señor Zaragoza gives reasons

for the belief that the work, in its present form, was written by

Luis de Belmonte Bermudez, a young man who was Secretary to Quiros

during the voyage of 1606, and that it contains several passages for

which the Secretary was alone responsible. Belmonte Bermudez remained

faithful to Quiros in his adversity, and, after his master's death,

he became a poet of some celebrity. Señor Zaragoza quotes several

passages which show the hand of a poet. [2] There is also a quotation

from the Araucana of Ercilla on unknown lands not yet revealed by God,

to which is added another version by the young sailor-poet on those

unknown lands now revealed by God. [3]

The author is mentioned twice in the narrative: once as being nearly

drowned in landing on the island of Anaa [4] ("Conversion de San

Pablo"), and again in the list of officials for the municipality of

the city of New Jerusalem projected by Quiros. [5] The question of

authorship is really settled by the poet himself, in a line of his poem

entitled La Hispalica, quoted by Zaragoza. Speaking of Quiros as his

"Lusitanian master, the star of gallant Portuguese," he adds that,

in recording the history of the voyage there was:--

"Want of a writer, which I supplied."

The Historia, as published by Zaragoza, is continuous in eighty-one

chapters. It has been found more convenient to divide the translation

into two parts: the first containing the second voyage of Mendaña,

and the second part being the story of the voyage of Quiros in 1606.

The present volume commences with the first part of the History of

the Discovery of the Austrial Regions. It describes the second voyage

of Mendaña in much detail, including the discovery of the Marquesas

Islands and of the island of Santa Cruz, the death of Mendaña, and

the terrible passage from Santa Cruz to Manilla. It is certainly a

most extraordinary story.

In the work entitled Hechos del Marques de Cañete, a life of one of the

Viceroys of Peru, by Cristoval Suarez de Figueroa, [6] Book VI contains

an abbreviated version of the narrative in the Historia, generally

copied word for word. Numerous details are omitted, particularly

such as are derogatory to the Spanish character. There are also a few

passages which are not in the Historia, but none having any bearing

on the events of the voyage. Suarez de Figueroa tells us that he had

the narrative of Quiros before him as he wrote. For these reasons

I have considered it unnecessary to translate the version of Suarez

de Figueroa, as it is merely a mutilated version of the narrative in

the Historia. The account in the work of Suarez de Figueroa was the

only version of the second voyage of Mendaña that was known to our

historians of Pacific voyages, Dalrymple and Burney.

There is a short report of the second voyage of Mendaña, to Antonio

de Morga, the Governor of the Philippines, by Quiros himself. It was

translated and printed by Lord Stanley of Alderley, in his edition of

the work of Antonio de Morga (Hakluyt Society, 1868). I have caused

it to be reprinted in this volume, in order to make the monograph of

Quiros complete.

For the voyage of Quiros in 1606, when he discovered the Duff and

Banks groups of islands, and the New Hebrides, there are no less than

four separate accounts.

The first, and by far the most important, forms the second part of the

Historia del descubrimiento de las regiones Austriales, by Belmonte

Bermudez. It contains the full narrative, the speeches and reflections

of Quiros, as recorded by his Secretary, and the remarks of the poet

himself. The royal orders, the curious and interesting instructions

of Quiros to his Captains, the act of possession and other strange

proceedings at Espiritu Santo, the half-allegorical will of Quiros,

and other documents, are included.

The second narrative is by Gaspar Gonzalez de Leza, the Chief Pilot

of the Capitana with Quiros. For the most part it is merely a log,

with courses, distances run, winds, and latitudes for each day,

with occasional calculations of the distance from Callao. But it also

contains accounts of the visits to the newly-discovered islands, and

some remarks of interest, which may be compared with the same events

described by Quiros, and in the work of Torquemada. The manuscript is

in the Royal Library at Madrid (J. 2); and Lord Stanley of Alderley

quoted largely from it, in annotating the letter of Torres. But it

was first printed by Zaragoza.

The third narrative is contained in the Monarquia Indiana, a work

on Mexico first published in 1614, by the Franciscan Friar, Juan de

Torquemada, who was Provincial of the Order in Mexico in that year

(vol. i, pp. 738 to 756 the second edition, 1723) (Lib. V, caps. lxiv

to lxix). Torquemada was at Mexico when Quiros and his companions

landed at Acapulco, and came up to the capital in the end of 1606. He

must have known and conversed both with Quiros and with some of his

crew. He thus obtained his information at first hand, and was able

to write an authentic account of the voyage. Torquemada's style is

more polished and flowing than those of the sailors, or even of the

young poet, who relate the events of the same voyage. [7]

The fourth narrative is contained in a letter from the second in

command, Luis Vaez de Torres, to the King. This letter briefly

describes the whole voyage; but it is specially interesting when it

relates the events after parting company with Quiros. For Torres,

on his voyage from Espiritu Santo to Ternate, was the discoverer

of the strait which bears his name. Dalrymple obtained a copy of

the letter of Torres, and translated it. This translation was, with

the permission of Dalrymple, first published by Burney. Mr. Major

reprinted it in his volume of Early Voyages to Australia (Hakluyt

Soc., 1859). Lord Stanley of Alderley found another copy in the

National Library at Madrid (J. 2), and translated it as Appendix VI

of his edition of the work on the Philippines, by Antonio de Morga

(p. 402, Hakluyt Soc., 1868). This is a copy of a document mentioned

by Navarrete as existing at Simancas. Ever loyal to his chief, though

disapproving of his conduct of the expedition, Torres wrote another

letter to Quiros. The letter of Torres has such an important bearing

on the voyage of Quiros, that I have considered it indispensable to

include it in the present volumes.

The Memorials of Quiros, and other documents in the Appendix, will

be described further on. They complete the materials for a monograph

of the famous navigator's work and life.

I now propose to state all that I have been able to ascertain

respecting his life; and to discuss his character, his attainments,

his views and aspirations, and the position his voyages occupy in

the history of maritime discovery.

Pedro Fernandez de Quiros was born at Evora [8], in Portugal, in 1565,

the year before Mendaña sailed on his first voyage. The ill-fated Don

Sebastian was then King of Portugal. His uncle, the Cardinal Henry,

became King in 1578; but in 1580 Philip II, the Cardinal's nephew,

succeeded as King of Portugal, as well as of Spain. Quiros, though a

Portuguese, then became a subject of the King of Spain, his age being

fifteen. We are told, though an enemy is our informant, [9] that

young Quiros was brought up in the "Rua nova," then a disreputable

part of Lisbon, and that he was a clerk or supercargo in merchant

ships. This may or may not be true. He certainly became a good sailor,

and an accomplished pilot.

In 1589, when he had reached his twenty-fourth year, he had probably

been several years at sea. He then married Doña Ana Chacon, of Madrid,

daughter of the licentiate Juan Quevedo de Miranda, by Ana Chacon

de Miranda. She was a year his senior. A son, named Francisco, was

born to them in 1590, and they must then have gone to Peru; for their

daughter Jeronima was born some months after Quiros sailed from Peru

with Mendaña in 1595. [10]

Quiros was thirty years of age when he accepted the post of Chief

Pilot in the ship of Alvaro de Mendaña, who had received a concession

to colonise the Solomon Islands, which he had discovered thirty years

before. Quiros joined this expedition with some misgivings, caused by

the quarrelsome character of the Camp Master, the want of order and

discipline, and the position assumed by the Commander's wife and her

brothers. Mendaña was more than twenty years older than Quiros. The

Pilot's position was one of some difficulty: for while on one side

he had to exercise tact in his intercourse with the family clique,

on the other he found it difficult to avoid friction with a most

impracticable and quarrelsome old soldier who was Camp Master, and

who had a feud with the brothers-in-law of Mendaña, which continued

to increase in bitterness. The expedition culminated at the island

of Santa Cruz, a new discovery, with the slaughter of the old Camp

Master, the deaths of Mendaña and his brother-in-law Don Lorenzo,

the succession of the widow, Doña Isabel, to the command of the

expedition, and the disastrous voyage to Manilla.

Through all this intrigue and violence the Chief Pilot steered

his course with prudence and caution. He was a reliable seaman,

and was constantly consulted. He appears, from his own account, to

have been a peacemaker, to have avoided quarrels, and to have had

some influence. He was, however, a great talker. The widow did not

like him, but she was obliged to rely upon him entirely. Her brothers

were useless. Quiros stood between the widow's selfish parsimony and

a crew on the verge of mutiny from misery and starvation. He brought

a sinking ship, with rotten spars and rigging, safely over an unknown

sea from Santa Cruz to Manilla.

It was during this voyage, and while gaining experience in the

navigation of the Pacific Ocean and the treatment of natives, that

Quiros conceived his grand project. He was a cartographer, and, in

studying existing maps, he saw a great Southern continent extending

across the ocean, from the Strait of Magellan to New Guinea. He thought

that here was a discovery as famous as had been made by Columbus or Da

Gama. He thought that here was not only a great continent extending

to the South Pole to be added to the dominions of his sovereign,

but millions of souls to be saved and brought within the fold of the

Church. He devoted his life to the realisation of this glorious dream

with unswerving devotion, never turning aside to the right hand or to

the left; undaunted by difficulties or wearisome delays to his dying

day; literally killed by Councils and Committees; but succumbing

only with his last breath. He became a man with one idea. Alas! he

was but a dreamer.

It was a dream. The heroic days of Spain and Portugal were passed

and gone. Quiros was the last of the long and glorious roll of

great Spanish navigators. He spoke, if not to stone-deaf ears, to

fast-deafening ears. The Viceroy Don Luis de Velasco, [11] at Lima, to

whom Quiros first explained his project, would take no responsibility,

and referred him to the Court of Spain and its Councils of State and of

the Indies. It was a happy inspiration which led Quiros to go first to

Rome, and interest the Pope in the conversion of millions of Antarctic

souls; for nothing was more likely to induce the Spanish Government

to move in the matter than a strong recommendation, which would be

looked upon almost as a command, from the Supreme Pontiff. Quiros was

himself a very religious man, deeply imbued with the superstitions

of his time and nation.

When Quiros arrived at Rome, the Duke of Sesa, a descendant of the

Great Captain, was Spanish Ambassador. The Pope was a scion of the

noble Roman family of Aldobrandini, and had succeeded, as Clement VIII,

in 1592.

The Duke of Sesa received Quiros well on his arrival at Rome, made him

a member of his household, and was so much interested in his project

that he assembled all the most eminent astronomers and geographers in

the Eternal City to examine and report to him upon it. Among these

experts there was a mathematician of the first rank. Christopher

Clavio was born at Bamberg in 1537, and taught mathematics at Rome

for twenty years. He corrected the calendar for Gregory XIII, and

published his Calendarii Romani Gregoriani Explicatio in 1603. He had

previously been the author of a work entitled Gnomonices, and of an

edition of Euclid. The other advisers of the Duke were Dr. Mesa and

Dr. Toribio Perez, who had been Professors of Geography at Salamanca,

and a learned Jesuit named Villalpando.

The authority of Clavio cannot be gainsaid. He found Quiros to be an

accomplished Pilot and cartographer, and the inventor or improver of

two nautical instruments. The Duke of Sesa was satisfied by Clavio and

the other experts of the capacity of Quiros as a navigator, and of the

importance of his project. He, therefore, introduced him to the Pope,

and both Clement VIII and the Duke gave him letters of recommendation

to the Spanish Government.

Philip III had succeeded his father in 1598 as King of Spain

and Portugal. He found the country utterly ruined, and commerce

nearly dead. Yet he continued the same fatal policy. He confided

the management of affairs to the Duke of Lerma, a man well known to

readers of Gil Blas, and the extravagance of the Court helped to lead

Spain downwards on the road to decadence and ruin.

Quiros arrived at Madrid with his credentials in the spring of 1602,

and had interviews with Philip III, and with his Minister, the Duke

of Lerma. The Pope's influence secured his success. Within a year he

had obtained a royal order, through the Council of State, addressed

to the Viceroy of Peru, instructing that dignitary to fit out two

ships at Callao, to enable Quiros to undertake an expedition for the

discovery of the Antarctic continent.

Quiros sailed for Peru in the summer of 1603. He seems to have left

his family in Spain. He was shipwrecked near the Island of Curaçoa,

in the West Indies, and had to pass some time at Caraccas. Here he

found the orphan children of a brother, of whom he had not heard for

many years, living with their maternal grandfather: two boys and a

girl. He thought it right to take the two nephews with him, leaving

the niece with her grandfather. One of the nephews is not heard of

again. The other, Lucas de Quiros, was his uncle's companion in the

voyage of 1606. He was Royal Ensign for the ceremonies at Espiritu

Santo. He is afterwards heard of as a rising cartographer at Lima. [12]

Quiros arrived at Lima quite destitute, owing to the refusal of the

royal officials on the route to give him any pecuniary assistance,

although they had positive orders to do so. He found shelter in

the house of a potter; and it was some days before he could get

an audience of the Count of Monterey, [13] who was then Viceroy of

Peru. Eventually, the Viceroy recognised the necessity for carrying out

the royal orders. Vessels were tardily bought and fitted out at Callao,

for the expedition of Quiros, in the last months of 1605. There were

two ships and a zabra or launch. The ship chosen for Quiros was called

the Capitana, and named San Pedro y San Pablo. She was 150 tons. The

other ship was called the Almiranta, and named the San Pedro, 120

tons. Her Captain was known as the Admiral, the title of a second

in command in those days. Both ships were built on the west coast,

probably at Guayaquil. They carried one hundred and thirty men and

six friars. The launch was named Los Tres Reyes.

Luis Vaez de Torres, the Admiral or second in command under Quiros,

was a good sailor and pilot, an energetic and capable leader, and

loyal to his chief. He commanded all the landing parties, and relieved

Quiros of much anxiety and trouble. His Chief Pilot in the Almiranta,

Juan Bernardo de Fuentidueña, and Pedro Bernal de Cermeño, in command

of the launch, were loyal and capable men. The junior Pilot in the

Capitana, Gaspar Gonzalez de Leza, afterwards Chief Pilot, was also a

reliable officer. Quiros had a cousin with him, one Alonso Alvarez de

Castro, as well as a nephew, Lucas de Quiros. But his most faithful

and devoted friend was young Luis de Belmonte Bermudez. Born at

Seville in about 1585, this youth had gone out to seek his fortune,

first in Mexico and then at Lima. Fired by the stories told him of

the Araucanian war in distant Chile, he composed a panegyric on the

youthful deeds of the Marquis of Cañete, the first product of his

muse. When Quiros was fitting out his expedition, Belmonte Bermudez

accepted the post of Secretary, taking with him the "Araucana,"

that noble epic of the soldier-poet, Alonso de Ercilla.

But Quiros also had in his ship men of a very different stamp. Among

them was a Chief Pilot named Juan Ochoa de Bilboa, who had been

forced upon him as a protégé of the Viceroy; [14] another officer

named Diego de Prado y Tovar; and the accountant, Juan de Iturbe. They

stirred up mutiny and disaffection on board.

Quiros complained bitterly of the delay in fitting out the expedition,

which obliged him to sail so late in the year. He considered that

he should have sailed not later than St. Francis, or the 4th of

October. He did not obtain his despatch until the 21st of December.

Quiros was now free to attempt the realisation of his dream, the

discovery of the Antarctic continent and the annexation of the South

Pole. All was left to his discretion. There is no reason for the belief

that the Viceroy of Peru gave any instructions beyond the letter of

farewell which was read to the men. The plan of Quiros was to steer

W.S.W. from Callao until he reached latitude 30° S., [15] where he

fully expected that he would have reached the continental southern

land shown on the maps of his time. He continued on this course from

December 21st to January 26th, when he found himself in 26° S.

Then Quiros came to the fatal decision to alter course to W.S.W. He

says in his narrative that there was a heavy swell, and that he was

obliged by the force of the wind and the sea to alter his course. He

adds, in one of his memorials, that winter was approaching, that

there was a mutinous spirit among his crew, and that he was ill in

bed. Torres remonstrated. He wrote: "I gave a declaration under my

hand that it was not a thing obvious that we ought to diminish our

latitude till we got beyond 30° S." If Quiros had continued on his

course, he would have discovered New Zealand, and his dream would

have been partly realised.

Having turned away from the goal, his plan was to make for the island

of Santa Cruz, discovered when he served as Chief Pilot under Mendaña,

and thence to make another attempt southward. But this was a lame

conclusion. His chance was gone. Antarctic discovery was left to

another nation and another century.

The latitudes recorded by Quiros, Torres, and Leza, and the courses

and distances run, enable us to identify the islands discovered by

Quiros in crossing the Pacific. The first inhabited island, reached

on February 1st, 1606, has been supposed by Burney and others to be

Tahiti. It is in the latitude of Tahiti; but it is described as a low

island with a large lagoon in the centre, and no fresh water. This

could not by any possibility be Tahiti. Sir William Wharton has

identified it as Anaa, or Chain Island, one of the Low Archipelago

to the eastward of Tahiti. [16] Quiros named it "Conversion de San

Pablo," not "Sagittaria," as Burney supposed. With Anaa as a point

of departure, the other islands discovered by Quiros are easily

identified. [17]

In following the parallel of 10° 20' S. to reach Santa Cruz, Quiros

fortunately came upon Taumaco, the principal island of what is now

called the Duff group. Here he found a native Chief, from whom he

received such detailed information respecting the existence of islands,

and, as was understood, even continental lands to the southward, that

the most sanguine hopes appeared to be approaching realisation. The

project of going to Santa Cruz was abandoned, and Quiros steered S.,

fully anticipating the consummation of his dreams of discovery. Nor

was he destined to be altogether disappointed. Island after island,

all lofty and thickly inhabited, rose above the horizon; and at

last he sighted such extensive coast lines that he believed the

Southern Continent to be spread out before him. The islands of the

New Hebrides group, such as Aurora, Leper, and Pentecost, overlapping

each other to the S.E., seemed to him to be continuous coast lines,

while to the S.W. was the land which he named Austrialia del Espiritu

Santo. All appeared to his vivid imagination to be one continuous

continental land.

Such was the enthusiastic navigator's belief when his vessels anchored

in the port of Vera Cruz, at the southern extreme of the great bay

of St. Philip and St. James. He had found the largest island of what

Captain Cook named the New Hebrides group, yet not a very large

island. He showed his belief by his grandiose proceedings. To us

they must now appear very pathetic. There was a ceremony of taking

possession, in the names of the Church, of the Pope, and of the

King. Quiros took possession of "all this region of the south as

far as the Pole, which from this time shall be called Austrialia

del Espiritu Santo, with all its dependencies for ever and so long

as right exists," in the name of King Philip III. A great city was

to be founded and named the New Jerusalem, and its river was to be

the Jordan. All the municipal and royal officers were nominated,

and a knightly order of "Espiritu Santo" was instituted, subject to

confirmation by the King. There were processions, religious dances,

high masses and fireworks.

The great navigator had two serious drawbacks in his rejoicing. He

was disabled by a serious illness; and the natives, owing to the

misconduct of the Spaniards, were persistently hostile. After being at

anchor in this port of Vera Cruz for thirty-five days (from the 3rd

of May to the 8th of June, 1606), the little fleet sailed, with the

object of completing the discovery of the Southern Continent. Then

came the catastrophe.

It came on to blow hard from the S.E., with a nasty sea; and it was

resolved to return to the anchorage. Late at night Torres brought the

Almiranta to anchor, and the launch was also safely brought to. Quiros

was too ill to come on deck, the Pilots seem to have lost their heads,

were confused between the lights of the other ships and these on shore,

and eventually stood out, running before the wind. At dawn they were

several leagues to leeward, outside the bay. From the 12th to the 18th

they were trying to beat up to the bay, but with topmasts struck it

was nearly all leeway. Ships built in Peru would not work to windward:

Quiros was in despair. At last, he determined to make for Santa Cruz,

which was a rendezvous in the Instructions. But when the latitude of

Santa Cruz was reached, there was a consultation. It was resolved to

cross the Line, and make for Acapulco: a four months' voyage. Quiros

bewailed his position. He had enemies on board. He does not mention

any actual mutiny, though his enemy, Prado y Tovar, who must have

got his information from the men who remained at Mexico, and perhaps

afterwards found their way to the Philippines, makes the assertion.

Quiros consoled himself with the reflection that his return would at

least enable him to make known his discoveries, and to urge upon the

King and his Councils the importance of completing them. He also felt

confidence in Torres, his second in command, who was left behind on

board the Almiranta, and in his Pilot, Fuentidueña; and with good

reason. They were resolute and capable seamen. Quiros hoped that

they would continue his discoveries; and he rejoiced when, some years

afterwards, he received the news of the successful voyage of Torres.

After waiting for some days for the Capitana, Torres continued the

voyage by rounding the northern end of Espiritu Santo, and steering

a course to the S.W., until he reached a latitude of 21° S. [18] He

then altered course to the N., and discovered the bay and islands at

the east end of New Guinea. In 1613 Diego de Prado y Tovar sent home

four maps from Goa, which throw considerable light on the course of

Torres's ship. The first map is a very interesting one of the bay

of St. Philip and St. James, in Espiritu Santo. The next is a map

of a land named "Buenaventura," with many islands. Torres arrived

at this land on July 18th, having sailed from the bay of St. Philip

and St. James on the 26th of June. "Buenaventura" is Basilisk Island,

so named by Captain Moresby, after his ship, in 1873. The bay of San

Millan, accurately delineated by Torres, is Jenkins Bay of Moresby. The

port of Santo Toribio of Torres is the China Strait of Moresby.

The third map shows the great bay of San Lorenzo, and the port

of Monterey, identified with "l'Orangerie" and "Ile Dufaure"

of Bougainville (1768), on the S. coast of New Guinea. The names

of Saints given to the bays, capes, and islands, throw light on the

dates, for it was usual to give to a cape, bay, or island the name of

the Saint on whose day it was discovered. The feast of San Lorenzo

is on the 10th of August, the date when Torres arrived in the bay,

where he appears to have remained for several days. The fourth

map is of the bay of San Pedro de Arlanza, whose feast is on the

18th of October. This bay is identified with the Triton Bay of the

Dutch. The four maps have been reproduced for this volume, and the

legends on the original large-scale maps are given separately. [19]

From Triton Bay, Torres proceeded to Ternate, where he left the launch,

and thence continued his course to Manilla. His letters to Quiros and

to the King from that place are dated June and July, 1607. From the

fact that Diego de Prado y Tovar sent the four maps home in December,

1613, it is supposed that Torres had died in the interval. The letter

of Torres was first printed in Burney's Voyages, from a copy obtained

and translated by Dalrymple, who suggested the name of Torres Strait

for the principal discovery of that navigator. The Spanish Government

jealously concealed the knowledge acquired by their great explorers,

and left their noble deeds in oblivion. It was left to Englishmen to

immortalise the names of Quiros and Torres, whose achievements were

so long forgotten by their own countrymen.

The actual results of the voyages of Quiros and Torres were the

discovery of thirteen coral islands in the Pacific, of the Duff and

Banks groups, of the New Hebrides, of the eastern end and southern

coast of New Guinea, and of Torres Strait, with its innumerable

islands: not a barren record.

Quiros came to Madrid to urge the Spanish Government to give him

command of another expedition for the completion of his discoveries. He

had before him a dreary seven years of memorialising Councils, of

obstruction and delays. It wore him out; but he was led to believe

that he had succeeded. A timely death saved him from the anguish of

finding that he had been deceived. He was worried into his grave by

Councils and Committees. But before he died he believed that he had

at length overcome the obstruction, and his last hours were cheered

by the hope of final success.

We gather the character of Quiros from his narratives. He was a man of

a humane and generous disposition, averse to violence and bloodshed. He

was a zealous Catholic, striving to maintain religious feelings and to

enforce morality among his people. Brave and resolute himself, full

of zeal and enthusiasm, he failed in the management of men. He was

often weak and vacillating, and had not the force of will necessary

to control the turbulent and to cheer the half-hearted. The Chief

Pilot, Juan Ochoa de Bilboa, during the voyage, caused a mutinous

feeling on board the Capitana, persuading the crew to go straight to

Manilla. Quiros merely sent this Chief Pilot on board the Almiranta

under arrest. Torres strongly importuned his chief to punish such

insubordination, but he would not. It was the same with another

mutinous officer, Diego de Prado y Tobar. He was merely sent on

board the Almiranta. To this weakness Torres attributes the slackness

and want of zeal, if not something worse, when the Capitana parted

company. Juan de Iturbe, the Accountant, in his letter now in the

Biblioteca Nacional (J. 2), merely says that the Chief Pilot went over

to the ship of Torres because he was disgusted with Quiros. We have

the evidence of Torres himself that this was not the reason. Iturbe

was another disaffected officer, and disloyal to his chief. There was

not a single instance of capital punishment during the expedition,

and not a single death, with the exception of the Father Commissary,

who died of old age. Quiros was a thorough seaman, and the best Pilot

of his time. He was not a self-seeker, but was devoted to a great idea,

and persistently strove to realise it with unswerving resolution,

until death ended his career.

Quiros was very unlike his countryman Magellan. He rather reminds

us of the great Genoese. Like Columbus, he was a visionary, full of

dreams and religious aspirations. Like Columbus, he was devoted to

one idea, which he followed with unchanging fidelity to the day of

his death. Like Columbus, he was gentle in dealing with those who

opposed him, and often weak. One dream of Quiros was that in his

Southern Continent there should be justice to the converted natives,

and that the evil deeds perpetrated in Mexico and Peru should not be

repeated. [20]

It only remains to record the story of the Quiros Memorials, when

we shall see the navigator, prematurely old, striving for the means

of renewing his efforts: struggling against Councils and Committees

while life lasted.

Quiros landed at Acapulco, was very coldly received by the officials at

Mexico, and reached Madrid on the 9th of October, 1607. He was quite

destitute. He only had two maravedis, which he gave to a beggar. But

his faithful young Secretary remained true to him. During the first

eleven days, he had not money to buy ink or paper. He wrote his first

Memorial on the flyleaves of a pamphlet. He got the money for printing

it by selling his clothes. To print the second, he sold his bedding;

for the third, he pawned the royal banner under which he had taken

possession of Espiritu Santo. After seventeen months of extreme penury,

the King granted him 500 ducats.

Quiros tells us that he sent in fifty memorials in fifty months. Of

these, eight have been preserved and printed by Zaragoza. The first

was written in 1607. [21] He describes the events of the voyage,

and makes excuses for altering course when he had reached 26° S.; and

for having parted company with Torres. He explains his view that the

Antarctic continent runs from Espiritu Santo S.E. to Magellan Strait,

a land of vast extent: "a new world." He says that he gave the name of

"Austrialia del Espiritu Santo" from His Majesty's title of Austria. He

says that the tonnage of his ships was 150 and 120, and that they

carried one hundred and thirty men, besides six friars. The cost of

the expedition was 184,000 ducats. He concludes by saying that he had

no pay, and that he owes 2,500 dollars without one quarto to pay it.

The second existing Memorial is the eighth that he sent in. It is

given in Purchas, and was reproduced by Dalrymple. It forms the first

document in the Appendix. [22] The eighth Memorial was printed at

Seville in 1610. Purchas obtained a copy, which he reprinted in his

Pilgrimes. Hessel Gerritsz printed a Dutch version, in 1612, in his

Detectio Freti Hudsoni, reprinted by Müller at Amsterdam, in 1878,

and two French translations appeared in 1617.

The third existing Memorial is also given in Purchas and Dalrymple. It

forms the second document in the Appendix. [23]

The fourth is translated for the first time, and forms the third

document in the Appendix. [24]

The fifth existing Memorial was the sixteenth he had written. It

contains proposals for colonising the new continent; and here Quiros

compares himself to Columbus, Da Gama, and Magellan. [25]

The sixth existing Memorial refers to a royal order received from the

Secretary, Gabriel de Hoa, instructing the Viceroys to despatch Quiros

on a new voyage. He submits detailed estimates. He proposes to take one

hundred and fifty persons, and mentions the names of three Captains who

are willing to accompany him. One of them is Lorenzo Ferrer Maldonado,

a cosmographer and writer who is best known for his account of the

imaginary Strait of Anian, published in 1588. Quiros also gives the

names of eighteen Franciscan friars who are ready to go. He refers

to his extreme poverty, and asks for his debts to be paid. [26]

The seventh extant Memorial is, according to Quiros, the fiftieth

that he wrote. It is much the longest, covering 108 pages. It

begins by recapitulating the contents of his eighth and sixteenth

Memorials. It contains an interesting report by Hernando de los Rios,

the Procurator of the Philippines, of a voyage to New Guinea by a

Portuguese named Miguel Roxo de Brito; also an extract from a letter

received by Quiros from his second in command, Torres, dated June

15th, 1607; and a report by Ruy Gonzalez de Sequiera, the Governor

of the Moluccas. Quiros repeats his proposals, and again dwells on

the importance of the intended discoveries.

The eighth and last extant Memorial is only a further

recapitulation. He says he has been sending in memorials constantly

for fifty months.

The Memorials are tedious, and necessarily full of repetitions. I

have only thought it advisable to give three of them in the Appendix,

as specimens.

The fourth document in the Appendix is a letter from Fernando de

Castro, who had married the widow of Mendaña. He prayed that no

concession might be made to Quiros, as he, Castro, had inherited the

claims of Mendaña on the Solomon Islands.

The two letters from Diego de Prado y Tovar, [27] the malignant enemy

of Quiros, follow. This man had made the voyage with Torres, and

wrote from Goa, on his way home. He forwarded four valuable and very

interesting maps, the originals of which are now at Simancas. They

are from the surveys of Torres, who had probably died previous to

the date of Prado's letters. One is a plan of the Bay of St. Philip

and St. James; the other three are plans of bays in New Guinea. They

are coloured, with long descriptive titles. [28] Reduced copies,

in colour, were published in the Boletin of the Madrid Geographical

Society, in 1878, [29] with the long titles printed separately. I

have had these maps reproduced for the present work. The abuse of

Quiros by this insubordinate officer can be taken for what it is worth.

Another detractor of his commander was the disloyal Accountant, Juan

de Iturbe. He wrote a long letter from Mexico, dated March 25th, 1607,

[30] which was referred to the Council of the Indies and retained for

reference. He gives a fairly truthful account of the events connected

with the return of the Capitana, while trying inferentially to throw

blame on Quiros. He ridiculed the ceremonies at Espiritu Santo, and the

creation of an order of knighthood by Quiros; and while representing

the importance of the discoveries, he added that Quiros was not a fit

man to command a new expedition. I have not thought it necessary to

insert the letter of Iturbe, as it contains no new information.

The next two documents in the Appendix speak for themselves. One

is a Minute of the Council of the Indies on the demands of Quiros,

and on the most politic way of treating him. The other is an order to

check him in the printing and dissemination of his Memorials, which

were to be considered confidential. We know that two at least had

been published at Seville, and had fallen into the hands of Purchas

and Hessel Gerritsz.

The last document in the Appendix is the Memorial on the discovery of

the Antarctic continent and the conversion of its inhabitants, by a

Chilian lawyer named Juan Luis Arias. It is bound up in a volume in

the British Museum, with other documents, chiefly memorials, relating

to the Church of Spain. [31] The text was reprinted at Edinburgh

in the last century, and translated by Dalrymple in 1773. Its chief

interest lies in the statement that Juan Fernandez led an expedition

from Chile which discovered the Southern Continent, landed on it,

and had intercourse with the inhabitants. Dalrymple and Burney treat

this fabrication seriously, and conjecture that the discovered land

might have been New Zealand. I have discussed the career of Juan

Fernandez in a footnote to the Memorial of Arias in the Appendix. [32]

We get a glimpse of the view taken by leading Spanish statesmen

under Philip III, of the Memorials and aspirations of Quiros, from

the Minutes of a sitting of the Council of State in July, 1609. [33]

The Cardinal-Archbishop of Toledo, [34] the Constable of Castille,

[35] the Duke of Infantado, [36] the Count of Lemos, [37] and other

grandees, were present.

The letter from Juan de Iturbe, as well as the Memorials of Quiros,

were before them. The Count of Lemos wrote a Minute strongly against

the employment of Quiros. The feeling was that further expenditure

on such voyages was undesirable, and that it would be wiser to spend

money in completing the exploration of Peru and Mexico. They looked

upon Quiros as a very discontented and dangerous man, who might sell

his knowledge and services to the English. The best course would be,

they thought, to keep him quiet in Madrid by promises. He might be

employed to draw maps and charts. If he continued to insist upon

going to Peru, a letter of recommendation might be given to him for

the Viceroy. But it was further suggested that the letter of Iturbe

should also be sent to the Viceroy, with a contra-despacho, leaving

the matter to his discretion, with orders to entertain Quiros and

his proposals, but not to despatch his business.

This treachery was the final conclusion when Quiros started. Worn

out by delays and obstruction, worried almost to death by Councils

and Committees, he gladly accepted the promise to give him command

of an expedition. Ignorant of the contra-despacho, he put his trust

in the honour of the new Viceroy of Peru, a great man, Don Francisco

de Borja, Prince of Esquilache, [38] with whom he proceeded on the

voyage to Peru, accompanied by his wife and two children. He thought

that at length, after years of wearisome solicitation, his grand

ideas were to be realised. Fortunately for the brave enthusiast,

he was saved from the anguish of being undeceived by a timely death

at Panama on his way out. He died at the age of fifty, quite worn

out and driven to his grave by Councils and Committees, with their

futile talk, needless delays, and endless obstruction. His faithful

Secretary, Belmonte Bermudez, who had edited the Memorials for him,

stood by him to the last. [39]

The ideas of Quiros respecting an Antarctic continent were, no

doubt, fixed in his mind by seeing the coast-lines delineated by the

map-makers of his time. It, therefore, becomes very interesting to

trace this southern coast-line on the principal maps from the time

of Ortelius down to the last map that showed it before Captain Cook's

second voyage finally disproved its existence. Mr. Basil Soulsby has

kindly prepared a note on this subject, which follows the Introduction.

The voyage of Quiros was the first event in the story of

Antarctic enterprise. Its object was the discovery of the Southern

Continent and the annexation of the South Pole. It was the dream

of an enthusiast. It was a failure, but not altogether a barren

failure. Others of another nation were to follow up his idea. He

fell, worried to death by Committees. But he opened the glorious

record of Antarctic discovery. Captain Cook made known the Southern

Continent imagined by Quiros, and actually seen by Torres. Captain

Cook first crossed the Antarctic circle, and searched all round it

for the supposed coast-lines of Quiros. Great communities were to

arise in the Southern Continent, in Australia and New Zealand, but

not of Spanish race. The achievements of the peoples of the Iberian

peninsula were of vast importance to the world; but they came to an

end with the voyage of Quiros. The mantle of discovery fell on other

shoulders. James Ross followed Cook in realising the dream of Quiros;

and now we recognise Robert Falcon Scott as the greatest and most

successful of Antarctic discoverers.

COMPARATIVE LIST OF MAPS OF THE NEW HEBRIDES, ETC., 1570-1904.

With British Museum press-marks.

1.--1570. Antwerp. Typus Orbis Terrarum. In Abraham Ortelius's

Atlas.--The Terra Australis, with Beach provincia aurifera, extends

right across the world, and from the Tropic of Capricorn to the

S. Pole. New Guinea appears as an island. The Molucca Islands are

shown. [Maps. 46. c. 2.]

2.--1578. Antwerp. Universi Orbis seu Terreni Globi in plano

effigies. In G. de Jode's "Speculum Orbis Terrarum," 1578.--New

Guinea forms one end of the Terra Australis, in which Terra del Fuego

appears in the centre, and which stretches across the whole Circulus

Antarcticus. [Maps. 31. c. 5.]

3.--1587. Antwerp. Typus Orbis Terrarum. In Abraham Ortelius's

Atlas. 1592 edition.--The Terra Australis. The Solomon Islands,

discovered in 1568, appear with this name for the first

time. [Maps. 46. d. 2.]

4.--1587. Duisburg. Orbis Terrae Compendiosa Descriptio. By Rumold

Mercator. In G. Mercator's Atlas, 1589.--The Terra Australis, but

without the Solomon Islands. Java Minor appears to the S.E. of Beach

province. [Maps. 34. c. 2.]

5.--1589. Antwerp. Totius Orbis cogniti universalis Descriptio. In

C. de Jode's "Speculum Orbis Terrarum." 1593.--New Guinea an

island. Otherwise as in 2. [Maps. 24. c. 7.]

6.--1590. Amsterdam. Orbis Terrarum Typus De Integro multis in locis

emendatus. Auctore Petro. Plancio.--Terra Australis Magellanica, with

Beach provincia aurifera, extends across the Antarctic Circle. "Nova

Guinea nuper inventa quez an sit insula an pars continentis australis

incertum est." Insulae Salomonis alone of Quiros' islands are

shown. [920. (266.)]

7.--1612. Antwerp. In A. Ortelius' Atlas, Latin edition. Same as

No. 3. [Maps. 46. d. 12.]

8.--1628. London. A New & Accurate Mappe of the World. By

R. Vaughan. (From "The World encompassed by Sir Francis Drake").--"This

South part of the world contayning almost the third part of the globe

is yet unknowne, certaine sea coasts excepted, which rather show there

is a land then discry eyther land people or comodities," appears on

"The Southerne Unknowne Land," across the Antarctic Circle. New Guinee

is shown. [920. (46.)]

9.--1630. Amsterdam. Nova Totius Terrarum Orbis Geographica ac

Hydrographica Tabula. By Henricus Hondius. In H. Hexham's English

edition of G. Mercator's Atlas. 1636.--The Terra Australis, with the

Beach province, is defined in very faint outline. The Ladrones appear,

also Baixos de S. Barth, I. d. S. Petro, J. Vesinos, Barbudos, I. de

Paxaros. The Solomon Islands are not given. [Maps. 34. d. 8.]

10.--1641. Amsterdam. Same as No. 9. In J. Jansson's

Atlas. 1653. [Maps. 88. e. 1.]

11.--1662. Amsterdam. Nova et accuratissima totius Terrarum

Orbis Tabula. Joannes Blaeu.--The large Terra Australis has

disappeared. Hollandia Nova is outlined, but N. Guinea is only

partially outlined.

Zelandia Nova has a western coast-line only. Antonii Van Diemans Landt

is partly outlined. The words Australia Incognita occur on the circle

of the Southern Polar Region. [Maps. 64. e. 1.]

12.--1660. London. A New Map of the Terraqueous Globe according to the

latest discoveries and most general divisions of it into continents

and oceans. In Edw. Well's "A New Sett of Maps."--"New Zeland supposed

to be part of ye Southern unknown Continent." 35° S.

"New Holland esteemed to be part of ye Southern unknown continent,"

mixed up with New Guinea, touching the Equator, and all only partly

outlined.

The smaller islands are not named. [Maps. 87. d. 3.]

13.--1667. Paris. Mappe-Monde. In N. Sanson's (d'Abbéville) Atlas.--New

Guinea appears as an island. The Beach Province is only partially

outlined. Terre Magellanique Australe Incogneue is outlined right

across the Southern Hemisphere, as in No. 1. Nearly all the islands

in the New Hebrides mentioned by Quiros are shown. [Maps. 88. d. 3.]

14.--1668. Paris. Carte Universelle de tout le Monde. Par

H. Jaillot.--Terra Australis, showing Beach provincia aurifera,

extends right across the Antarctic Circle. Petan Island and Java Minor

are to the E. of Beach. Nova Guinea jam recens detecta ab I. Lamero,

is partly shown in outline. [920. (61.)]

15.--1674. Rome. Mappa Mondo. By Gio. Lhuilier. In G. G. de Rossi's

Mercurio Geografico.--Terra di Quir, N. coast, is shown in outline,

S. of Solomon Islands, 10° to 20° S. Nova Guinea appears as an

island. Terra Magellanica embraces the Arctic Circle. Nova Olanda is

shown, but without the E. coast. The smaller islands are not given. New

Zealand appears in outline. [Maps. 64. d. 10.]

16.--1680.--Oxford. Orbis Terrarum nova et accuratissima

Tabula. Auctore Joanne à Loon. In Moses Pitt's "The English Atlas,"

vol. i. 1680.--New Zealand, E. coast, shown in outline. The islands

mainly as in No. 13. N. Guinea and Hollandia Nova are shown in outline

on W. coast. Van Diemen's Land shown in detail. The Terra Australis

does not extend across the Antarctic Circle. [Maps. 85. e. 3.]

17.--1690. Amsterdam. Nova Orbis Tabula in Lucem edita a F. de Wit. In

F. de Wit's Atlas.--The small islands are as in No. 9. N. Guinea

and Hollandia Nova join, and the western coast is outlined. Zelandia

Nova is outlined also on the W. coast. Australia Incognita is printed

round the circle of the S. Pole. [Maps. 86. d. 11.]

18.--1690. Amsterdam. Orbis Terrarum Nova et Accuratissima

Tabula. Auctore Nicolao Visscher. In N. Visscher's Atlas

Minor. Tom. 1.--Same as No. 17. [Maps. 89. e. 3.]

19.--1696. Paris. Mappe-Monde. By N. Sanson. In H. Jaillot's "Nouveau

Atlas."--As in 15. Carpentaria, N.W. coast, appears below Nouvelle

Guinée, between 10° and 20° S. [Maps. 84. e. 1.]

20.--1700. Paris. Mappe monde. Par Guillaume Delisle. In G. De L'Isle's

Atlas. 1715.--Nouvelle Guinée and Nouvelle Hollande are joined, and

are outlined on the W. coast, as in Nle. Zelande. Terre de Diemen is

outlined on the S.E. coast.

The following routes, in dotted lines, are shown:--

Ferdinand Magellan, 1520.

Juan Gaetan, 1542.

Mendaña and Gallego, 1568.

Mendaña and Quiros, 1595.

An English Pilot, reported by Robert Dudley, c. 1600.

Olivier du Nord, 1600.

Le Maire and Cornelius Schouten, 1616.

Pelsart, 1629.

Abel Tasman, 1642.

William Dampier, 1686.

"Isle découverte par Drak" occurs in lat. 66° S., long. 75°, above

the S. Polar region. Terre que la flote de Mendaña crut être la

Nle. Guinée occurs in lat. 6° S., long. 188°. [Maps. 86 d. 1.]

21.--1705. Paris. Mappe-Monde. In N. de Fer's "Atlas

Curieux."--N. Guinée and Nouvelle Hollande are connected, and shown

on W. coast. Nouv. Zeelande, W. coast, appears in outline. The smaller

islands are not shown. [Maps. 1. c. 46.]

22.--1710. London. A New and Correct Map of the World. By

C. Price.--New Guinea and New Holland are not connected, but

the E. coast is not shown. Diemen's Land is given, due S. of

N. Holland, between 39° and 45°. The smaller islands are as in

No. 9. [Maps. 63. f. 2.]

23.--1720. Paris. Mappemonde. Par Guillaume De L'Isle.--In G. De

L'Isle's Atlas, 1732.--Mainly as in No. 20. Mendaña's "New Guinea"

appears as the Solomon Islands. "Les Marquises de Mendoce" are

shown. [Maps. 91. e. 3.]

24.--1720. Amsterdam. Diversa Orbis Terræ ... in Planum Orthographica

Projectio. By Peter Schenck. In J. B. Homann's Atlas. 1740.--Hollandia

Nova nearly complete. To E. of Carpentaria comes Quiro Regio, between

10° and 20° S. Most of Quiros' smaller islands are shown. Zelandia

Nova, and Antoni van Diemen's Land are partly shown. Baye S. Philippe

and St. Jacques occur both in Quiro Regio and in Zelandia Nova. The

continent of Terra Australis, across the S. Pole, now disappears. [Maps

87. e. 12.]

25.--1730. Augsburg. Diversi Globi Terr-Aquei ... in planum delineati

Orthographici Prospectus. In M. Seutter's Atlas Novus.--Same as No. 15,

with various route tracks added. Regio habitata detecta per Mendaña,

occurs between 10° and 20° N. Terra quam vidit Mendaña occurs on

the Equator, 260° Long. Baye de S. Philippe et S. Jaques occurs in

Zeelandia Nova, 40° S. The smaller islands are shown. [Maps. 89. e. 4.]

26.--1740. Amsterdam. Hémisphère Meridional. Par G. Delisle.--Terres

Australes, Nouvelle Hollande, W. coast shown in outline. Terre Australe

du St. Esprit (R. Jordan, Port de la Vraie Croix, R. S. Sauveur, G. de

S. Jaque et S. Philippe), shown in outline, E. of Carpentarie. Routes

of Quiros and Gallego, Le Maire and Schouten, etc., shown. Cape de

la Circoncision, Jan. 1, 1739, between 50° and 68° S. [960. (1.)]

27.--1752. London. A New and Accurate Map of all the Known World.--In

Emman. Bowen's "Complete Atlas."--New Guinea, New Holland, and Van

Diemen's Land are shown as one continent, New Zeeland, W. coast,

in outline. "Land and Is. discovered by Quiros," between 10° and 20°

S. but not named. [Maps. 89. d. 2.]

28.--1752. Paris. Mappemonde.--In Robert de Vaugondy's Atlas

Universel. 1757.--Terres et isles vues par Quiros en 1605, shown

without names. New Guinea continent as in No. 27. Terre découverte

par les Vaisseaux de la Compagnie des Indes en Janvier 1739, shown

between 50° and 60° S. 30° Long. [Maps. 69. e. 1.]

29.--1753. Paris. Nouvelle Mappe-Monde. Par Guill. De la Haye.--T. du

St. Esprit, is shown, 160° Long. [920. (83).]

30.--1755. Paris. Mappemonde.--In J. Palairet's "Atlas

Méthodique."--Same as No. 28. [Maps 68. e. 2.]

31.--1761. Paris. Hémisphère Occidental ou du Nouveau Monde. Hémisphère

Oriental ou de l'Ancien Monde. Par le Sr. D'Anville.--Nouvelle Guinea

and Nouvelle Hollande are one. The E. coast is not defined. Terre

du St. Esprit, Terre de Quiros, appear due E. of Nouvelle Hollande,

between 10° and 20° S. Nouvelle Zeelande and Terre de Diemen are

partly outlined. [920. (272.)]

32.--1773. London. Map of the World, after D'Anville. By

T. Kitchen.--Tierra del Spiritu Santo, Land of Quiros, is shown. New

Zealand, with two islands, appears in detail; New Holland, with New

South Wales, and Van Diemen's Land, also appears with a complete

coast-line, for the first time. [Maps. 86. d. 5.]

33.--1776. London. Chart of Discoveries made in the South Pacific

Ocean in H.M. ship Resolution, under ... Captain Cook. 1774. By

W. Palmer.--Tierra del Espiritu Santo, and the rest of the New

Hebrides, are shown in very complete detail. [981. (4.)]

34.--1786. Paris. Hémisphère Occidentale, etc. (see No. 31. 1761.) Revu

par M. Barbié du Bocage.--Terre de Kerguelen appears 50° S. The map

is an improvement on 1773, but Nouvelle Guinée is not shown complete,

and Terre de Diemen is still part of Australia. [Maps. 86. d. 2.]

35.--1790. London. New World or Western Hemisphere.--Eastern

Hemisphere or Old World. In W. Faden's General Atlas.--Shows

Cook's Track, 1769-78. Furneaux's Track, 1774. Van Diemen's Land

is part of Terra Australis. The smaller islands are clear and more

correct. [Maps. 2. e. 1.]

36.--1798. London. Chart of the Pacific Ocean. By A. Arrowsmith.--New

Holland (S. coast excepted) in outline. Van Diemen's Land shown as

an island. New Guinea only partly shown, and in outline. [980. (10.)]

37.--1799. London. Map of the World, after d'Anville, by

T. Kitchen.--Tierra del Spiritu Santo now appears as part of the New

Hebrides. Otherwise as in No. 32. 1773. [Maps. 89. e. 6.]

38.--1799. London. Chart containing the greater part of the South

Sea, etc. By Laurie and Whittle.--New Zeeland, in two islands. Tierra

(Austral) del Spiritu Santo, in New Hebrides. Route of Mendaña in 1567

shown. Below the Society Islands, "Islands seen by Quiros." Between

25° and 30° S. "Santelmo the southernmost island of Quiros according

to Ulloa." [981. (2.)]

39.--1799. London. Western (Eastern) Hemisphere. In "Cary's New

Universal Atlas," 1808.--New Holland, with New South Wales, is shown

complete, except Northernmost point. New Guinea is not complete, and in

outline. The islands are as in Laurie and Whittle. [Maps. 92. f. 17.]

40.--1824. St. Pétersbourg. Carte Générale de l'Océan

Pacifique. Hémisphère Austral. In Krusenstern's "Atlas de l'Océan

Pacifique."--Australia appears so-called for the first time. The

islands, Nlles. Hebrides, etc., are shown with the dates of

discovery. [Maps. 7. e. 11.]

41.--1827. Bruxelles. Carte d'Assemblage de l'Océanie. In

"Ph. Vandermaelen's Atlas Universel."--Nouvelle Hollande and N. Guinée

are shown in complete outline. New Zealand in three islands. The

smaller islands are now as before. [Maps. 68. e. 1.]

42.--1827. Gotha. Australien. No. 50 in Ad. Stieler's

"Hand-Atlas."--Neu Holland and Neu Süd Wales appear as parts of

"Austral-Land." Neue Hebriden and the other groups of islands are

shown. [Maps. 85. d. 10.]

43.--1835. London. The World, on Mercator's Projection. In

J. Arrowsmith's London Atlas.--"New Holland or Australia," without

any inland towns. First use of the name of Australia for New Holland

in a general Atlas. New South Wales still extends to the Gulf of

Carpentaria. The Solomon Islands, New Hebrides, and the other

islands are now completely shown. New Zealand, without inland

towns, in three islands. Terra Australis or Australia occurs in

the Atlas to Capt. Matthew Flinders's "Voyage to Terra Australis,

1801-1803." 2 vols. London, 1814 [455. c. 13, 14. and Tab. 437. a.] In

vol. i. pp. vii-x, he mentions Torres's discovery of Australia. In

J. Arrowsmith's Map of the Pacific Ocean, 1832, the dates of discovery

are given to most of the islands. [Maps. 86. d. 7.]

44.--1866. London. New Caledonia, New Hebrides, and Loyalty

Islands. Admiralty Chart.--This is the best modern map of Quiros's

islands. The Atlases between 1836 and 1865 do not show much change

or much detail. [Sec. xv. (1380.)]

45.--1886. New Hebrides Islands. Banks Group. Surveyed by

H.M.S. Dart. Admiralty Chart.--Gaua (Santa Maria) and the other

islands are shown on a large scale. [Sec. xv. (174.)]

46.--1892. London. New Hebrides Islands. Malo Island to Efate

Island. Admiralty Chart.--This is on a much larger scale,

and gives the islands in full detail, surveyed by H.M.S. Dart,

1890-91. [Sec. xv. (1570.)]

47.--1896. London. New Caledonia, New Hebrides, and Loyalty

Islands. Admiralty Chart.--This is a new edition of No. 44. The

islands are shown in much more exact detail, and with more information.

48.--1904. London. British New Guinea and the Solomon, Santa Cruz,

and New Hebrides Islands. In Edward Stanford's London Atlas. 3rd

edition. 1904.--This is a very excellent and clear map; scale,

1:4,089,064. 64.537 English miles to 1 inch.

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NARRATIVE

OF THE

Second Voyage

OF THE

Adelantado Alvaro de Mendaña,

THE CHIEF PILOT,

PEDRO FERNANDEZ DE QUIROS. [40]

SECOND VOYAGE OF ALVARO DE MENDAÑA.

CHAPTER I.

How the second voyage to the Isles of Solomon was commenced by the

Adelantado Alvaro de Mendaña, in whose company Pedro Fernandez

de Quiros went as Pilot and Captain. Recounts the departure

from Callao.

Many years having passed in silence since the first voyage of Alvaro

Mendaña, God was served that in the city of Kings, residence of

Viceroys of Peru, the enterprise should be proclaimed which His

Majesty had ordered the Adelantado [41] Alvaro Mendaña to undertake

to the Isles of Solomon. He hoisted his flag, his Captain being his

brother-in-law, Lorenzo Barreto; and he sent another Captain, named

Lope de Vega, to the valleys of Truxillo and Saña, with orders to

recruit men and collect provisions. The Adelantado met with some

difficulties and obstacles in fitting out the expedition, which

Dom Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, Marquis of Cañete, and then Viceroy

of Peru, helped him to overcome. [42] Thus four vessels were got

ready with as much despatch as possible, and the Adelantado went

from Lima to Callao, with his wife Doña Isabel Barreto, and all the

people he had to take from thence. With the diligence he exercised,

he persuaded and induced Pedro Fernandez de Quiros to come with him

as Captain and Chief Pilot. The Pilot de Quiros had raised several

points with the Adelantado in the conversations they had together

respecting the conduct of the voyage, both in going and returning;

but all were settled, and he ended by resolving to join the expedition.

The disorders which took place in this expedition were numerous;

and in order that this history may be clear, it is necessary to say

something of them, as it seems to me that they were the cause of the

unfortunate ending of the enterprise.

The stars of the eighth heaven are unequal in dimensions, for some

appear to our vision great, and others so small that they are scarcely

visible. There are those who say that if one of these should be wanting

in heaven there would be equivalent loss on earth. I mean that the

most minute circumstance that has ceased to do harm may have its

effect on the course of events.

The Master of the Camp [43] embarked, and the first thing he did was

to interfere with the Boatswain in matters pertaining to his office,

using words to him which oblige little and offend much. The Boatswain

excused himself and the Master of the Camp, wishing to be avenged,

certain persons in the accounts department prevented him. At the

same time the Chief Pilot was talking to Doña Isabel, who said:

"The Master of the Camp is severe. If that is the way in which he

asserts his position, he may have a prosperous end, though I am very

far from thinking so." The Master of the Camp returning, she said that

it seemed to her that the Adelantado would not be pleased to have his

people treated with the contumely he showed to them, and still more

when the occasion was so slight. The Master of the Camp replied with

great impertinence: "Oh look! what have we here?" The Chief Pilot,

with good reason, showed much indignation. The Master of the Camp then

said, in a loud voice: "Know me! Understand that I am the Master of

the Camp, and if we sail together in one ship, and I ordered the ship

to be run on some rock, what would you do?" The Chief Pilot answered:

"When that time comes I shall do what seems to me to be best; and,

in this fleet, I do not recognise any other head but the Adelantado,

who has delivered the charge of this ship to me, whose Captain I am;

and when he comes he will state what my duties are to be. Believe me

that if you want to be lord of all that is about to be discovered,

rather than be under the orders of one who takes so much upon himself,

and shows so little discretion, I would give up the voyage." Two

soldiers, who were present at this colloquy, came to the Chief Pilot

and said that their persons were at his service, having so much

need for him during the voyage. The Pilot valued their good will,

but answered that he did not come to form parties. I leave the rest

that passed on this occasion.

The Adelantado came on board, and, as he said that he would apply a

suitable remedy to what had occurred, the Chief Pilot remained. On

Friday, the 9th of April, of the year of our Saviour Jesus Christ

1595, orders were given to weigh the anchors and make sail from the

port of Callao of the city of the Kings of Peru, which has a latitude

of 12° 20', [44] shaping a course for the valleys of Santa Truxillo,

and Saña, on the coast of the same province.

CHAPTER II.

Of what happened to the fleet until it reached the port of Payta,

and what ports it touched at.

Having made sail, there was so little wind that the ship could not

get out of the port. A boat was sent on shore, but presently returned

with a report that the beach was full of armed men, who prevented any

landing. The night passed, and when the day came the galeot went on,

and our other vessel made for Callao. She had been at the ports of the

coast, visiting the ships she met, and taking what was wanted out of

them. After those on board had behaved like corsairs, they arrived at

the port of Santa, where they found a ship on her way from Panama to

Lima, laden with merchandize and negroes. They took the vessel, placing

a guard to prevent them from going until the Adelantado should arrive,

to whom they gave the advice to take her as she was, for his better

despatch, sending her value to the owners when God should provide

it. The Adelantado would not do this, nor consent that it should

be done. The Vicar, zealous for the service of God, reprehended the

Captain with sharp speeches, and told him that he was excommunicated,

charging him to pay for what he had taken. Having done this he was

absolved, and the business was closed. Here a soldier was punished,

the reason being kept secret.

Making sail, they anchored in the port of Cherrepe, which is that for

the town of Santiago de Miraflores, where the Captain, Lope de Vega,

had enlisted a good company of married people. Here the Adelantado

married this Captain to his sister-in-law, Mariana de Castro, giving

him the title of Admiral.

There was at anchor in this port a new and strong ship with a cargo

of flour, sugar, and other things, bound to Panama. The officers of

the Almiranta having made friends with those on board the other ship,

they were persuaded, by means of efficacious reasoning, to let the

General take her, and receive their vessel instead, which, owing to

age and bad construction, they might well do, because thus the King

would be better served. But the Adelantado showed great annoyance

at these intrigues, and replied that his ship was very good for the

service on which it was to be employed. Those who intended evil felt

the good intention, and, in order to gain their end, they secretly

made seven gimlet-holes in the ship, in order to oblige--as they

did oblige--the soldiers to say that they would not go in a ship

so unseaworthy if they could not take the other. In consequence of

this, the Pilot and Master presented a petition to the Adelantado,

setting forth that his ship was making a great deal of water, and was

unsuited for so long and risky a voyage as she was intended to make;

and begging him to take the remedy that was at hand. The Adelantado,

seeing the determination of all, and compelled by necessity, referred

the matter to the Master of the Camp, before whom information was

taken which proved what was wanted, and if more was wanted, more could

be proved. So the General ordered the Master of the Camp to take the

ship; and that the carpenters should make an estimate of the excess of

value over that of the vessels to be exchanged for it. They reported

that the difference amounted to 6600 dols.

Presently, the Master of the Camp sent a guard on board the ship,

and began to unload her. There was a priest on board, who owned half

the cargo. He protested vigorously against the injustice and robbery,

when he saw the loss that he would sustain. He made strong protests and

claims on the ship, in his own name and in those of other interested

parties. He sought the ship, stating that his remedy was there. He came

and went to the Capitana with his complaints, but got no redress. It

was said that a soldier gave him a push, and threatened to throw

him overboard. The priest felt all this very deeply, and loudly

declared that when he had to pray to our Lord, in his sacrifices,

he would ask that the ship might never reach safety if she was

unloaded. The good priest caused great sorrow to the compassionate,

both on account of the force with which he was treated and the loss

of his property; and the grief was doubled at the enterprise being

one that was undertaken by their own masters, to whom he earnestly,

but vainly, complained of his loss. At last the ship was unloaded,

when the Adelantado satisfied the priest respecting his share,

which somewhat quieted him. The Adelantado also undertook to pay

the difference before he came from the Solomon Islands to Peru,

mortgaging to the creditors all his ships. The Adelantado felt and

complained much of this proceeding, which had been forced upon him,

and he threatened those who he believed to be the cause of it.

As the effects are seen in all things, and even in the justice

of God are never wanting, it was understood that usually in that

port there was much merchandize, collected in certain warehouses,

from all those valleys, to be embarked for Lima, Panama, and

other places. They embarked some of these goods, with the owner,

his wife and children. Many things were left, and nothing was said

about them, for the shadows of things are sufficient to see them by;

and expeditions without a royal purse cannot, it would seem, be set

forth without some mischief being done.

The Master of the Camp, because it was his ordinary and first thought

not to keep the peace, had a certain slight difference with the

Admiral, which, although trifling, appears to have been the beginning

of disorders. For if such exist, however small they be, when the

Devil stirs them they revive. The Adelantado was very desirous of

entering respectable men only; and so, for reasons that moved him,

he put certain men and women on shore. I well believed that he might

have turned them all out, and proceeded alone on his voyage. Here,

for a slight cause, he turned out a sergeant. Who was the instigator

the reader will pardon me for leaving it to be understood, for I am

not a friend of telling, though it should be a bad affair.

These things being settled, the Adelantado ordered the Chief Pilot

to make five charts for the navigation, one for himself and four for

each of the Pilots. He was not to show more land on them than the

coast of Peru from Arica to Payta, and two points north and south,

on one side or the other, the one in 7° and the other in 12°, and

1,500 leagues to the west of Lima, which, he said, was the extreme

distance in longitude of the islands of which he was going in search,

whose longitude was 1,450 leagues. The other 50° was to be added so

as the better to arrive with some margin, and no more land was to be

delineated lest some ship should steer to or desert to it.

The Admiral embarked on board the new ship, and the provisions were

distributed, but they were not in such quantity nor so good as was

necessary. The defects were made up by what the soldiers and other

people bought, and by other means.

It only remained to arrange for the water supply, but the supply

was scanty and the port was bad. The Corregidor of the district,

Dom Bartolomé de Villavicencio, arrived, and the goodwill he showed

is admitted by the Admiral in his report. But as he saw, when he

came, the overwork that was being exacted, he went to his house,

taking with him all the Indians and horses that were helping us,

so as to oblige us to depart. This was the reason that induced the

Adelantado to make sail, and pursue his course with only the water

that the Chief Pilot had on board. Recognising such a serious defect,

the Pilot represented that it was a terrible thing to start with half

the jars empty, knowing that we had to enter the largest of the gulfs,

and that it must be well considered, lest we should have to leave the

land without taking the full supply of water needed for so long and

doubtful a voyage. The Adelantado answered that the soldiers asked

for it to be obtained in the ports where it was found to be very

expensive, and that if a ration of half a gallon ought to be given,

a pint might be served out. To this the Chief Pilot replied that it

was his duty to see to everything, and not to allow himself to be

conquered by the importunities of people who did not know what they

were asking. The Adelantado answered to this that he was convinced,

and that he would settle the matter with them; which he did with

some good and some bad reasons. This done, they made sail, arriving

at the port of Payta to take in water.

CHAPTER III.

Of what passed in the port of Payta, and how the fleet set sail

and commenced the voyage.

In each port there was disorder, and as this is one of the best

ports on the coast of Peru, the best quarrel was reserved for it. The

anger of the Master of the Camp, who excused no one, fell upon the

Vicar respecting certain proceedings in his department. There were

words between them; and there would have been acts as well if the

Adelantado had not been present to prevent them. But they remained

angry and unfriendly. Bickerings also commenced between the Master

of the Camp and the Captain Don Lorenzo, respecting luggage which

some of the soldiers had with them.

The Master of the Camp gave a blow with a stick to a person of

consideration. He said that he did not know about that, but that

the party would know very well how much a stick weighed. There was

some disturbance; the Master of the Camp drew his sword (at which he

was always ready) and struck another soldier, who was annoyed at the

blow given to his companion. He fled, but was taken, and incontinently

was to be punished. Doña Isabel came out to plead for him. The Master

of the Camp showed himself to be so compliant that he threw down the

stick and went on board; but this was not that he might not give the

Adelantado a faculty against the prisoner. The Chief Pilot would have

interceded, but the Adelantado did not wish to hear him, saying that

the man had put his hand in his beard, which was a sort of mutiny. The

Chief Pilot prayed that nevertheless the Adelantado would hear the

case, and dismiss it; or, if he did not wish to do that, that he would

judge the matter officially; for that the man had been brought by

force, and that it did not seem just to take away his honour. At last,

yielding to these prayers, the Adelantado set the prisoner free. The

Master of the Camp had gone on shore, and presently he sent for his

clothes. But as the Adelantado showed a wish that he should stay, the

Admiral and Captain Don Lorenzo persuaded him to return to the ship.

It appeared to the Chief Pilot that it was very uncertain what would be

the end, when the beginning was so disordered. He, therefore, requested

the Adelantado that he might be left behind; and for this course he

gave many reasons which did not appear to be bad. The Adelantado threw

his arms round the Pilot's neck, declaring that only an angel could

conduct things as he said, but that all should be put in good order,

and that a remedy should be found. The Chief Pilot still insisted

upon his dismissal, saying that where the General's person was, who so

well understood the art of navigating, he might well be excused. The

Adelantado was much grieved on hearing this, and with his sagacity,

he showed himself so kind and friendly, and used such honeyed words,

that they induced the Pilot to remain. He went on board and, as he

passed the ship, the sailors said: "Ah! Sir Chief Pilot, what goings

and comings are these? We are informed of what you think of doing,

for no one wants to remain in this ship though it cost all their

lives." Jumping on shore, the Admiral, the Lieutenant of Payta,

and other persons of the fleet, came to the Pilot, and he gave his

reasons to all.

At this time the Master of the Camp came up and said, in a loud voice:

"Well, Sir! the Devil walks loose among us, to see if he can injure

this good work. Let us go whence we came, and let him show himself

for what he is. For, though he works with diligence, we will advance

forward such a Christian undertaking, and in this voyage we will

truly serve God and the King." The Chief Pilot gave him this answer:

"Sir Master of the Camp! in all things there should be moderation and

fair dealing, but your Honour was very hasty in raising the stick,

drawing your sword, and abusing the seamen whose services are so

necessary. As I know the mischief that is done by such conduct, I

wish to see the remedy, so as to comply with all my obligations." The

Master of the Camp, more gentle when he was on shore, answered that

a Camp Master could not be so moderate. The Chief Pilot said that he

must be both careful and moderate; that as yet they were in Peru,

and that the seamen had to bring them to the islands, and to guard

the ship when they had arrived; and that if they were aggrieved,

as men, there would be serious trouble; that they had to bring the

news and return with succour, and speak well of the land, or evil

though it was good, for revenge. The Camp Master was not quieted with

this argument, but was wedded to his own idea, and answered that men

did not do what they were told at sea; that he had to make them stir

quickly; and that all he had done was necessary that the fleet might

not be disorganised, and that each man to his own office seemed good,

and was in order. With this, and many other things that were said at

the time, the incident was closed.

The two embarked, not very friendly, and the Adelantado engaged a man

here, who gave him 2,000 dols. for the place of Sergeant Major; and

with this he left off recruiting. He embarked 1,800 jars of water,

and gave instructions for the order that was to be maintained, and

for the navigation that was to be carried out.

They carried in the fleet 378 persons by the list, of whom 280

were capable of bearing arms; 200 arquebuses and other weapons,

offensive and defensive, respecting which testimony was given before

the Lieutenant of Payta to send to the King our Lord, as was done.

The Capitana was named San Jeronimo, and there went in her the

Adelantado, his wife, his sister-in-law and her brothers, the chief

Officers, and two priests.

The Almiranta was named Santa Isabel, under the Admiral Lope de Vega,

with two Captains, and a priest.

The galeot was named San Felipe, under Captain Felipe Corzo, with

his officers and men.

The frigate was named Santa Catalina, under Captain Alonso de Leyva.

CHAPTER IV.

The Island of Magdalena.

Having made sail, the fleet shaped a S.W. course, displaying the

royal standard and the flags, playing clarions, and feasting on such

an auspicious day as this was considered to be. The winds were from

the S. and S.S.E., which are the winds of Peru, until we reached

a latitude of 9° 30', and from that point the course was W.S.W. as

far as 14°. From thence the course was W.N.W. to 21°. The sun was

taken at noon, and having made the computation, the result was 10°

50'. At 5 in the afternoon, an island was sighted 10 leagues distant,

being N.W. by N. [45] The Adelantado gave it the name of Magdalena,

as it was the eve of that day. He thought it was the land that he

sought, for which reason he was very joyful in every one's sight, in

that he had come in a short time with a fair wind, the victuals good,

and the people amicable, healthy, and cheerful. During the voyage

there had been fifteen marriages, scarcely a day passing without

some one wanting to be married next day. It seemed as if all would

run in couples with the good fortune, with high hopes, many stories,

and none for the good of the natives.

The Adelantado said to the Vicar and Chaplain that they were to chant

the "Te Deum laudamus" with all the people on their knees, and that

they should give thanks to God for the mercy of sighting land. This

was done with great devotion.

On the following day, with doubt whether that island was inhabited, the

ships were steered to the south of it, and very near the coast. From

a point under a peaked hill towards the eastern end, there came out

seventy small canoes, not all the same size, made of one piece of wood,

with outriggers of cane on each side, after the manner of the gunwales

of galleys, which reach to the water on which they press to prevent

the canoe from capsizing, and all their paddles rowing. The least

number they had in a canoe was three, the greatest ten, some swimming,

and others hanging on--altogether, four hundred natives, almost white,

and of very graceful shape, well-formed, robust, good legs and feet,

hands with long fingers; good eyes, mouth, and teeth, and the same with

the other features. Their skin was clear, showing them to be a strong

and healthy race, and indeed robust. They all came naked, without any

part covered; their faces and bodies in patterns of a blue colour,

painted with fish and other patterns. Their hair was like that of

women, very long and loose, some had it twisted, and they themselves

gave it turns. Many of them were ruddy. They had beautiful youths who,

for a people barbarous and naked, it was certainly pleasant to see;

and they had much cause to praise their Creator.

Among them there was a boy, who appeared to be about ten years of

age. [46] He came rowing in a canoe with two others. His eyes were

fixed on the ship, and his countenance was like that of an angel, with

an aspect and spirit that promised much, of a good colour, not fair but

white; his locks like that of a lady who valued them much. He was all

that has been said, so that I never in my life felt such pain as when I

thought that so fair a creature should be left to go to perdition. [47]

The natives came with much speed and fury, rowing their canoes,

pointing with their fingers to their port and land, speaking loudly,

and often using the words atalut and analut. They came to our ships,

and when they arrived they gave us cocoa-nuts, a kind of food rolled

up in leaves, good plantains, and large canes [48] full of water. They

looked at the ships, the people, and the women who had come out on the

galley to see them, at whom they looked, and laughed at the sight. They

got one to put his hand on the ship, and, with coaxing, they got him

to come on board. The Adelantado dressed him in a shirt and put a hat

upon his head, which, when the others saw, they laughed and looked,

crying out to the rest. On this about forty came on board, beside whom

the Spaniards seemed of small stature. Among them there was one taller

than the rest by a head and shoulders, and taller than our best men,

though we had one very tall. They began to walk about the ship with

great boldness, taking hold of whatever was near them, and many of them

tried the arms of the soldiers, touched them in several parts with

their fingers, looked at their beards and faces, with other monkey

tricks. As they saw that our men were dressed in various colours,

they were confused; so the soldiers bared their breasts, let down

their stockings, and tucked up their sleeves to satisfy them. When

they were shown this, they quieted down, and were much pleased.

The Adelantado and some of the soldiers gave them shirts, hats,

and other trifling things, which they presently put round their

necks, dancing and singing in their fashion, and loudly called to the

others to look at what they had been given. Their conduct annoyed the

Adelantado, who made signs to them to go; but they not only would not

leave the ship, but became more free in taking things they saw. Some

cut slices from our bacon and meat with knives made of cane, and

wanted to take other things. At last the Adelantado ordered a gun to

be fired, and when they felt and heard it, with great terror, they all

jumped into the water and swam to their canoes, only one remaining in

the ship. He was clinging on to the main channels, and they could not

make him let go, until some one wounded him on the hand with a sword,

which was shown to the others, and they took him into a canoe. At

this time they fastened a rope to the ship's bowsprit, and, by rowing,

tried to tow her on shore, thinking they could thus take her.

When the native was wounded, they all became warlike, and were

marshalled by one who carried a parasol of palm leaves. Among them was

one old man with a long and well-ordered beard, who cast fierce looks

from his eyes, put both hands into his beard, raised his moustaches,

stood up, and cried out, looking in many directions. They played on

shells, and striking with their paddles in the canoes they showed their

hostility: some taking up the lances which they brought, tied down;

others with stones in slings, not having other arms. With good will,

they began to hurl stones, and wounded a soldier; but first they

had come near the ship, and those with lances threatened to throw

them. The soldiers pointed their arquebuses, but, as it had been

raining, the powder would not ignite. It was a sight to behold, how

the natives came on with noise and shouts; and how some, when they

saw weapons pointed at them, jumped from the canoes into the water,

or got behind the others. At last, the old man who made the menaces

was shot in the forehead, and fell dead, with seven or eight others,

while some were wounded. They fled from our ships, and presently three

natives came in a canoe, calling out. One held up a green branch,

and something white in his hand, which appeared to be a sign of

peace. They seemed to be asking us to come to their port; but this

was not done, and they departed, leaving some cocoa-nuts.

This island has a circumference of about 10 leagues, so far as we

could see. It is clear and open towards the sea, lofty and wooded in

the ravines, which is where the natives live. The port is on the south

side. It is in latitude 10° S., and a thousand leagues from Lima. It

is thickly inhabited; for, besides those who came in the canoes,

the beaches and rocks were covered with people. The Adelantado did

not know the place, and, being undeceived, he said it was not one of

the islands he came in search of, but a new discovery.

CHAPTER V.

How three other islands were sighted, their names, and how they

came to a port in that of Santa Cristina.

At a short distance from this island three other islands were sighted,

for which a course was shaped. The first, to which the Adelantado

gave the name of San Pedro, was 10 leagues W.N.W. from Magdalena. It

was not ascertained whether it was inhabited, because it was not

visited. It is about 4 leagues in circumference, with much forest,

but apparently not very high. At the east end there is a rock at a

short distance from the coast.

There is another island called Dominica, with a circumference of some

15 leagues, bearing N.W. from San Pedro, distant 5 leagues. The island

is beautiful to look upon, and runs N.E. to S.W. It has fine plains

and mountains, is thickly inhabited, with many groves of trees.

To the south of Dominica there is another island to which the name

of Santa Cristina was given. It seemed to be about 11 leagues in

circumference, and is a little over a league from Dominica, with a

clear and deep channel between them. The Adelantado named all four

islands together "Las Marquesas de Mendoza," in memory of the Marquis

of Cañete; because by this, and in making sail with his ships from

any port, he wished to show how grateful he was for the assistance

given by that Viceroy in the despatch of the expedition.

While tacking off and on, and seeking a port in the island of Dominica,

many canoes full of natives came out, who seemed to be of a browner

colour, and crying out, showed the same good will as the others. In

one canoe there came an old man, carrying a green branch and something

white. At this moment the ship was put about, and, thinking that she

was going away, the old man began to renew his shouts, make signs

with his hair, and pointing downwards with his hair and fingers. The

Adelantado wanted to return, but he could not do so because the wind

freshened, and no sheltered port for anchoring could be seen: though

the frigate, which stood close into the shore, reported having seen

many more people than were visible from the ship, and that a native

had come on board, who with great ease had lifted a calf by one ear.

On the following day the General sent the Camp Master in the boat with

twenty soldiers, to seek for a port or a watering place on the island

of Santa Cristina. Many natives came out in canoes, and surrounded

them. Our people, wishing to make themselves safe, killed some of

them. One, to save himself, jumped into the sea with a child in his

arms. Clasped together, they were sent to the bottom by a shot from

an arquebus that one of the soldiers fired off. He said afterwards,

with great sorrow, that the Devil had to take those who were ordained

to be taken. The Chief Pilot said to him that he regretted that he

had not fired in the air, but the soldier said that he acted as he

did lest he should lose his reputation as a good marksman. The Chief

Pilot asked him what it would serve him to enter into hell with the

fame of being a good shot? The Camp Master returned without having

found either a port or a watering place.

At the same time four very daring natives had gone on board the ship,

and while no one was looking, one of them took a small dog, which

was the gift of the Camp Master. Then, with a shout they all jumped

overboard with great courage, and swam to their canoes.

The next day, which was St. James's day, the General again sent the

Camp Master, with twenty soldiers, to the island of Santa Cristina to

find a watering place and a port. He effected a landing with the men

in good order, and surrounded a village while the inhabitants stood

looking on. The Camp Master called to them, and about three hundred

came. Our people then drew a line, telling the natives by signs

that they were not to go beyond it. On asking for water they brought

some in cocoa nuts, and the women brought other kinds of fruit. The

soldiers said that many of these women were very pretty, and that they

were ready to come near in friendly intercourse, and to give their

presents with their hands. The Camp Master sent the natives for water

with the jars, but they made signs that our people should carry them;

running off with four jars, for which reason we opened fire on them.

The General, having seen the port into which the Camp Master had gone,

ordered the ship to be taken into it and anchored. But the wind died

away under the land, and the ship was taken by a wave to within a

lance's length of a rock, with 50 fathoms close to it. There was great

consternation at the obvious danger. Sail was made, and God was served

that a breeze should spring up, and the ship stood off. Then there came

another report that the port was bad, full of sunken rocks, and that

it was impossible to get out again if a ship had once entered. The

Adelantado was much annoyed to hear the complaints of the hard work,

and was moved to continue the voyage, saying that the water they

had on board would be sufficient for the voyage to his islands. The

Chief Pilot reminded him of the uncertainties of the sea, to which

he answered: "If we cannot find a port, what are we to do?" The Chief

Pilot replied that we must return to Magdalena, which we had already

seen, and where the frigate had anchored, and that for a little

more work it was needful to secure more necessaries. Meanwhile,

the Camp Master had been coasting along the island; and very near

the port that had been entered he found another, which he reported,

and there the fleet anchored.

CHAPTER VI.

How the Adelantado landed on the island of Santa Cristina, and

what took place with the natives.

On the day after the arrival, which was the 28th of July, the

Adelantado went on shore, with his wife and the greater part of the

crew, to hear the first mass said by the Vicar. The natives knelt

down in silence and attention, imitating all they saw the Christians

do. A very beautiful native sat near Doña Isabel, with such red hair

that Doña Isabel wished to cut off a few locks; but seeing that the

native did not like it she desisted, not wishing to make her angry.

The General, in the name of His Majesty, took possession of all the

four islands, walked through the village, sowed maize in presence of

the natives; and, having had such intercourse as was possible with

them, he went on board. The Camp Master remained on shore with all the

soldiers, who in a short time began to quarrel among themselves. Then

the natives threw many stones and lances, wounding one soldier in the

foot, without doing any other harm. They then fled to the mountains

with their women and children, our people following them, until they

were all in the woods. Being fired at, the natives reached the summits

of three high hills, where they entrenched themselves. In the mornings

and afternoons they all, with one accord, made a resounding noise,

which echoed through the ravines, and was replied to by shouts. They

wished to do us harm, hurling stones and lances, but their efforts

were in vain.

The Camp Master placed guards in three positions to secure the village

and the beach, where the women were resting and the sailors getting

wood and water for the ships. What I have to say is, that some of these

natives, being strong and courageous, used arrows, while there were

not wanting others who seemed more cautious. They were very diligent

to attack; but seeing how little harm they did, and how much hurt

they received from the arquebuses, they tried to establish peace and

friendship. For when the soldiers went to their work, they came out to

them lovingly, offering them bunches of plantains and other fruits. It

seemed that they felt the want of their houses, for they asked,

by signs, when the Spaniards would go. Some came to the guards with

food, which they gave to the soldiers. One native especially, of good

presence, was taught to make the sign of the cross, and to say "Jesus

Maria," and the rest. They were in conversation with their comrades,

for each one had a comrade, whom they sought out and sat with, when

they came; and by signs they asked each other the names of the sky,

the earth, the sea, the sun, the moon and stars, and everything else

within their vision. All were well content with what they said, calling

each other friends and comrades. As this friendship was not without

payment, there was a certain man who joyfully said to the General,

that he had his dog well fed by the natives, by a forage he had made

in the preceding night, when his company had the guard.

On another day eleven natives came in two canoes, and two of them

stood up with some strings of cocoa nuts in their hands, and shouted

while they showed them. Orders were given not to answer, and for the

soldiers to be ready with their arquebuses. When the natives found that

they were not answered, they came close to the ship, when a volley was

fired. Two were killed. The soldiers shot three more, and throwing

down what they had, the rest rowed away and fled. They were chased

in a boat, but the natives got on shore and fled. Jumping on shore,

only three were seen to run to the top of some high hills. Those in

the boat took the canoes, with three dead bodies in them, for the

rest had fallen into the sea. The cruelty of the Spaniards was such

that there were not wanting those who said that the bullet wounds,

so fierce and ugly, would frighten the other natives, and that the

swords, making wide wounds, would have the same effect. In order

that the natives might see, it was ordered that the bodies should

be taken on shore, that the Camp Master might hang them up where

they would be seen by the natives. It was said that this was done

in order that the natives, if they came with false intent in their

canoes, might know what the Spaniards could do. But it seemed to me

that four armed ships had little to fear from unarmed natives in

canoes. The Camp Master hung up the three natives in a place best

adapted for the intended object. A certain person came to see them,

who gave one of the bodies a lance-thrust, and praised what had been

done. At night the natives took the bodies away.

An evil example gives rise to licence, and reason conquers him who

knows it. A certain person had an arquebus in his hut, and a friend of

his loaded it, and pointed it to fire at the natives. The other took

it out of his hands, and asked him what he was going to do with so

much diligence. He replied, that his diligence was to kill, because he

liked to kill. "It is not right," replied his friend, "that you should

show such readiness to cause the death of men. What harm have these

natives done to you that you should treat them with such cruelty? It

is not valorous to show yourself a lion amongst lambs, nor to kill

when it takes your fancy. If you do not know what a foul and sinful

thing it is to murder a body which contains a soul, it is high time

that you learned, and though it has weight it is not profitable."

The native who was friendly to the Chaplain came to the guard, and

being seen by the General they embarked very joyfully, the native

crying out, "Friend! Friend!" The Adelantado received him very

cordially, offering him conserves and wine, but he would neither eat

nor drink. He began to look at the sheep, and seemed to give them a

name; he gazed at the ship and the rigging, counted the masts and

sails, went below and noted everything with care, more so than is

usual with a native. They told him to say "Jesus Maria," and to make

the sign of the cross, which he did with great amusement, showed

good will in all things, and presently he asked for persons to take

him back to the shore. Such was the intelligence of this native that

when he understood that the ships would depart, he showed regret,

and wanted to go with us.

The Adelantado wanted to colonise these four islands, to make his

business with them, and to leave thirty men, some of them married. But

the soldiers complained of this, and seeing their ill-will he gave

up the idea.

It may be held as certain that two hundred natives were killed in

these islands, for the impious and inconsiderate soldiers dropped one

or two or three. Their evil deeds are not things to do, nor to praise,

nor to allow, nor to maintain, nor to refrain from punishing if the

occasion permits.

CHAPTER VII.

In which an account is given of the port, island, and inhabitants;

of their customs, and other things.

This island of Santa Cristina is very populous, and lofty in the

centre. It has its ravines and valleys, where the natives live. The

port was named "Madre de Dios." Praise to her! It is in the western

part, in latitude 9° 30', sheltered from all winds, only excepting the

west, which never was found to blow. Its shape is that of a horse-shoe,

with a narrow mouth, and at the entrance it has a clear bottom of

sand, with a depth of 30 fathoms, in the middle 24, and 12 near

the beach. The marks by which it is known are a hill to the south,

rising from the sea, having a peak terminating in three others on

its summit; to the north a concave rock; within the port five wooded

ravines, all coming down to the sea, and a hill which divides the

little beaches of sand, having a stream of excellent water falling

from a height of a man's stature and a half, the thickness of a fist,

where the barrels can be filled. Near it there is a stream of equally

good water, flowing near a village which the natives have there. So

that waterfall, stream, and village are all on the shore, which is on

the north side of the hill. On the south side of it there are houses

scattered among the trees. To the east there are high rocky hills,

with some ravines whence the stream descends.

Some of the natives of these islands did not appear to be as white as

those of Magdalena. They have the same form of speech, the same arms

and canoes, with which they communicate. Their village is built on

two sides of a square, one north and south, the other east to west,

with the surroundings well paved. The rest is a space with very

tall and thick trees. The houses appear to be for the community,

after the manner of slave quarters, and open to wind and water, the

floor being raised above that of the street. It appeared that many

people were lodged in each house, for there were many bed-places,

and these low. Some houses had low doors, and others had all the front

open. They are of wood, interwoven with very large canes having joints

of more than 5 palmos [49] in length, and of the thickness of a man's

arm. The roof is of the leaves from the trees in the open space.

The Chief Pilot did not see anything of the women, because he did not

land at the time that they came; but all who saw them reported that

they had beautiful legs and hands, fine eyes, fair countenances,

small waists, and graceful forms, and some of them prettier than

the ladies of Lima, who are famed for their beauty. Respecting their

complexion, if it cannot be called white, it is nearly white. They

go with a certain covering from the breasts downwards.

Apart from the village there was an oracle surrounded by palisades,

with the entrance on the west side. Within there was a house, almost in

the middle, in which there were some wooden figures badly carved; and

here were offerings of food and a pig, which the soldiers took. Wanting

to take other things, the natives interfered, saying they must not

take anything, showing that they respected that house and the figures.

Outside the village they had some very long and well-made canoes

of a single tree, with the form of a keel, bow, and stern, and with

boards well fastened with ropes made from cocoa fibre. In each one

there is room for thirty or forty natives as rowers; and they gave

us to understand, when they were asked, that they went in these

large canoes to other lands. They work with adzes, which they make

of thick fish-bones and shells. They sharpen them with large pebbles,

which they have for the purpose.

The temperature, health, vigour, and corpulence of these people tell

what the climate must be under which they live. One suffers cold at

night, but the sun does not cause much molestation by day. There were

some showers, not heavy; dew was never felt, but very great dryness,

so much so that wet things, when left out all night on the ground,

were found quite dry in the morning. But we could not tell whether

this was so all the year round.

They saw pigs, and fowls of Castille, and the fishery is certain

wherever there is sea.

The trees which have been mentioned as being in the open space

before the village yield a fruit which reaches to the size of a boy's

head. Its colour, when it is ripe, is a clear green, and when unripe

it is very green. The rind has crossed scales like a pineapple, its

shape not quite round, being rather more narrow at the end than near

the stem. From the stem grows a leaf-stalk reaching to the middle

of the fruit, with a covering sheath. It has no core nor pips, nor

anything uneatable except the skin, and that is thin. All the rest

is a mass of pulp when ripe, not so much when green. They feed much

upon it in all sorts of ways, and it is so wholesome that they call

it white food. It is a good fruit and of much substance. The leaves

of the tree are large, and much serrated, like those of the papay. [50]

They found many caves full of a kind of sour dough, which the Chief

Pilot tasted. There is another fruit covered on the outside with

prickles like a chestnut, but each as big as six of Castille, with

nearly the same taste. Its shape is like a heart, flattened. They

eat many, roast and boiled, and leave them on the trees to ripen.

There are nuts the size of those of Castille, and appear to be almost

the same in taste. The outside is very hard and without joint, and

its kernel is not attached to the rind, so that it comes out easily

and entire when opened. It is an oily fruit. They ate and took away

many of them.

They saw calabashes of Castille sown on the beach, and some red

flowers pleasant to look on, but without smell. As our people did

not go inland, and all the natives retreated into the woods, as has

been said, this is all that can be related. The soldiers said that

all the trees appeared to bear fruit.

Our men were very well received by the natives, but it was not

understood why they gave us a welcome, or what was their intention. For

we did not understand them; and to this may be attributed the evil

things that happened, which might have been avoided if there had been

some one to make us understand each other.

CHAPTER VII.

How the Adelantado departed from this island, and how the murmuring

began among the soldiers by reason of faults and of not finding

the land.

While the Adelantado was at this island he ordered the galeot to be

repaired, for one day, before anchoring, she was in great danger from

having fouled the bowsprit of the Capitana. He also ordered wood and

water to be got on board, the people to be embarked, and the ships

to be got ready. On the 5th of August he raised three crosses, each

one in its place, and another was cut on a tree, with the day and

year. He then weighed, and made sail in search of the islands of his

first discovery. A course was shaped W.S.W., with the wind E. varying

to S.E. In this way, sometimes altering course to N.W. and due west,

they sailed for about 400 leagues.

After three or four days, the Adelantado said that on that day they

would see the land of which they were in search, news which greatly

rejoiced the people. But, looking in all directions, they neither

saw land on that day nor on many days afterwards; and for this reason

the soldiers began to say things, and to conspire because the voyage

was so prolonged. There was scarcity of food and water, for at the

news of the proximity of land the people had indulged themselves

freely. Now they began to show slackness and suspicion. It is no

cause for surprise that in such enterprises those who have to bear

the blame and the responsibility should be the chief workers as well

as the chief sufferers.

On Sunday, the 20th of August, having covered the said 400 leagues,

the dawn found us close to four small and low islands, with sandy

beaches, and many palm and other trees. Together they appeared to

be 8 leagues in circumference, more or less. They are in a square,

very close to each other. From S.W. to N.E., and towards E. there are

banks of sand, where there are no means of entrance, and a point was

found in the reef which goes more to S.W. The General gave the name of

"San Bernardo" to these islands, as it was that saint's day. He wanted

to find a port among these islands, but desisted at the request of

the Vicar. It was not known whether they were inhabited, although the

people in the galeot said they had seen canoes, but this was believed

to be a mistake. The islands are in 10° 20' S., and in longitude 400

leagues from Lima.

Passing these four islands the wind came from S.E., which always blows,

sometimes with light showers, and thick dense cloud-masses were not

wanting. These masses were of various colours, and, strangely enough,

they formed themselves into various figures, and in contemplating

them they remained for a long space of time. Sometimes they were so

fixed that they were not dissipated during the whole day. As they were

in an unknown direction, it was thought that they were indications

of land. We continued to steer a westerly course, sometimes N.W. and

S.W., always in latitudes in accordance with the will and instructions

of the General, which were not to go higher than 12° or lower than

8°. Generally we were in 10° to 11°.

On Tuesday, the 29th of August, we sighted a low round island

covered with trees, and surrounded by a reef which rose above the

water. It was about a league in circumference, and in latitude 10°

40' S., distant from Lima 1,535 leagues. As it was by itself, it

was named "Solitaria." The Adelantado ordered the two small vessels

to go in shore and seek for a port, so as to get wood, of which the

Almiranta was much in need, and to see if water could be procured,

of which there was also much scarcity. They anchored in 10 fathoms,

and with loud cries told the General to stand off, as the bottom was

full of great rocks. They were going and coming with the sounding

line sometimes finding 10 fathoms, at others 100 fathoms. There

was no bottom in places, and to see the vessel among such rocks

aroused alarm. There was no want of haste to get her away into the

open sea. All round this island there are a great number of rocks,

and the channel between these rocks is to the south.

At this time the soldiers, being influenced by their privations, and

wearied from the disappointment of their hopes, formed both public

and private assemblies to murmur and talk, which was a dissolution

of discipline, and an indication of what would happen afterwards.

The Camp Master (as has been said) was somewhat violent, and he had

quarrels with many people in the ship. In fine, experience and time

taught me what should be said, and I saw what should be done with

regard to his evil behaviour and menaces. In general we said as

follows: "We do not come here to lose but to gain. The Camp Master

orders things for the King's service, as the King desires he should

order them, and we all have to obey. Do your duty, and leave the

things that do not belong to it. Avoid insults and threats to the

stick, for we will not suffer it. With so small a company so many

heads may be dispensed with. Our General is enough, for we are not

going where the usages of Flanders or of Italy are needed; nor are we

naked Indians, and for us death-dealing soldiers are not necessary;

but we are courageous and well-intentioned persons. Above all, we must

watch the General and the Camp Master, that each one may do his part,

and carefully and in detail give an account of what he may succeed in

hearing; while they conceal things in such a manner that, when asked

about them, they know nothing." For unjust eyes have been turned upon

those who are far from any fault, and these, when they wish to defend

themselves, it would be necessary to have angels for their sureties,

for there is no place for a fair hearing.

There was little reason, and so life was passed, many saying that there

was an end of it, for that we should never find the land; that there

was no necessity for so much rule, death being certain. Others said

that the Isles of Solomon had fled away, or that the Adelantado had

forgotten the place where they were to be found, or that the sea had

risen and covered them. Others said that, to call himself a Marquis

and advance his own relations, he had taken them, with 400 pounds of

biscuit, to perish in that great gulf, to go to the bottom and fish

for those wonderful pearls he had talked about. They put forward their

arguments and said one thing and another: that we had navigated for so

many days in 10°, and the islands we seek are said to be in the same

latitude, and yet they are not to be found. Either we have passed them,

or they do not exist, for by this road we shall go round the world,

or at least we shall come at last to Great Tartary. Neither the Chief

Pilot, nor the other Pilots, nor the Adelantado, know where they are

taking us to, nor where we are at present. They could easily give or

take away rewards to whom they chose, and follow their own likings.

The Pilots of the other ships said that they took their vessels on

rocks and over the land, because the place where they were painted

had been rubbed off for many days, owing to the great and little

height they had navigated; and they said other things which were for

the soldiers. Also, there were those who said that in hard times and

long voyages the soldiers know their true friends.

The Chief Pilot, against whom there were suspicions that he would

never find the sought-for land, knowing that they had passed far

beyond the longitude given by the Adelantado, and yet that he was

the authority to whom they all turned, spoke to the General with a

view to consoling the soldiers, who were so afflicted. He answered,

that they had also said to him that all would be lost. The Chief

Pilot, for satisfaction on his part, said many things in a loud

voice, and concluded by saying: "Hear me, and do not answer to

what is said. Hold yourselves in the belief that my words merit,

for consider that I did not come to navigate in order that I myself

might perish." The Captain, Don Lorenzo, then came forward with some

remarks very far from the mark, to whom the Chief Pilot answered:

"Those who do not understand the affair, why should they speak to

others?" After these discourses there were those who complained,

saying among themselves: "This business is very different from what

it was supposed to be. Here there is neither honour nor life, as we

are all companions who live in this house without doors, and without

tokens of friendship." But there did not want those who said: "What

hospitals have been founded or served by those that desire to please

God and obtain their desires? Take what is given us with joyful faces,

for this is the best way; and this being so, what is wanting will be

that which need not concern us."

CHAPTER VIII.

How an island was discovered, that of the volcano was examined,

and the loss of the Almiranta.

These complaints caused much suffering to the Adelantado, making him

avoid both public and private sins, which he did as much as was in his

power, and giving an example in order to obtain peace for all. With

the beads in his hand, and without loss of a day, he ordered the

"Salve" to be raised before the image of Our Lady of Solitude, which

the Chief Pilot had brought for his own devotions. He also caused the

vespers of Holy Days to be solemnly observed, banners to be displayed,

and streamers to be hoisted, while warlike instruments were played. To

practice the soldiers this was done every afternoon, others assisting

as much as they could, although it should entail additional work.

In this state was the Capitana when the Almiranta asked the Adelantado

for a boat-load of wood, saying that, for want of fuel, they had

burnt boxes, and were using the upper works of the ship. This was

granted, and on another day the Admiral came on board the Capitana

to greet the Adelantado, as was customary. He then told the General

of his necessities, and begged that they would not part company,

and with this promise they were rejoiced. He sought for succour as

regards water, saying that he only had nine jars left. The Admiral

showed much despondency, saying that the defects of his ship were

numerous, but that he was determined to die with his people, because

for that he had come. The Adelantado did what he could to cheer him,

and ordered him to make sail, saying that the islands could not be far

off. The Master represented that, owing to there being little ballast,

the ship was very crank, and for this reason she would not bear much

sail; that there were one hundred and eighty persons on board, and

that he hoped he would at least give them twenty jars of water. The

Adelantado, although at that time he had more than four hundred jars

full, would not give one, for the report seemed to him false.

With these and other misfortunes they sailed on until the 7th of

September, when, with a rather fresh S.E. breeze, the ship only had a

foresail on her without a bonnet, [51] steering west. There was seen

ahead a mass of dark smoke, for which reason the Chief Pilot ordered

the galeot and frigate to go on, keeping in sight of each other,

and see what land or reefs there were, and to report by burning two

lights, and two others in reply or in warning. But they were to return

before nightfall.

With this anxious doubt they continued to navigate with the care that

such a night made necessary. At 9 the Almiranta was seen, and at 11, on

the port side, there was a great and thick mass of cloud, which covered

the horizon in that direction. The sailors, and all who turned their

eyes upon it, were doubtful whether it was land. The fog raised its

curtain, which was in the form of a dense shower, and land was clearly

seen, less than a league distant. It was announced in the customary

way, in a loud voice, and all hands came out to see. The galeot made

many signals to the other ships, and, though the night was dark,

they could be seen at a great distance. The two ships answered, but no

signal was seen from the other. The night was passed praying to God to

send the day. When it came, a point was seen rather dark and rounded,

being covered with trees, looking very beautiful; but, looking round

for the Almiranta, she was nowhere to be seen; on which every one was

sad and anxious, showing the feeling that it was natural they should

have. It was Mariana de Castro, the Admiral's wife, who felt it most,

for she blamed herself, and wept continually. The General, though he

wished to do so, could not dissimulate, for all saw that his thoughts

were bitter. What may be said is, that he was always apprehensive of

the loss of this ship, for many reasons which might be given, some of

which were spoken at Saña, now at a distance of 1,085 leagues. Next

day, at dawn, they were repeated by a native woman, who mourned for

the loss of a soldier, a friend of hers, who was in the ship.

When the daylight appeared, they beheld a single pointed mountain

rising out of the sea like a sugar-loaf, all cut out, and to the

S.E. another small hill. It seemed to be distant about three leagues,

being eight from the island, and it has no port, nor any place where

one could jump on to the slope. It is quite bare, there being no trees

nor anything green. There are some crevices, two especially on the

west side, and out of them as well as from the summit of the mountain,

a great quantity of sparks and fire came out with much noise. It may

be said with truth that ten volcanoes together do not send forth such

flames as this one does by itself. When it was first sighted it was

not seen to send out flames. It had a very well-formed peak; but,

a few days after we anchored at the island, it threw off its crown

with a great trembling, insomuch that, being 10 leagues distant from

it where we were anchored, we heard it, and it moved the ship. From

that time forward, every now and then, there were mighty thunderings

within the mountain at the time that the flames burst forth; and when

they finished, there was so much and such dense smoke, that it seemed

to cover the whole concave of the first heaven. [52]

The Adelantado gave orders to the frigate to sail round the volcano,

which was to the west, to see if perchance the Almiranta was on

the other side of it, and was becalmed under the land, and then to

proceed in the direction of the island. He also ordered the soldiers

to be confessed, and, to set an example, he himself confessed in

public. The Vicar also persuaded them, for they were about to visit

an unknown land, where enemies and dangers would not be wanting.

CHAPTER IX.

How a great number of canoes came out to the ships from the land;

gives an account of them and of the natives, and of the rest that

took place until they went into port.

Being near this island, there came out from it a large canoe with a

sail, and behind it a fleet of fifty smaller canoes, the people in

them calling to the ships with shouts and waving of hands, our men,

though doubtfully, calling in return. They arrived. The natives in

them were of a black colour; some of them tawny, with frizzled hair;

many of them having it white, red, and of other colours. It certainly

must have been dyed, and half of it removed from the head in some, and

there were other differences. They were all naked. Their teeth were

dyed red. Part of their bodies was covered with woven stuff, and all

were painted with lines blacker than their own colour, and they had

lines on their faces and bodies. They had many turns of a black reed

round their arms, and many strings of very small beads of bone and

fish's teeth round their necks, and many plates of mother-of-pearl,

small and great, hanging from various parts. The canoes were small,

and some came fastened together, two and two, with frames rather

high, as counterpoises, like those of the former islands. Their arms

were bows, with arrows having very sharp points of toasted wood, and

others with bone harpoon-shaped points. Some were feathered, with

the point anointed, and carried in quivers. The ointment appeared

to be from a herb. Although they do little harm, they carry stones,

clubs of heavy wood, which are their swords, and darts of stout wood,

with three rows of harpoons, in length more than a palmo [53] to the

points. They carried from a shoulder-belt a kind of bag, well worked,

and full of biscuits, made from a certain root, which they were all

eating as they came along, and readily gave away some of it. When

the Adelantado saw their colour, he took them for the people he was

in search of, and said: "This is such and such an island or land." He

spoke to them in the language he had learnt during his first voyage,

but they never understood him, nor did he understand them.

They went on to look at the ships, and all went chattering round

them; but they would not come on board, though we tried to persuade

them. On the contrary, after consulting, they took their arms quickly,

apparently incited by a tall and lean old native who was in the front,

and without more ado they drew their bows ready to shoot. The old man

addressed them, the word was passed from one to the other, and for some

time there was indecision; but, finally, their resolution was formed,

and, giving a shout, they shot off all their bows, and sent many arrows

into the sails and on other parts of the ship, without doing any other

harm. Seeing this, orders were given to the soldiers, who were ready,

to fire their arquebuses. Some were killed, many others were wounded,

and they all fled in great terror. They were followed in the boat by

four arquebusiers, and overtaken. Two jumped into the water to save

their lives, who were spared, and the rest, jumping out on the beach,

hid themselves among the trees.

We stood off and on, seeking for a port, which all so much desired,

with the patience taught by the severe work they had gone through,

understanding that a landing would bring us certain refreshment. The

frigate came back without having seen the Almiranta, which aroused

our grief and fear afresh, and all three vessels anchored at the mouth

of a bay, under the shelter of some rocks. The bottom was dangerous,

and with the rising tide the galeot got adrift at about 10 in the

evening. Seeing the danger of driving on the rocks, the General came

out to give courage to the men, and raise the anchors. The noise

and hurry was great, the danger being imminent, and the night time

made it appear greater than it was. The negligence of the soldiers

was reprehensible, and there were not wanting those who cried out:

"The services which merit approval from the King are neither these

cares nor want of care. Let the brave Peruvians go below, and let those

who get the credit do the work. This ship must be looked after among

them, for it is for their credit, and to save their own lives." They

did not want to work, and had no shame; but, without their help,

God was served by our getting up the anchors. Having made sail, the

ship got out into the open sea, though not without some difficulty,

for the waves came on board and made her heel over.

At dawn the Adelantado went on board the galeot to seek for a port;

and the Chief Pilot found one, though small. The volcano bore N.W. The

port was sheltered to the S.E., and had 12 fathoms of depth, a village,

a river, fuel and timber, and fresh air. The Adelantado came back

without having found a port, and the ships entered the bay. As it was

late they anchored under a point. The Sergeant landed with twelve

arquebusiers to secure a position. The natives of the village came

out, and shot off arrows with such force, that our men were obliged

to take refuge in a hut. Two volleys were fired from the ship, which

put the natives to flight, and the boat was sent for the men. All that

night the ships were at sea, and the next day the Adelantado found a

harbour sheltered from all winds, where he anchored in 15 fathoms, and

near the shore, where there were villages and a river. All night the

noise of music and dancing was heard, striking drums and tambourines

of hollow wood, at which the natives passed their time.

CHAPTER X.

How the natives came to see the ships; how they found another

better port; of the guazabra that the natives gave; and what

happened until the settlement was formed.

Having anchored in the place already mentioned, many natives came

to see the ships and our people. Most of them had red flowers in

their hair and in their nostrils, and some of them were persuaded

by our people to come on board the ships, leaving their arms in the

canoes. Among them there came a man of fine presence and tawny-coloured

skin, with plumes on his head of blue, yellow, and red, and in his

hand a bow, with arrows pointed with carved bone. On either side

of him were two natives, with more authority than the rest. We

understood this man to be a personage, both because he appeared to

be greater than the others, and because of the respect with which he

was treated. Presently he came forward, and asked by signs who was our

chief. The Adelantado received him with much love, and, taking him by

the hand, let him know who he was. He said that his name was Malope,

and the Adelantado said that his was Mendaña. Malope understood, and

said that henceforward his name should be Mendaña, and that Mendaña's

name should be Malope. When this exchange of names had been effected,

he showed that he put great value on it, and when anyone called him

Malope he said no, that his name was Mendaña; and pointing with his

finger to the Adelantado, he said that was Malope.

He also said that he was called Jauriqui: that name appearing to

mean chief or captain. The Adelantado dressed him in a shirt, and

gave him a few trifles of little value. To other natives the soldiers

gave feathers, little bells, glass beads, bits of cloth and cotton,

and even playing-cards, all which they put round their necks. They

taught the natives to say "friends," and to make a cross with two

fingers, embracing them in token of peace, all which they did learn and

constantly practised. They showed them looking-glasses, and with razors

they shaved their heads and chins, and with scissors they cut their

finger and toe-nails, at all which they rejoiced and were astonished;

but they begged hard for the razors and scissors. They also found out

what was under the men's clothes, and, being undeceived, they played

monkey tricks, such as those used by the natives of the first islands.

This continued for four days, and they came and went, and brought what

food they had. One day Malope came, for he was the one whose visits

were most frequent, and who showed most friendship, the ships being

anchored near his village. The natives assembled with fifty canoes,

in which they had their arms concealed, all waiting for Malope, who

was on board the Capitana. They all fled because they saw a soldier

take up an arquebus, and made for the shore, our people following

them. On the beach there was another crowd of people, who received

them with joy, and they had a great consultation. The soldiers were

disappointed at such signs of peace, and would have preferred that

they should have given occasion to break the peace and make war.

On that same afternoon the natives took all they possessed in

the nearest houses, and retreated to the village of Malope. On the

following night there were great fires on the other side of the bay,

lasting nearly until morning, which seemed to be a signal for war;

and this was confirmed when canoes were seen going in great haste

from one village to another, as if they were warning or giving notice

of something.

Next morning a boat was sent from the galeot to take in water at

an adjacent stream. While they were thus employed, some concealed

natives shouted and fired off arrows, which wounded three of our

men. They followed down to the boat, where they were repulsed by the

arquebusiers. The wounded were attended to, and the Adelantado at once

ordered the Camp Master to land with thirty men, and to do all the

harm they could with fire and sword. The natives stood their ground,

when five were killed, and the rest fled. Our people retreated, and,

embarking, came back to the ships, having cut down palm trees and burnt

some huts and canoes. They brought away three pigs, which they killed.

On the same day the Adelantado sent the Captain, Don Lorenzo, in the

frigate, with twenty soldiers and seamen, to seek for the Almiranta,

with instructions to examine all the coast that was in sight, and to

return to the place where they anchored on the first night of seeing

the land. Thence he was to steer W. and N.W., which was the direction

the Almiranta might have taken, beyond the route taken by the Capitana,

and he was to see whether anything could be found in that direction.

He also ordered the Camp Master to rise early, and go quickly with

forty soldiers to some huts which were near a hill, to punish

the natives for having hit our men with arrows, in order that,

by means of the chastisement inflicted on them, it might have the

effect of preventing greater evils. He arrived without alarming the

natives, occupied the paths, surrounded the houses, and set them on

fire. Seven natives who were inside, seeing the fire and the people,

defended themselves like brave men, and attacked our soldiers without

regard for their own lives. Six were killed, and the other escaped

by running, but was badly wounded. The Camp Master came back to the

ship with seven wounded men and five dead pigs.

In the afternoon Malope came to the beach, for the houses and canoes

that had been burnt belonged to him. In a loud voice, he cried to the

Adelantado by the name of Malope, saying: "Malope! Malope!" and beating

on his own breast, saying: "Mendaña, Mendaña!" In this way he made

his complaint, showing the harm they had done him by pointing with his

finger. He also made signs that his people had not shot arrows at our

men, but that the aggressors came from the other side of the bay. He

strung his bow, intending that we should all go against them, and that

his people would help us in taking vengeance. The Adelantado called

him with the intention of explaining matters; but he did not come. He

went away, returning on another day, and friendship was restored.

On the day of St. Matthew, Apostle and Evangelist, they made sail from

this port, steering for another which was better and more convenient,

at a distance of half a league, and in the same bay. While altering

our berth, the Captain, Don Lorenzo, came back with the news that

in sailing round the island he had found another bay not less good

than the one in which we were, and with more people and canoes; also,

that further on he saw two fair-sized islands, near the large island,

which were thickly peopled. To the S.E., at a distance of 8 leagues,

he saw another island; 9 or 10 leagues to E.N.E. from where we hove to

for the night when we first sighted land, he came on three islands,

one 7 leagues round and the two others very small. They were all

inhabited by brown people of a clear colour, covered with palm trees;

and many reefs ran out to W.N.W., with openings and channels, of which

no end was seen. [54] No sign whatever was seen of the ship of which

they were in search.

We anchored in the second port, and the natives passed the whole

night in shouting, as if they were bull-fighting or having games,

and very clearly we heard the word "amigo," and presently shouts. In

this and making fires the night was passed. When morning dawned,

a troop of about five hundred natives came to the beach, all with

their weapons in their hands, menacing and hurling arrows, darts, and

stones at the ships in hostile fashion. Seeing that their missiles did

not reach, some of them advanced into the water up to their breasts,

while others began to swim; in short, all were equal in willingness,

diligence, and noise. They came so near that, grappling with the buoys

of the ships, they went on shore with them. Seeing their audacity,

the Adelantado ordered Captain Lorenzo, his brother-in-law, to take

fifteen soldiers in the boat, and to skirmish with them. Those with

shields protected the arquebusiers and rowers, so that only two

were hit, but there would have been more if it had not been for the

shields, which were passed from place to place. The natives fought

in very scattered formation and by rushes, but showed themselves

to be valorous, so that it was understood that we had met with a

people who knew well how to defend their homes. But this only lasted

during the time that our arms did not do the harm that they did and

saw. As soon as they were undeceived by the death of two or three,

and several wounded, they retreated from the beach, and, abandoning

their aggressive attitude, took the road to their homes, carrying the

dead and wounded, creeping with the speed that we gave them into the

woods. They carried the wounded in their arms, and helped others to

walk, leaving the trail of their own blood where they went.

The Captain, Don Lorenzo, although he had no orders to land,

followed the natives with his men, and the Camp Master, who was

watching everything from the ship, shouted that the men were being

placed in risk, and that if he was in another place he would punish

one who assumed a licence that had not been given to him. Doña Isabel

felt this very much, and wished it to be understood that, being her

brother, for him there was no limit of licence in things military. The

Camp Master landed with thirty soldiers, and went in pursuit of the

natives, but as he would not wait, he had nothing to report.

It may be looked upon as certain that the Camp Master had said to

the Captain, Don Lorenzo, that if he would not obey he was not fit

to be a Captain; that he must pull up and know his duty, and that

there were not wanting those who would teach him. When this came to

the knowledge of Doña Isabel, she said things which were very deeply

felt by the Camp Master; who did not come back, but went alone to

pass the night at one of the villages of the natives which was near,

and all that night silence was well kept.

CHAPTER XI.

How they began to treat of a settlement, and what passed in

forming it, and the complaints of the soldiers.

The following day, the Camp Master being on shore, he proposed to

the soldiers to clear a place which was close to a large stream, and

to found a settlement. The soldiers were not pleased with the place,

which appeared to be unhealthy, and for this reason some of the married

men went on board to inform the Adelantado of the determination of

the Camp Master, and to ask leave to go on shore and settle in one

of the native villages, where the houses were ready built and the

place already used. Others represented that there was no better place

than the one selected, and that if the natives had not settled there,

it was a token of their bad disposition. If not, they could do what

seemed best.

The Adelantado agreed to this, and went on shore. As the unmarried

men were of the same opinion as the Camp Master, they at once got out

axes, wood knives, and spades, and began to cut down trees with smooth

trunks, lofty and tufted, but with very diverse leaves. The Adelantado

was not at all pleased at the decision, for it was his intention to

form the settlement on a bare point near the entrance of the bay,

where he went with the Camp Master and the soldiers. All came with

the opinion that the land was like Andalusia, that the natives had

many farms, and for a settlement that the place was as good as it

was agreeable.

The soldiers cut down the trees with good will, brought poles with

which they built huts, and branches of palms to roof them. Their

former work and troubles, and the gift they had left behind, were

forgotten, as well as the small store they then had. They did not

remember their country, nor that they had left the province of Peru,

so rich and extensive, where there is no man who is poor in hopes. They

would overcome all the difficulties of which they were told, and which

were before their eyes, for their God and their King. The spirit and

valour of Spaniards could do all, for neither labour nor ill fortune

could daunt them, nor could dangers, however terrible and fearful

they might be. So they built their houses and set up their tents,

each one doing the best he could, as a beginning of what they would

have to perform in parts where they would live and end with honour

and fame. The Devil was able to work so well with some of them, that

they kept in mind the delights of Lima; and this sufficed to rob the

rest of their lofty thoughts, and thus to abate that constancy which

it is necessary to preserve and maintain in such affairs.

The Adelantado did not disembark, but gave his orders for the good

government of his people from the ship. But the soldiers, to whom

a limit to what they are permitted to do seldom or ever seems good,

began to complain of an order which the Adelantado had given. It had

reference to the good treatment of the natives, their houses and

property. Those were not wanting who said that they did not want

to have a division but a moderate profit, that it was sufficient

that they had been brought to that coast, and that all belonged to

them. In other ways they noted and reminded themselves of what they

had spent and left behind, and of what they had suffered, and of

their hopes. Hence complaints arose, and too surely they began to

lose their love and loyalty point by point.

CHAPTER XII.

In which a particular account is given of this bay, the natives,

the port, the villages and food, with what else was seen.

This bay, to which the Adelantado gave the name of "Graciosa,"

for so it is, has a circuit of 40 1/2 leagues. It runs N.N.E. and

S.S.W., and is at the western end of the island, on its north side,

and south of the volcano. Its mouth is half a league wide, and there

is a reef on the east side, but the entrance is very open. The bay

is formed by an island to the westward, which is very fertile and

well peopled, both on the shore and inland. We called it our garden,

"Huerta." [55] It is separated from the large island by a short

space, full of rocks and reefs, with some small channels, so that

only boats and canoes can pass. The port is at the bottom of the bay,

where there is a very copious stream of clear and excellent water,

which, at the distance of a musket shot, runs under some rocks and

so enters the sea. The settlement was formed on the banks of this

stream and of the sea. To the east of the stream, at the distance of

an arquebus shot, there is a moderate-sized river. The port is in 10°

20' S., and 1,850 leagues from Lima. There are breezes from the S.E.,

which do little harm. The bottom is mud, with 40, 30, and 20 fathoms,

and anchorage close to the shore. In all this bay there is no place

for a ship to anchor except in the port, and in the first, which we

left because it was small. Over all the rest there is foul ground

owing to rocks. There is another spring on a beach of clean sand, of

excellent water, and a river and stream, which flow near the houses

of Malope, and there enter the sea.

In this country there are many pigs, which they roast whole

over stones. There are fowls like those of Castille, many of them

white. They fly up into the trees and breed there; also partridges,

like those of Castille, or of another kind very like them.

There are large wild pigeons, grey, with white necks, small doves,

herons, black and white, ducks, swallows, and other birds which I

do not know. Of reptiles I only saw some black lizards, and ants,

but no mosquitos: a new thing in such a low latitude.

There are many kinds of fish. The natives fish with three-pronged

poles which they have, large, and many of them. The line appears to

be of fibre, with floats of light wood, and sinkers of stone.

They have many plantains, of seven or eight kinds. Some are reddish,

and as broad as the width of a hand; others of the same colour,

but very small and tender, even when ripe. Some have the rind green,

and the pulp not so green. There are others very large, twisted with

one turn, which are of a delicious taste and smell. Each bunch has

many plantains.

There are great numbers of cocoa-nut trees and very large sweet

canes. There are also almonds with three sides, and the pulp of

each one contains as much as four almonds of Castille, the taste

being delicious. There are some very beautiful pines of the size of

a man's head, with the kernels the size of a Spanish almond. The

trees on which they grow have few leaves, and those they have are

large. There is another kind of very good nuts, which grow in very

large and long bunches on small trees with round leaves, and each one,

with its rind, will be of the size and shape of a date. There is also

the large fruit which we praised much at the first islands, and the

nuts and chestnuts like the others. There is another fruit which they

called a pippin. It grows on a tall and large tree, and another kind

which is not so good, the way of growing being like that of pears. As

we did not go all over the land, nor were there all the year round,

it is not known what other fruits there may be.

There are three or four kinds of roots, all in abundance, which form

their bread, and they eat them roast or boiled. One of them has a sweet

taste, the other two prick a little when eaten. A soldier ate one raw,

from which a great nausea resulted, but he was none the worse. Of these

roots the natives make a great quantity of biscuits, dried either in

the sun or by fire. They keep them in baskets of palm leaves. This

food is sustaining. It has the drawback of being rather heating, but

much is eaten of it, and of the roots roasted and boiled, and in pots.

There is plenty of fibre, which throughout the east is used as cord.

There are large and red amaranths, greens, and a sort of calabash,

plenty of sweet basil with a very strong smell, and several kinds

of red flowers beautiful to look at, which the natives are very fond

of. They have no smell. They train them on small trees, and have them

in small pots near their houses.

There is plenty of ginger, which grows without being sown. There is

also a great quantity of a tall branching shrub called indigo, from

which the indigo dye is made. There are aloe trees, much demajagua,

[56] from which they make their cords and nets, as well as from the

cocoa-nuts, though not so much.

There are shells like the curious ones that are brought from China,

and pearl oyster-shells, some large and others small.

In our settlement, on the banks of the stream, there was a tree

which the natives wound in the trunk, and there comes out a liquor

of a sweet smell, which is very like turpentine, and with this,

or another mixed with it, they fill their calabashes. The natives

make bags and purses of palm very well worked, and large sheets or

mats which serve as sails for their canoes. They weave a fabric--I

do not know from what it is woven--on some small looms they make,

which serve for mantles, with which the women are clothed.

I have already said that the natives are black and tawny, and they are

like the people we have among ourselves of those colours. They make

great use of a root which is also used in the East Indies, called

betel, and in the Philippines buhio. It is a cordate-shaped leaf

of the size of a hand, more or less, its smell, taste, and colour

like a clove. They put lime with it, apparently got from shells,

and fruit the size of acorns, which grows on wild palms. They spit

out the first chewing, and keep the pulp that is left. It is well

spoken of as wholesome, and strengthening to the stomach, as well as

good for the teeth.

Their villages consist of twenty houses, more or less, and they build

them round, of boards one over the other, on a single frame of stout

wood. They have two lofts, to which they ascend by ladders, with roofs

of interlaced palms, like hen lofts in Castille. They are all open,

half the height of a man, and surrounded by a wall of loose stones,

with an opening instead of a door. The eaves do not reach to the

boards of the roof, and serve as a shelter. In each village there is

a long house, used as an oracle, with human figures in half relief,

badly carved, and another long house, which appeared to be for the

community. In the centre of them there were barbacoas of cane. There

are ten or twelve of these villages on the sea shore, and in each

one or two wells, curiously lined with stones, with steps such as

are in use among us, by which they go down, and the opening has its

covering of boards. On the shore there are some yards encircled by

stones where, when the sea rises, they fish with a certain contrivance,

having a pole worked like a pump-handle.

They have some large and beautiful canoes, with which they navigate to

a distance, for the small ones only serve to go for short distances

from their homes. They are flat-bottomed, made of a single tree from

stem to stern. They have their hatchway in the middle, out of which

they take the water which comes in by the mast. They fix a frame

of crossed sticks, very securely fastened with cords, from which

comes an outrigger with a cross plank, which steadies the canoe,

and prevents it from capsizing. In this way one such vessel will

serve for thirty or more men with their things. The sail is large,

and made of matting, wide above and narrow below. The canoes are

good sailers and weatherly. Our frigate succeeded in getting one,

and hoisted her up, under the bowsprit.

They have their cultivated patches, and fruit gardens well ordered. The

soil is black, spongy, and loose. The parts that are sown are first

well cleared. The temperature is the same as that of other lands in

the same latitude. There was some thunder and lightning, and many

showers, but not much wind.

The Adelantado gave the name of Santa Cruz to the island. It appeared

to have a circumference of 100 leagues. All the part which I saw

runs almost east and west. It is well covered with trees. The land

is not very high, though there are hills, ravines, and some beds of

reeds. It is clear of rocks, and those that do exist are close to

the land. It is well peopled all along the sea shore; but I cannot

give an account of the interior, as I never explored it.

CHAPTER XIII.

How the trouble among the soldiers began with a paper and

signatures; what the Adelantado said on the subject to certain

soldiers; of some complaints that were made, and some disgraceful

things that occurred.

As has been said, the Adelantado did not land because no house had been

built for him. So that he was in the ship, while the Camp Master was

on shore and had charge of the ordering of things there. Our people

began to seek for food, and whenever a leader with twelve or fifteen

soldiers went to the villages of the natives (which were numerous

and near our settlement), or to their cultivated patches, they always

came back with from six to twelve pigs, many cocoa nuts and plantains,

and everything else that the island supplies. They found the natives

submissive and inclined to peace; for though it is true that at first

they took to flight, afterwards they remained quietly in their houses,

with their wives and children. They themselves brought supplies to

near the camp. They were not allowed to enter, lest they should see

how small were our numbers. The same was done by them as regards the

ship, and their solicitude seemed to show that they were friends.

Malope also conducted himself in the same way, and from the goodwill

that was shown by all, it seemed to us that the friendship with them

was firmly established. It arrived at such a pitch that the Captain

Don Lorenzo was able to make an agreement with the natives that

they would come to help us to build the houses, praying that their

own might be left to them, and showing much feeling when they were

pulled down. One day, when they came the Vicar went out to them,

and many with him. He made a cross with two poles, ordering all

present to show reverence to it. Presently the natives did the same,

and went with it to their village in procession.

Things being in this condition, there began to arise among the soldiers

opinions very different from those of the Adelantado. They said that

the land was wretched and very poor, that there was nothing in all

the country, and that the position of the settlement was bad. They

were dissatisfied with everything. What yesterday appeared very good

to them now seemed very bad; guided by their fancies, and forgetful

of the obligations of those who follow the banner of their King. At

last a document was prepared with several signatures, in which the

Adelantado was asked to take them away from that place and find a

better one for them, or to take them to the islands he had talked

about. The Adelantado had notice of the paper and signatures, through

the gossip and the post which the Devil always has ready to carry

tales. He fell ill at the trouble of seeing such a bad beginning to

what he had hoped would have a good end. Seeing, however, into what

disorder things were falling, he went on shore. Meeting one of those

who had signed the paper, he said: "Is your worship a ringleader

of the party? Do you not know that it is little less than mutiny

to sign that paper?" The man replied, with the paper in his hand:

"Here is what we want, and if anything else has been said it is a

lie." A soldier put forth another argument, and the Adelantado said:

"Silence, for you have cause to hold your tongues." He then went

on board again, and ordered the Pilot of the galeot to go on shore,

where he was received by certain of the soldiers. It is reported that

he said to them that they should leave that land, and that in less

than thirty days he would take them to a better one.

In the midst of these troubles our church was built, for which there

was a charitable promise in the future of 10,000 ducats; and each

day the priest said mass in it.

They had to seek for food, and they cut much fibre to make ropes,

collecting all they could get from the natives. Meanwhile the signing

of the paper proceeded, and it was considered certain that there would

be eighty signatures. Those who asked men to sign did not forget to

make the most of the island, and to remind them of their hardships

and hard work. Some of the men answered that there was the need to

work everywhere, and that the work in that land was of a kind which

was quite suitable to them.

The deaths of the natives took place in the following way. One of

them, being in friendship with us, a soldier shot him in the neck,

of which wound he presently died. The other, being in conversation,

four soldiers called him apart, and killed him with stabs. These

things were done with the object of inducing the natives to make

war upon us, and thus produce a scarcity of provisions, so as to

make it the desire of all to leave the island. Also it was thought

that the natives attacking, the camp would have to be strengthened,

the Adelantado would be applied to for the artillery, and he being

disarmed they would remain strong. It was said that they wanted to

kill some of us, I know not who, but certain persons were followed,

with the object of taking their offices and giving them to friends

of the disaffected. It was also said that it was intended to give a

false alarm at night, and, when those who were loyal to the Adelantado

came out of their houses, to set upon them.

It was made public that, one night, a troop of armed malcontents came

to enter a house where some loyal men were watching, and after they

had pointed arquebuses at their breasts, they turned back and went

into a tent. There they tried the beds, and, not finding the owners

in them, who from fear had fled into the woods, they only terrified

their wives. At another place they tried the place in a bed by driving

a sword into it, and not feeling anything they went away. This was

related by the people themselves. But as the stories wanted evidence,

nothing was done. I say myself that a soldier said to me that others

had asked him whether he wished to return to Peru; that he had answered

in the affirmative, and seeing what his wishes were, they asked him to

sign the paper they showed him, to be presented to the Adelantado. As

soon as he had signed they said to him: "Now that you have signed you

must have your weapons ready, and if you see the Adelantado and the

Camp Master opposed, take the side of the Camp Master, and act like

a good soldier. Point with your arquebus and fire. You are not told

to kill unless," etc. The same thing was said on another occasion:

"It is a pity, for at night I am disturbed lest they should not kill

as many men as they want to kill."

Among the various proposals of the malcontents there was one that they

should make gimlet holes in the ships, because it was not desirable

that news should be taken to Peru, for the islands would not be found,

even if search was made for them they would not be discovered, and thus

either all would go or none. To this a well-intentioned person answered

that the coming had been for the good of the people of those parts,

and that if the King was not informed, so that succour might be sent,

the service could not be performed. This honourable answer so enraged

the other that he raised his arm in anger, and said that "they would

not be converted, a flock of sheep, and as they have been until now,

so they will continue to be henceforward; but we are not going to die

here when we can be saved." The other, continuing the conversation,

said: "I should be fortunate if the Lord granted that I should be

the means of one soul being saved; how much more when there are so

many here to be saved." This plan of returning to Peru was so fixed

in their minds, that they did not even like the Chief Pilot to go

out to sea on the important business of his calling; saying, that if

he went with the sailors he would not come back again. This had such

an effect on the mind of the Adelantado, that he had all the sails

unbent, and put them under guard. This was not the only false testimony

that was borne; for another lie was told of another person. It was a

small thing to take life, so long as they could gain their ends. But

it was seen by experience that attempts against truth and innocence

profit little, because the author of them is soon discredited. I can

well say that the harm they intended me has been pardoned. A friend

said to one of them: "Is your worship one of those who wish to leave

this land?" The reply was: "What can we do here?" The other answered:

"What we came to do! and if all others went away, I should remain to

do my duty; and the friend who should deny this ought to be answered,

without further ado, with a dagger in his blood."

This confused time was good for each one to declare his good will

if he had it. Discontented and vacillating soldiers, when they saw

no firmness, felt that the door was open for them to try the minds

of others, and find out who was resolved and who was not. One said

in public: "the Camp Master is my cock; all are afraid of him. What

he orders is obeyed. Now things are ripening. Before long we shall

see something, and before long we shall have liberty." It was also

said that the clothes of Doña Isabel were intended to last two

years. Another said that he might think himself fortunate who could

take his wife by the hand. Another said: "Such and such could stay,

but we intend to go, let it give pain to whom it might pain, for in

my kingdom I may rule." Such like nonsense would lead to death. It

was also said: "We carry such a one as pilot, who is not known

to the world. He will take us to the deserts of Chile, and with

that we shall be contented, and we will go to Potosi." In short,

each word that was said was mutinous and insubordinate. Well was

this tower of confusion built up over the ashes of vindictiveness,

vanity, and disordered ambition and avarice, the pests of such an

enterprise. This it is to want understanding and prudence. Will it

not bring ruin? Further on we shall see.

CHAPTER XIV.

How the Adelantado went on shore, and what happened, and what he

said to the Camp Master; and the transaction between the Vicar

and the Chief Pilot.

Seeing that there was so much disorder, the Adelantado determined

to go on shore, where he met several soldiers with swords in their

hands. He asked them why they carried them so, and one replied that

it was because there was war. The Camp Master came to the Adelantado,

and said: "It is well that your Lordship has come. It seems to me

that these bellicose men go and come with complaints, and refer me

to your Lordship; and if your Lordship does not apply a remedy, all

those will be found some morning hanging from a tree"; and he pointed

with his finger. To this the Adelantado answered with great patience,

and showing much sorrow. The Camp Master replied: "They are rascals who

would not dare to take a crumb from a cat. Apart from your Lordship,

whom I hold to be above my head (this with his hat in his hand),

I do not care for any of them, from the smallest to the biggest, and

I look upon them as the dirt under my feet, and none of them merits

notice except myself, for I am a gentleman. All who are here, except

your Lordship, want to go away and leave this land, but I must obey

and serve your Lordship; God knows that if it had not been for me the

honour of your Lordship would have been in the dust; and last night

they would have killed all those who were in two of the houses if I

had not prevented them. One is the house of such an one, and as to the

other I will keep silence." They told me that he said more. I am not

any longer informed about it. They can do what they like. On this day

a soldier took the liberty to address the General. The Camp Master was

present, and he quarrelled with the man. The Adelantado, seeing this,

and considering the liberties that had been taken on other days, said:

"Now they lose respect for me." The man was respectable, and was on

the side and held the views of his chief, and would have stood by him,

and for the honour of the King. But the Adelantado took him by the arm,

and said: "This is not the time!"

The General paid several visits to the camp, to see if his presence

would smooth matters. One day he met the Camp Master, and said to

him: "For all that is happening the fault is your worship's, for

you give the soldiers wings, and they suffer misrepresentation." The

Camp Master answered: "The false statements are on board the ship,

and I show no favour to the soldiers, but I make them respect your

Lordship and obey you as governor."

On another occasion the Camp Master took the hand of the Adelantado,

and complained of what Doña Isabel had said of him. The Adelantado

was more annoyed this time than on others. The Camp Master went

away, and the Adelantado went to the corps du garde. He laid down

on a chest, and showed much feeling. They had to help him to raise

his feet on to it. Presently, the Chief Pilot and some others came,

saying that he should not be troubled, and that all were his servants

and would follow him. Having rested a little, he went on board, and

repeated what he had said to the Camp Master. With arms in his hand

the General came for me, and told me, that the Camp Master had said

also what a thing it was not to have come provided, as was reasonable,

and they had deceived him in not having brought two hundred axes and

three hundred wood knives; for they had come to a land where neither

God nor the King would be served by their arrival, and if this people

were taken to another part it would be a great advantage. These things

about the Camp Master I relate partly from the reports of others,

for I do not myself remember them all very well.

The next time the Adelantado went on shore was to arrange and mark

out with the Camp Master a site for a stockade to be used as a

fort. Touching this, and the ground for sowing, and other matters

relating to the administration of the settlement, he had to give his

attention and to hear much folly. There were questions of entails,

titles, relationships, and ownerships; such demands, replies and

settlements; such wasting of time and breaking of heads. In fine,

they did not trust each other. On this day two arquebusiers left the

camp, and the ball of one of them went whizzing over the Chief Pilot,

who was on board the Capitana. The other ball passed over the frigate,

and I know not at what birds they were aiming.

On the following night the Chief Pilot was keeping watch,

and at dawn Don Diego Barreto came in a canoe to speak to his

brother-in-law. Having spoken to him, he said to me that things had

come to such a pass in the camp that it did not promise less than his

death, and the deaths of his brothers and brother-in-law, with all

those who remained true to their duty. At this time the Camp Master

was saying on shore, "Arm! Arm!" The Chief Pilot ordered that the

Constable should fire off a piece that was pointed at the village,

sending the ball in the air, to terrify the natives, or at least to

let them understand that we did not sleep without a dog. The noise of

all ceased, and that of one voice sounded, saying that the General

should send them powder and cord. We were deaf for the time, but at

dawn we sent them what they asked for; asking at the same time the

cause of the disturbance. The answer was that the branches of trees

rubbed against the posts in one part of the camp, and, thinking it

was the natives, they had sounded to arms.

On the same day the Vicar went on shore to say Mass, according to his

custom; for he also still lived on board, there being no house for him

in the camp. When he returned in the afternoon, he said to the Chief

Pilot: "Those people will go without fail." The Chief Pilot asked where

they would go. The Vicar replied, "I only know what I say;" and the

Pilot said: "What sailors have they to take them? Will they kill us,

or use force?" The Vicar said Yes; that all were determined to do

so. He asked the Chief Pilot to procure that the soldiers should be

appeased, for if they should go the natives will be the losers. He

shrugged his shoulders, saying that with very good will he would

spend four years there, teaching the natives. The Pilot answered:

"A month has not even passed since we arrived. How can there be so

little firmness in honourable men?"

CHAPTER XV.

How the Chief Pilot asked leave to go, in the name of the General,

to speak to the soldiers on shore, and what passed between them.

The next day, being a Friday, the Chief Pilot, seeing the determination

of the men in the camp, from what the Vicar had said, and the illness

and low spirits of the Adelantado, asked permission to go on shore

and speak to the soldiers in his name. The Adelantado answered: "I

know not whether those people will listen to anything in my favour

and that of the land, being so determined, and having declared that

they would have their own way." The Pilot went to him a second time,

and at last he consented. So the Chief Pilot went on shore, and the

first person he met, with a scornful gesture, and his head turned

derisively, said: "Are you ordered to go with a report to Peru? Now

is the time to take my letters." Then a soldier, who was a friend to

the Adelantado, came to the Pilot, and said: "Things look very bad;

I know not what will happen." Another said: "Though I wish to see

you proceeding with the enterprise, I am very sorry to see you here,

because of the menaces with which you will be received."

On going further into the camp, many soldiers came to him. Some were

saying: "Where have you brought us to? What place is this whence no

man goes, and to which no man will return? Even if notice was sent,

people would only come to take gold, silver, pearls, or other things

of value, and these are not here. The Adelantado is not to send notice,

nor will all of us, or any of us, consent to it."

Others said: "We did not come to sow: for that purpose there is plenty

of land in Peru; that is not the way to follow the service of God

or of the King. We have obligations to our own people, not to these

savages. These are not the islands the Adelantado told us of, nor will

we remain here. Embark us and take us to seek those other islands,

or take us to Peru or some part where there are Christians." Resolute

words of people without a master! Of these and other like things

one and the other talked, in the direction whither their desires

guided them, or rather drove them, without attending to whether the

things they wanted were profitable or harmful. For mutineers have

their wills so unrestrained that they have no bridle to check them,

though the words spoken to them may be words of truth.

The Chief Pilot enquired for the reasons which made them think that

the land was bad, to which they answered that it yielded next to

nothing. On this he asked them what they had left in Peru, and what

they had brought from there? and what they sought for to pass this

life, unless it was money to buy a house and sustenance: a thing which

few succeed in doing until late, most men passing their lives in hopes;

that the present is good for working, without knowing what may come

after, or what may be discovered. They said that when that time came

twenty years would have passed away, and they would be old. The Pilot

said to them that according to that, they ought to know how to find

cities, vineyards, and gardens; to enter a house ready furnished,

with the tables spread, and to make the owners give up their property

and go into servitude; or they should know how to find mountains,

valleys, and plains of emeralds, rubies, and diamonds, ready to be

loaded and taken away. It should be remembered that all the provinces

in the world had their beginnings; that Seville, Rome, and Venice,

and the other cities of the world, were once forests or bare plains;

and that it had cost the inhabitants what great things cost to create

them, that their successors might enjoy the fruits of their labours,

as they do now enjoy them. "What I understand is that you want others

to have worked that you may rest, without remembering that all have

to work, though the first workers may have made the beginnings."

But they looked upon the Chief Pilot with suspicion, and they gave

for a reason that it was he who was to go with the news, and he

therefore favoured the settlement of this land that he might remain

in the other. He asked them what riches they had seen him take that

they thought this of him; that he it was who risked most, having

to go for their good to discover routes over unknown seas; besides

the labour he had to go through, to look out for a rock at night,

and to complete calculations.

He further addressed them as follows:--"Gentlemen, who is it that

deceives you and makes you discontented? What is the bad conception

which makes you think that you can all leave this place with the

ease that you promise yourselves? Tell me who they are, for I will

explain to you the impossibilities there are in going from here

to Peru, or any other part whatsoever." One of them answered: "Let

that be how it may, for I would rather die at sea than where I am,

and between the two we are in irons." The Pilot said to this man:

"Know you not that we follow our General, who is in the place of the

King, and that we are bound to desire what he desires for the King's

service; and to want any other thing is to want to go contrary to the

royal service." They all answered: "Here we are not going against

the royal service." To this the Pilot replied: "What is it to go

against the will of your General; to refuse to improve the land which

he has settled in the royal name; and what is it to disobey, incite,

and menace those who do not agree with you?" They answered: "We only

desire that notice be not sent to Peru, and that, as we are a small

body of men, we may be taken from here and taken to the islands of

which we are in search, or to some better place." The Pilot replied:

"The Adelantado is the person whose duty it is to see that all goes

well. It should be left to him, who now wishes a second time to search

for the Admiral at the island of San Cristobal, which he was instructed

to search for. If it should be found all will be well, and if not,

a Christian view of things should be taken. The Adelantado's person

and that of his wife were in the same place where they all were, and

all would share the dangers together. If the Almiranta was found,

all must approve. Moreover, it was not the Chief Pilot who had to

go, but the Adelantado, who was well prepared." The Pilot added that

their leader was ill, and that it was not reasonable to expect that

his person should be exposed to new risks. But when he should wish

to go, there should be none to contradict, being such honourable men

whose faith could be trusted in this and more.

At this time others had come to give their opinions, but as the music

was loud and so much out of tune, it did not sound well.

Continuing the discussion, the Chief Pilot, whose services in having

navigated the fleet and discovered four islands whence they could

take a new departure with a fair wind and short voyage, were nearly

forgotten, now said: "You should all remember that if God had not given

us the island on which we now are, we should all have perished; and as

He gave it, we ought to be willing to remain here for a time. Now it

may be seen that the same wind which brought us detains us here; the

wind that was fair is now contrary, and a return to Peru is impossible

without seeking a very high latitude. The ships have many defects,

and we cannot careen them, we have no cables, and the rigging is

rotten. As for provisions, we have nothing left but a little flour,

and the jars for water are diminished in number, as many of them have

been broken; while the barrels are out of order, there being no one

who can repair them. The route is long and unknown, and we do not know

what would be the duration of such a voyage. These things are certain,

and cannot be avoided, without the risk of your own lives and those of

your comrades." He said further: "I desire that the wind would change,

but we must go west, being the only course with a fair wind. We may be

certain that we shall not be a longer time on the voyage than we were

in coming here, where we can have as much, in the way of supplies,

as we started with. Why should we have gone through so much labor,

wasting our property and running such great risks, undertaking such

an honorable enterprise, if we do not go through with it?

"Remember well that the King has had and still has other vassals,

who have defended frontiers and maintained provinces against warlike

people of great power, and sometimes eating dogs and cats rather than

suffer dishonour; and all without expecting any reward such as may

be hoped for here. At present neither will supplies be wanting in so

fertile a soil, nor will an enemy cause serious danger; nor are there

other drawbacks which we are obliged to forget, but which others will

not forget. For we have an honourable opportunity which many others

would like to have without ever having it offered to them, which we

can perpetuate at the cost of much careful management. Why should we

avoid such a chance? We should show resolution, for there is time for

all things, and it is as well to reach the place we want in May as in

September. In short, where is it desired that we should be, if we are

to say that we only come to seek our own welfare; and even to procure

that we want the spirit, for very soon, and without more cause than

our own cowardice, we should be undone. We should be looked upon as

the enemies of God and the King, and of the honor of our General and

our own, if we abandon such an enterprise and such a land.

"Enemies to God, because we abandon so easily, and without sufficient

cause, the work we came to do for the honour of God and the salvation

of souls. It is the great interest on which we have to turn both

our eyes, to rescue from the captivity of the Devil those whom he

looks upon as so secure; to turn the worship of the natives from him,

and turn it to God, to whom they owe it, and whose it is.

"Enemies of the King, for impeding his service, which may be promoted

in this place, without making other discoveries, incurring fresh

expenses, or risking other fleets. It may be that what was intended

will be achieved, for when the new world was discovered it was not

known at first how important it was, there being only a few small

islands of little or no value; yet, through the constancy of the

discoverers, there were afterwards found the great and rich provinces

of New Spain and Peru; while the return to Spain, for a long time

laborious and difficult, is now made easy through the mercy of God.

"Enemies to the honour of our General, because he has expended his

resources on the enterprise, leaving what he has left in Peru. Do you

wish, solely for your whim, to destroy such Christian aspirations,

which have endured so long?

"Enemies of our own honour, because, from this position where we now

are, there is no place to which we can go that will not be in the

dominions of our King, and whose Ministers will exact a very strict

account of whence we came, where we have left the General, and what

reason we had for abandoning a land which had been settled in the name

of the King: more especially such a land as this which is fertile,

with friendly and numerous inhabitants. In one way or another we

cannot escape from offending our consciences, risking our lives, our

honour, and our liberty. For all to go it is not possible, although

we may wish it. To leave women and children, and helpless persons,

would not be just. Would you go to New Spain? The Adelantado has

already taken that route when he was in these parts before, but many

died, and all went through terrible hardships during a long voyage;

moreover, it is not always the season for such navigation. To go to

the Philippines also has its difficulties." Thinking it all over, and

doing his best to combat their inconsiderate desire, the Chief Pilot

concluded by saying: "Why do you litigate without any grounds, saying

that you will embark presently? I will show, with the Adelantado,

that what you want to do this day is impossible."

Some of them, opening their eyes, appeared to be convinced by these

arguments; but others were still obdurate. They preferred to trust

to the ship rather than to what the land offered, and the water could

be taken in 10,000 cocoa nuts, in joints of the canes, or even in the

canoes of the natives, covering and caulking them; and they proposed

other equally feasible contrivances. But the Chief Pilot said: "This

is only a waste of time. Is it not for the Adelantado to decide what

shall be done?" They said that "if the land will yield much food,

how is it that we get nothing to eat from it?" "What certainty have

you," said the Pilot, "that the provisions obtained here will not get

bad." They answered that they were ready to risk that. As to water,

they said that they would fall in with other islands on the route

whence they could take in water; and that they would listen to reason,

for they were reasonable beings.

Finally, they went back to their old song that they wanted to

go to Manilla, which was a land of Christians. The Pilot said to

them that Manilla was also a land of heathens, and that there being

Christians was due to the discoverers who settled there; and that in

our expedition a similar duty was required of us. In Manilla there are

only some soldiers stationed by the King to guard the estates of the

settlers; and it is better to remain here where we might become such

as they are in fame and honour, than go marching there with shouldered

arquebus. To this one of them answered that honour was where the Pope

and the King were, and not among Indians. The Pilot then said that

it was better to ask for what they wanted from their General, who was

not a man to close his ears to a just petition; and that they should

consider that their position was very offensive to the General, who

desired to do what the King had ordered. What word soever sounded ill

there would also follow as many more and as free. To this, one of the

soldiers said: "Leave off! leave off! and leave it for he who wants to

stay, for we intend to go, dislike it who may." I was without a sword,

and he with seven or eight others, went for theirs, and presently came

back with heightened colour. Asking for the Camp Master, they all bowed

their heads, with their swords in their hands, looking very fierce,

not wanting much whispering, and secrets among some who spoke within

hearing. They said publicly that they came to kill the Chief Pilot;

and there was one who swore that they came saying: "Come, let us kill

him, for he is the cause of our being in this land;" and others swore,

and went so far with their menaces as to say: "What shall they drink

in his skull." Things did not look well. God knows what they intended.

He who had declared that they would go, spoke and said: "There is no

one who does not wish to go from this land; one who keeps most apart

was he who showed most willingness, but it does not signify." He said

most on that side, and was most resolved, both then and at other times;

but as there were many people, there were as many arguments, and with

loud voices. The Chief Pilot concluded what he had to say by declaring

that all he had put before them was in the service of God and the King,

and that he would sustain it to the death, as he had proved.

CHAPTER XVI.

How the Camp Master came on board the ship; what passed with the

Adelantado, and between the Camp Master and the soldiers on shore,

where the Chief Pilot talked to the Camp Master.

This was the state of affairs when the Camp Master came on board the

ship to speak with the Adelantado, who, had he been alone, would have

strangled him and hung him on one of the masts. So Doña Isabel, his

wife, urged him (according to her own account), saying to her husband:

"Kill him or have him killed. What more do you want? He has fallen

into your hands, and if not I will kill him with this knife." The

Adelantado was prudent, and did not do so. He understood that the

desire of the Camp Master was not to go so far in offences of his

own as it was said that he intended. The Camp Master returned to the

shore, and said to the soldiers: "Gentlemen! I come from speaking to

the General respecting his affairs and this settlement; and he said

that it had come to his knowledge that all of you were afflicted and

troubled, saying that this is not a good land, and that you wanted to

be taken to a better one. He says that you ask for a paper, and that he

will answer, which is reasonable, as he is our General." Presently he

said: "This is not mutiny, but it is when, without saying anything to

their superiors, the soldiers suddenly break out, killing and crying,

'Down with the rascals!' Your worships have a right to ask, and to

go and seek the Almiranta; for those on board were our comrades,

and it is not just to leave them without making any search.

"But if I were not the Master of the Camp, I would do and say more,

for it is not understood that in my position I can give consent,

when the Adelantado has said that his friends were those who have

most declared themselves: a reason for giving all to understand that

one enjoys his friendship.

"No soldier, whatever his condition may be, can to-day speak a

word without its coming to the ear of my General; for I have to be

subordinate, though I may be his best friend. My General has given to

me his honour and the service of the King, and they are in that place

I have to serve. Each one watches another. I am watched because I

favour your party. I have not to lose my honour, nor is it ever to be

supposed that such evil and unjust things can ever enter the thoughts

of a person with my obligations, position, and experience. Nor is

it reasonable to think that such honourable soldiers as are in this

camp would wish to do by force what is suggested. Each one performs

the duty assigned to him, for we only came here to obey and serve

the King, and he who serves him not will be punished."

The soldiers began to talk among themselves, saying they need not

be alarmed nor bear it in mind; and one of them said, referring

to a search for the Almiranta, that he would offer to go in search

in the name of the rest; that if he volunteered the thing would be

safe, as he was more confident than the others, not being altogether

ignorant of the art of navigation. Another said that the Adelantado

is expert, and could not be deceived; and said that it should be the

Camp Master. Another objected that he was not a sailor. He laughed,

and said: "Gentlemen, I do not understand those affairs, and can

easily be taken in." He added: "Some one has to go, and some one has

to be trusted in the business." This ended what was said in public. A

witness swore that, the Chief Pilot being there talking, one soldier

said to another: "Let us choose this traitor; we will kill him."

The Chief Pilot took the Camp Master aside, and asked him to listen

for a moment; then looked round carefully, and in a short time

discussed many things that have already been referred to. Respecting

the navigation, the Pilot said that, when the time came, he would do

the work well in accordance with instructions of the Adelantado.

The Camp Master said that now he did not value his life, and that he

would say nothing unless he was asked to speak.

The Chief Pilot then took his leave, and went on board to report what

had happened to the General, adding that, in his opinion, it would

be well if the General would go on shore and speak to his people;

that he thought it would be easy to reduce them to obedience by his

presence, his will, and by putting before them the just reasons which

actuated him.

On the following day the General went on shore. As he jumped out,

a servant of his said, while he seized his arms: "There are going

to be black puddings." Some soldiers coming towards the Adelantado

said to one another: "Our General comes with the martingale. He

also comes armed. What think you of the words his servant spoke to

him?" That day the Adelantado had arranged with Don Lorenzo and three

other soldiers that the Camp Master should be put to death. This was

very different from what I had understood that he intended to do,

but such things ought to be stated as, in my opinion, will explain

the change. A certain person told me that a bad third person had

said to the Adelantado that if he would have the Camp Master stabbed

(he did not say that he should be killed), but that if he should be

killed--Let those of better understanding judge, for I do not hold

it to be right to sit in judgment on the living and the dead.

CHAPTER XVII.

How the Chief Pilot went to seek for provisions, and how Malope

came to make peace, and the friendship that was established.

On the following day the Chief Pilot asked permission from the

Adelantado to go in search of food. Having received it, he went in

the boat, with twenty men, to a village where he only saw one man

with a little boy. The rest had fled into the woods. On entering and

searching the houses, nothing to eat was found. The Pilot followed a

path which seemed to lead to the cultivated patches of the natives,

and some pigs were seen, which ran into the woods. The Chief Pilot

then heard the report of an arquebus, and presently another. On this

he went back to the beach, where he had left the boat in charge of four

arquebusiers. Arriving on the beach, he found Malope, who had come with

two canoes, and said: "Friends; let us all come and eat." These words,

and some others, we had learnt. He then told us by signs that we should

embark, and come with him to a place where he had many pigs and other

food. He sent the other canoe in advance. The Chief Pilot embarked,

and told Malope to call the natives of that village. They came back,

and arranged, on their return, to have food collected. Malope rowed

his canoe, our boat followed, and, arriving at two other villages,

a similar arrangement was made. We then entered the village of

the warlike natives. They gave us a pig, and a few cocoa-nuts and

plantains. As this seemed little, the Chief Pilot asked for more. But

the natives took up arms, and retired behind their houses and the

trunks of trees with their bows and arrows, shouting and apparently

calling to Malope. He seemed to be undecided, looking at one party and

then at the other. The Chief Pilot, who always kept Malope by his side,

drew his dagger and threatened Malope if he should attempt to go, or

should not tell the natives not to shoot off their arrows. If they

did, they would all be killed with the arquebuses. With an ignited

cord he got ready to fire them off. Malope went to the village, and

induced them to offer that, when the sun showed it to be three o'clock,

they would come with what they could get ready. Malope called them,

and they presently came, giving us many plantains and cocoa-nuts to

eat. They also invited us to come and shoot natives on the other side

of the bay, and to kill pigs. Having embarked, the boat followed the

canoe, but the Chief Pilot marched along the shore with sixteen men

and three native guides. Seeing some birds, the natives made signs

that we should shoot them with the arquebus. The Chief Pilot would

not consent, though some of the men urged it. His reason was that

to shoot a ball at a small object would have a doubtful result; and

he did not wish the natives to think that the result was uncertain;

that they might not lose their fear of the arquebus.

Malope landed, the boat and canoe remaining side by side. All being

on shore, they found the spring which has been mentioned. Malope

sat down by it, and made signs that we should drink. From there

we went to a village where the natives had ready for us a great

heap of many plantains, sweet canes, cocoa-nuts, almonds, roots,

biscuits, mats, and two pigs. Thus we went from village to village,

and they gave fourteen pigs and of other things as much as we could

take. The natives were always quiet, with the large canoes ready with

their paddles, and themselves sitting under the shadow of them. There

were some who gave us plantains and roasted roots, open cocoa-nuts,

and water taken from the wells, doing all with as much good will as

if they had been well paid. Malope showed himself to be contented,

and said that we might come further, and he would get more food for

us. He took us to a higher part, and all the natives round heard and

respected him as Lord or great friend.

The Chief Pilot, by signs, told him to make the natives carry that

food, and at a word from him they had it all on their shoulders. It

was worth seeing when more than a hundred natives went along the

shore in a line. Having reached the boat, they put all they carried

into it. Malope told the Chief Pilot to embrace the General for him,

and took his leave. The Chief Pilot embarked, and went to the villages

already mentioned, receiving from the natives what they came out in

their canoes to give us.

The provisions that we brought were good, but to some it seemed too

small a supply. They said to the Chief Pilot that he should let them

go on shore; that they would take, burn, and kill; that the natives

were dogs, and that they did not come from Peru to be satisfied with

nothing. The Chief Pilot replied: "Does a boat laden with what has

cost no money, and given with good will by our friend Malope, seem

to you to be nothing?" They answered according to their knowledge,

and the Chief Pilot proceeded as appeared to be necessary.

I have related this in such detail, because it is much to the purpose

in this narrative, as will be seen further on. Having arrived at the

ship, Doña Isabel told the Chief Pilot that the other day the soldiers

went from the camp to kill Malope. The Adelantado sent to tell them

of the friendship Malope had shown, and desiring that notice should

be given in the camp not to do him any harm, as he had done so much

good to us. The Adelantado appreciated what this native had done,

praising his good conduct. He rose from his bed to see what had been

brought on board, which was very fairly distributed, and he said to

the Chief Pilot that he only wanted the same share as a companion.

CHAPTER XVIII.

How the Adelantado went on shore with the Chief Pilot, and

ordered a squadron of soldiers who were going in search of food

not to kill Malope. It relates the death of the Camp Master,

and other cruelties.

When the night came, the Adelantado sent for the Chief Pilot, and

made him sit by his bedside, where he was lying ill. With very great

caution, he told him that he intended to go on shore the next morning

with four men in whom he had most confidence, all armed, and that he

would be accompanied by the royal standard, and would proclaim the

will of the King at the proper time; for that he had to go and to do

justice on the Camp Master, for reasons which moved him so to act.

That night the Chief Pilot caused the usual careful watch to be

kept, and at dawn they asked for the boat from the camp, with loud

voices. On hearing them, Doña Isabel came from her bed, saying:

"Alas! alas! they have killed my brothers, and they ask for the boat

to come and kill us." The Adelantado would not listen, and as soon

as it was day a squadron of thirty soldiers came out of the camp. The

Adelantado ordered them to be told not to go on before he had spoken

to them. Embarking with his people, he asked who was their leader, who

had sent them, and where they were going. The Lieutenant answered that

he was the leader, and that they were ordered by the Camp Master to

go to the village of Malope and seek for food. The Adelantado warned

them not to kill Malope, nor to do him any harm, nor take any of his

property, as he was our friend, and that they should take him with

them. He knew quite well that they came for food, and, turning to

the Chief Pilot, the Adelantado told him to relate to the soldiers

all that had passed with Malope the day before. They heard it laughing.

The Adelantado had with him the Captain of the galeot, who carried

a great wood-knife. [57] On the shore the Captain, Don Lorenzo,

his brothers, and a few sailors, were waiting. Having landed, the

Adelantado joined those who were on the shore, and went to the fort

which the Camp Master was constructing in great haste. Before arriving,

there were not wanting those who asked what was it they were wanted

to do there, and one was cleaning his arquebus. The General arrived

at the camp when the Camp Master was having his breakfast. He came

out just as he was, without coat or hat, to receive the General,

and when he found himself among so many who were not his friends,

he called for staff, dagger and sword.

Those who had to do the deed were arriving. The Adelantado raised his

eyes to heaven, and, giving a sigh, put his hand to his sword, saying:

"Long live the King! Death to traitors!" Upon this, without any delay,

one Juan Antonio de la Roca took the Camp Master by the collar, and

gave him two stabs, one in the mouth and the other on the breast. Then

a Sergeant, with a Bohemian knife, gave him another in the side. The

Camp Master cried: "Oh, gentlemen!" He turned to get his sword, but the

Captain, with his wood-knife, nearly cut off his right arm. He fell,

saying: "Oh, leave me time to confess." One answered that "there was no

time. You can well feel contrition." The wretched man was palpitating,

stretched on the ground, and crying, "Jesus Maria!" A good woman came

up, and helped him to die in peace. One with a kind heart did no more

than draw out the sword, and the woman gave it up. So the body was

left, and the Adelantado approved the slaughter.

This being done, it was presently ordered to be proclaimed that the

Camp Master was dead, and that all the rest were pardoned in the

name of his Majesty. The Camp Master having expired, the drummer,

coveting his clothes, left him naked.

The Camp Master was very zealous, a hard worker and good soldier, and

in all enterprises he was the first. He appeared to be about sixty

years of age, for his hair was quite white, and, though old, he was

vigorous, but very impetuous. He knew how to think much, but he could

not be silent, and I believe that for no other thing he was killed.

At this time Don Luis and the Chief Pilot were talking near the tent

of two friends of the Camp Master, and Don Luis seized one of them

and stabbed him. The soldier cried out: "For me? For me? What have

I done?" Don Luis left the dagger, and drew his sword; but the Chief

Pilot defended the man, saying: "What is this, that without more ado

men are to be killed thus?" A soldier came out of another tent with his

sword drawn, and said: "What is this? Like the Camp Master?" Don Luis

attacked him, and many others coming up, the soldier retreated inside,

saying: "What have I done? What have I done?" Then the Captain, Don

Lorenzo, came, and they killed the soldier by some houses where he

had fallen. The drummer stripped them, and soldiers were stationed

to guard the goods of both.

Don Lorenzo and his brother came with a party of soldiers, but

they found the Chief Pilot at the door, who opposed their advance,

saying he would report them. Don Lorenzo told him to leave the door,

crying "Death to these traitors!" The Chief Pilot said that they were

friends. "Kill them! kill them!" they replied, "they deserve it more

than the others." The Chief Pilot urged that they should mind what they

were doing. Don Lorenzo answered that only St. Peter, if he was there,

could induce them to spare the lives of such people. At the cries and

noise of arms, the women came out, alarmed and agitated. Some prayed

for their husbands; others wrung their hands and lamented. The men

were like lunatics, going about with their eyes seeking those they

would kill, shouting, with drawn swords: "Long live the King! Death

to traitors!" It seemed that this was a day for avenging injuries;

but to me it seemed a day of licence to lads who might go any length.

After the disturbances the Sergeant-Major came out of his tent, and

that he might be able to say that he had also fleshed his sword, he

gave a page of the Camp Master a cut on the head, and another to one

of his servants. He also tried to wound a black man who had served

the Camp Master, but he saved himself by his feet. The two who were

wounded went to seek protection from the General, who ordered the

Sergeant-Major to leave the boys alone.

One came out who was suspected; another, who cried for the King, would

have killed him if the Chief Pilot had not protected him. The cry was

that traitors came out with their arms; this one should have a rope;

dead and alive all need to have honour. They came out, they said,

to accompany the royal standard which Don Diego Barreto hoisted,

and cried out for the King, to which all answered, "Death to traitors!"

The Captain of the wood-knife took the two heads which the General

had ordered to be put into nets, and each one was set on a pole

near the corps de garde. [58] At this time the boat came from the

ship in a great hurry, with the Vicar holding a lance in his hand,

and the sailors under arms, crying out, "Long live the King! Death

to traitors!" Coming to where they found the Adelantado, they said:

"We have all come to serve his Majesty and to die with your Lordship,"

and they rallied round the royal standard. One of them asked the

General whether it was done, and when he replied in the affirmative,

the man said it was well done. On seeing the two heads he exclaimed:

"A wall has henceforward fallen from before me."

At this time Doña Isabel and her sister came from the ship, for the

Captain with the wood-knife had been on board to announce the victory

to them, and to boast of having given a good stab to the Camp Master,

and of having cut off the two heads. He said: "Now you are mistress

and marchioness, and I am Captain, for the Camp Master is dead. I

say that it is terrible to fear wicked men with licence." When Doña

Isabel landed, she went to the corps de garde.

At this juncture a soldier came out of the camp, with plumes in

his hat, dissimulating, and asking carelessly what was the matter,

pretending that he did not know. This was the man who raised all the

questions, and to whom all turned their eyes. He was allowed to be

free, because the persons were few with whom he had treated. Many

were frightened, and they had themselves given the occasion for

the insecurity. Some commended themselves to their friends who had

really been true, and they freed them. The Adelantado ordered that

all should go to the church to hear Mass, which the Vicar said. When

he had finished he turned his face to the people, and told them not

to be scandalised at the deaths, for it was ordained. He recommended

them to be quiet and obedient to the General, reminding them that by

that way there was safety. They returned from the Mass in the same way

they had come, with the standard, to the corps de garde. The baggage of

the dead men was opened, and their enemies made a division of it. The

Adelantado ordered the bodies to be buried, with which this first

tragedy ended. All were dismissed to assemble again in the afternoon,

with the consequence that will be described in the next chapter.

CHAPTER XIX.

How the soldiers killed Malope; of the arrests that were made in

consequence of the murder, with the deaths of an Ensign and of

a murderer of Malope.

In the afternoon all assembled at the corps de garde, and the

Adelantado ordered the heads to be taken down and the standard to

be concealed; when one arrived who had gone with the soldiers in the

morning, and reported to the Adelantado. He said that when the soldiers

came to the house of Malope, he had regaled them and given them what he

had. The innocent man felt secure, when a soldier raised his arquebus,

pointed it at him, and fired. He fell to the ground palpitating, when a

certain person, to put him out of his pain, came to him with a hatchet

and cleft his skull, saying we had never done a better thing. In this

way they most unjustly killed Malope, returning so much evil for so

much good. It was the work rather of a devil than of a man. He had

kept the country at peace, and had given us food. He was the means of

inducing others to give, and his kindness had been very great. They

excused themselves by saying that Malope had intended to commit

treason. This seems to have been an invention to give colour to the

outrage they had committed. They gave up the murderer, and he said,

ordering his arms: "He is well dead. Is there any one who wants to

seek my death?" The Adelantado felt it much, and so did every one,

not only the deed itself, but the trouble it would lead to. The

murderer was brought in a canoe, with his hands tied behind him,

and the Adelantado ordered both feet to be put in the stocks.

Most of the soldiers came marching along the shore. The Adelantado

ordered those who were with him to conceal themselves in the corps de

garde, and as they entered, coming four and four, to seize them. The

Lieutenant of the Sergeant-Major entered, and four with him, who

were seized and put in irons. They looked about in all directions,

and, seeing the page of the Camp Master, they asked him with their

eyes about his master. The boy took hold of his throat with one hand,

meaning that his master was dead. The prisoners showed their sorrow. A

nephew of the Camp Master then came in, whom the General honoured much,

saying he knew what a good servant of the King he was; and the same

with Don Toribio de Bedeterra.

Presently the Ensign came with the rest of the soldiers, and Don

Lorenzo disarmed him, and delivered him to four arquebusiers with

irons, to be taken to a corps de garde at some distance. The wife of

the prisoner went crying among the houses and branches, well aware

of the danger of her husband, for she was weeping before he came.

Don Lorenzo went to call the Chaplain, and the good father, as

one seeing a turbulent river, did not dare to pass it. He said:

"Sir Captain, what is it that you want with me? Remember that I am a

priest. Oh, for the sake of the one God, do not kill me!" "Come with

me," said Don Lorenzo, "just for a little." "Here! here!" said the

priest; "I cannot go any further." It was explained to him that it

was to confess the Ensign, and he was reassured. He presently was

taken behind a tree, where the prisoner was. He began to persuade

him to confess, as they were going to kill him. The prisoner said:

"I to die? wherefore?" The priest undeceived him. Those who were

present relate that the Ensign then said: "Let it be then as God

wills;" and he knelt down at the feet of the confessor, whose duty

it was and who performed his office. A black servant of the General

had orders, and, with a knife, gave him a blow and then another, by

which his head was cut off, and put with the other two. The body was

covered with some branches, and soon afterwards thrown into the sea,

at which his wife wept bitterly.

The Ensign being finished with, the Captain, Don Lorenzo, in

the hearing of the General, asked who should be taken out of the

stocks next. He ordered that it should be the Lieutenant of the

Sergeant-Major, but all entreated the Adelantado to spare his life,

which he did, taking him in his hands and receiving the oath. He then

retired, that he might not be asked by the next one who was ordered to

be taken out of the stocks, for the Sergeant-Major had him by one arm,

the Chief Pilot taking the other; but the prisoner, shaking them off,

exclaimed: "Here I am. If I deserve it, cut off my head." Doña Isabel

and all the others entreated the Adelantado to spare his life. He

made him take the same oath as the other, and pardoned him. Rising

up, the prisoner cast his eyes on the head of the Camp Master. With

his hands over his face and weeping, he said, in a voice so that

we could all hear: "Ah, thou honoured old man! and have you come

to this at the end of so many years of service to the King? This is

the reward they have given you! a vile death, and your head and grey

hairs stuck on a pole." There was a soldier by his side, who said:

"I cannot but mourn for the sad fate of the Camp Master, whom we

looked upon as a father." The Adelantado heard them, and ordered

them to be silent. They said that he should give thanks for having

been delivered from the dangers in which he was, and that he should

be grateful to his sponsors for the good intercession they made. He

gave thanks to all, and embraced his companion with many tears.

While this was passing, the murderer of Malope called to the Chief

Pilot, and told him of his condition. In the name of God, he entreated

the Pilot to be a good intercessor for him in his need, and for a

second time he asked him to pray to the Adelantado to pardon his

crime. He might be sure how well he would serve hereafter, and he

wanted to marry Pancha, the Adelantado's servant (this was a native

girl of Peru, of bad character, carachanta, [59] and the rest),

whom the Adelantado had in his service. The Chief Pilot reassured

him, saying that he might be certain that, without doing what he

had pointed out, he would be a good mediator, as he would presently

see. The Adelantado came to take him out of the stocks with his own

hands, that he might be judged. The Chief Pilot prayed that his

life might be spared, but the Adelantado said, almost in a rage:

"How am I to pay for the death of my friend Malope but with the death

of this man?" The Chief Pilot replied that he might show the heads of

the two who were executed to the natives, and make them think that

they were punished for the death of Malope; adding, that he must

remember we are few, and that the position of affairs made pardon

advisable. The Adelantado answered that he would consider that, and

would keep him a prisoner. The Chief Pilot gave thanks for the mercy,

and the prisoner was taken out of the stocks and sent on board the

ship in charge of four men.

This man did not care to eat, and drank salt water, turning his head

to the wall with shame because some said to him: "Why did you kill that

good native without cause?" Others told him he deserved to be quartered

for having committed such a crime. At last it seemed to him that it

would be better to die than to live. He left off caring for himself,

and died very suddenly after a few days, having first received the

holy sacrament, a privilege not enjoyed by the others. With this

ended the tragedy of the islands where Solomon was wanting.

CHAPTER XX.

Of the great mourning for Malope among the natives. The great

sickness that prevailed in the camp; with the deaths of the

Adelantado and the Chaplain, and the victories gained by the

natives.

Next morning, great cries of sorrow were heard in the village and

house of Malope, raised by a large assembly of people. The Adelantado

ordered that a party should presently go with the head of the Ensign,

and give it to the natives, telling them that, as the best thing

that could be done, this other life had been taken for the death of

Malope. But when the natives saw the boat coming to their village,

leaving their mournings, they all fled into the woods. Those in the

boat called to them to come back, holding up the head; but it was

no use, they all hid themselves. Seeing this, the head was left at

the door of the house, and the boat returned. At the petition of the

Vicar, the Adelantado ordered the other two heads to be taken down

from the poles, that they might be buried. The burial was neglected;

and, as they were left that night on the beach, they were found next

morning with all the flesh and skin gone, for the dogs had eaten them.

All this time the Adelantado became each day more unwell. He ordered

a house to be built for him in great haste, in which, having landed

with his family, he established himself.

Now the punishment came down from Heaven which we deserved for our

treacheries, disorders, and cruelties, in the shape of sickness

without the means of curing it.

The Captain, Don Lorenzo, in whose charge all things were now placed

by land and sea, early one morning sent twenty soldiers and an

officer in the boat to seize some boys, with the object of teaching

them our language, as we could not understand theirs. The natives,

who carefully concealed themselves, defended the landing with such

vigour that before our men could get back the officer and seven men

were wounded with arrows. Enjoying the occasion, they followed up

the repulse with many shots of arrows and stones, and with great

shouts. They came so near the camp that Don Lorenzo had to issue

forth with the banner displayed, and all the rest of the men who

were not sick, to defend the gate. As the natives retired, they

fired a volley of arrows which went home, wounding six men and Don

Lorenzo himself, who were brought in and attended to. Upon this,

Don Lorenzo sent a soldier in charge of a party, to burn canoes and

houses, and to do as much damage as possible, the result being eight

wounded soldiers. With these three victories, all gained on the same

day, the natives became so audacious that they shot arrows into the

camp at night, and threw stones with such effect that they wounded

two men, one of them dying. Owing to the sickness of the Adelantado,

and the number of wounded soldiers, we could only defend and secure

the camp, the attempts of our soldiers being confined to getting

"bledos," which sometimes cost them dear.

On the Vigil of St. Luke the Evangelist, the first of our companions

died, the Chaplain, Antonio de Serpa, for whose decease the Vicar

mourned deeply, and raised sad lamentation, turning up his eyes to

heaven, and saying: "Oh, my God! how great is the punishment that You

send for my sins. You leave me, O Lord, without a priest to whom to

confess. O, Father Antonio de Serpa! Happy are you to have died after

having received the sacrament. Who would not change places with you,

and not remain in mine, in which I am so abandoned, for I can confess

all who are here, but have no one to confess me." He went about with

his face hidden, and would not be consoled He went to the church,

and wept at the altar. The good Vicar said that, in mourning for the

dead, he opened the tomb where he was buried.

On the following night, which was the 17th of October, there was a

total eclipse of the moon; when it rose in the east it was completely

eclipsed. The Adelantado was so weak that he gave orders about his

will, which he could scarcely sign. He left Doña Isabel Barreto,

his wife, as general heir, and nominated her as Governess, for his

Majesty had issued a special decree giving him power to name any

person he chose for his successor. He nominated his brother-in-law,

Don Lorenzo, to be Captain-General; and, ordering the Vicar to be

called, he complied with all the obligations required for his soul.

In this way the night passed, and the day arrived, which was that

of St. Luke. Seeing the end so near, the Vicar said that a person of

good life knew how much it imported to die well, so that there might

be time to make his peace with God. He said other things alike holy

and pious, which the Adelantado heard, showing not only attention but

great contrition, and making it to be well understood how submissive

he was to the will of God who created him. The Vicar had a crucifix

brought, in whose presence the Adelantado seemed to bend the knees

in his heart. Helping to say the Miserere mei and the Creed, at one

o'clock after noon our Adelantado passed from this life, with which

there ended his enterprise, so much and for so long a time desired. He

was a person zealous for the honour of God and the service of the King,

to whom the things ill done did not appear good, nor did those well

done appear evil. He was very plain-spoken, not diffuse in giving

his reasons, and he himself said that he did not want arguments but

deeds. It seemed that he saw clearly those matters which touched his

conscience. It seemed to me that he might say with reason that he knew

more than he performed, yet he saw nothing that passed by stealth. The

Governess felt his death, as did others, though some rejoiced at it.

In the afternoon, with as much pomp as the circumstances would admit,

we prepared for his sepulture. The body was placed in a coffin covered

with black cloth, and carried on the shoulders of eight persons of

the highest rank. The soldiers stood with their arquebuses reversed,

in accordance with usage at the funerals of Generals. The procession

went with two banners displayed, and from two drums covered with

mourning cloth came slow and muffled sounds, while the fife expressed

the like sentiments. Arrived at the church, the Vicar performed the

service, and we then returned to the Governess to condole with her

on her misfortune.

CHAPTER XXI.

How the Vicar delivered some admonitions to the soldiers, and

the examples he gave.

After the two deaths already described, the Vicar reflected how

serious the sickness was, and that one, two, or three died every

day, and began to perambulate the camp, crying with a loud voice:

"Is there one who wants to confess? Put yourselves well with God,

and attend to the welfare of your souls, for a punishment has come

upon us, from which none can escape, how numerous soever we may be. The

natives will triumph over us, and will remain, enjoying our clothes and

arms and all we possess in this place, where God holds us prisoners,

to chastise us according to our deserts. Think that if God punishes

a whole kingdom for one sin, how will He punish here where they are

so many. There are men here who have not confessed for three, five,

seven, nine, fourteen and thirty years, and one who has only confessed

once in his life. There are men here who have caused the deaths of

two and three other men; there is a man who does not know whether

he is a Moor or a Christian; others have committed sins so foul and

so serious that, being such, I will not name them. Remember how God

conferred with David, and told him out of three punishments to choose

one. We have among us sickness, war, famine and discord, and we are

far from any remedy. Reflect that we have God incensed against us,

and that the naked and bloody sword of His justice, with which He

goes forth to kill, is ready to put an end to us. Fully justified is

His judgment. The punishment is not so great nor so rigorous as we

deserve. Confess yourselves! clean your souls, and with the repentance,

appease the anger of God, Who wishes not the death of a sinner, but

rather that he should turn from his wickedness and live. Open your

eyes, and see what a terrible chastisement is this."

The good priest went about day after day performing his office, giving

the sacrament to the sick, burying the dead, and seeking the means of

inducing those who did not wish to confess to yield. At other times,

with the same anxious spirit, he said that the mercy of Christ was much

greater than our sins, how ugly and heinous soever they might be; and

that one single drop of the blood which was shed in the Passion was

sufficient for the sins of infinite worlds. None of those who were

there, be their sins what they may, should lose hope; rather, with

the faith and constancy of Christians, they should put their trust in

God, Who knows how to pardon sinners. In order further to console and

encourage them all by examples, he told the two following anecdotes:--

In a town in Peru there was a Franciscan friar in his convent, of pure

life, at whose feet a soldier, who was his neighbour and known to him,

knelt down to confess; and as he knelt, he put his eyes on a crucifix,

and said in his heart: "O Lord, have mercy on this soul!" On the

instant, the image came down from the cross, came half the distance,

and said: "Doubt not! confess and be absolved. It was for thee,

and other sinners like thee, that I came to the world."

The other story was that, in the Indies, there was a man rich in

goods, but poor in virtue, who sinned, and had old and well-grown

roots in many vices. He was a man who sometimes came to the camp with

dagger and lance, closed teeth, and eyes raised to heaven, saying:

"O God! come down here, to this place, and come with me to see who

is the bravest;" and he said other things, showing as little fear or

reverence for God as this. This man, being out one night, and passing

a room of his, praying with some beads, heard a voice which said:

"Oh! such an one, wherefore do you not recite with devotion on that

rosary?" Astonished and full of fear, he struck a light, and looked

into the room, but saw no one. Continuing to search, he found an image

of Our Lady, painted on paper. Raising it from the ground, he put it

on the wall, and, kneeling down, he held it with one hand, while he

recited on his rosary. While thus employed, two negroes came to him,

put out the light, stripped him naked, and flogged him until he was

nearly dead. At this juncture he saw the room brilliantly lighted,

and a voice said: "Go! go! and leave this soul which is not thine,

for My Son has granted it to Me through His mercy and My prayers." In

a moment, the negroes left him, and the light disappeared. The patient

went away as well as he could, and laid down on his bed. He sent for

a friar, who asked what had happened that he should send for him in

the middle of the night. He related what had happened, showed him

the wounds and bruises, and begged urgently to be confessed, saying

that it was thirty-eight years since he had confessed. The confessor

heard and consoled him, saying that much worse sins were pardoned

by God with a free hand. His confession lasted for seventeen days,

and he was absolved with a small penance. A fever came upon him,

and wasted him so, that on the day when he finished his confession

he died like a saint.

With these stories, and in many other ways, as Christian as these,

the Vicar secured the salvation of the souls which could be brought

into the right way; and the better to fulfil the duties of his office,

he came on shore to live in the house of one of the men who had died.

CHAPTER XXII.

In which is related what more passed with the natives.

Knowing the time, the natives came in pursuit of their vengeance,

and sought out our people every day, carrying shields, thinking to

defend themselves against the arquebus, as the shields protected us

from their arrows. They were very careful to take warning, and so, with

this animosity, they shot arrows from among the trees and branches,

aiming at the face and legs, which were, they saw, unprotected. It

was the soldiers' fault, because they took up the arrows and drove

their points against the shields and other protected parts, to show

the natives that they did no harm. But it only showed the natives

that they must aim at the eyes or legs; so they understood the secret,

and always shot at those two places. The General, Don Lorenzo, seeing

that they came to seek us in camp, ordered a soldier, with twelve

others under him, to go to the village of Malope and do harm there,

assuming that it was his people who made the attacks. They burnt the

village and returned, the inhabitants having fled into the woods.

While this was going on, the natives nearest to the camp were shouting

and saying: "See what they are doing to the village of Malope, and

the disposition that these people are showing." We called to them

from the camp with a flag of peace (they also use the same). After a

time some of them came, and the General came out to speak with them,

taking the Chief Pilot with him, and six arquebusiers in attendance

to be ready for anything that might occur. But the natives, when

they saw the arquebusiers, began to go back, at the same time making

signs that they were not to come. The General ordered them to stop,

and using endearing terms, he said that we were friends, asking

why they did not bring in food as they used to do. They complained,

saying by signs that if we were friends, why did we kill them, there

being peace? They said "Malope! Malope! why friends pu" (the name they

gave to an arquebus); meaning that if we were friends of Malope, why

had we killed him with an arquebus, and were now burning his village,

pointing with a finger. The General replied that those who had done

the harm were now dead, and a head had been sent to the village as

a punishment for what had been done. They asked for the Jauriqui,

[60] their name for the Adelantado, and were told that he was in the

camp. Don Lorenzo asked them to bring food; and they did so, coming on

the following and subsequent days. These natives appeared to me to be

well ordered and easy to be brought into habits of peace; and they kept

faith entirely. In my opinion we waged war upon them, while they gave

their property to us. All the time that peace was broken with them,

we were in great need for want of their helps, and the soldiers could

not go out to seek for food. This want was supplied by the flour that

had been brought from Peru, which was the life of the expedition.

CHAPTER XXIII.

In which it is related what happened until the death of the

General, Don Lorenzo Barreto.

Don Lorenzo, with his infirmity, did what he could for the sustenance

and welfare of the camp, and for a third time sent the frigate, with

the Captain of artillery, to search for the Almiranta, giving him

instructions as to the course he was to pursue. The Captain went,

and worked diligently, but did not find her. He shaped a course to

one of the three islets already mentioned, surrounded by reefs. Here

he captured eight youths, four grown up, and all of tawny colour,

well made, with fine eyes, and good presence. He also collected some

pearl shells, which he found in a village, and with them he returned

to the ship.

The General sent Don Diego de Vera, as leader, with some soldiers

who were most healthy, to seek for natives, to be held as hostages,

so as to induce the rest not to try to do us harm. They brought in

three women and six children, and their husbands often came to see

them, with many others. They came to pray for their liberation,

with many caresses, and to content them we gave them up.

There was a movement to seek permission from the Governess to leave

that land; and those who worked it ordered the soldiers to sign a

document which the Vicar gave them, so that it should be submitted in

the name of all. One answered that they should not be ordered to sign,

for that the Adelantado had killed the Camp Master and two soldiers

for signing a paper. He was assured that if he signed there would

now be no penalty, as the time was different.

The Vicar drew up a petition in which he gave the reasons, which he

said were sufficient, for abandoning the settlement. The Governess

and the General ordered that information should be taken, of which,

when the magistrate asked for a copy (as he said) they ordered him

to pass on: as all the people on shore had signed the paper, they

took all the seamen as witnesses. As the Chief Pilot had shown how

much the desire to form a settlement would cost, I say that one day

a friend of his came to him on board, and, I know not whether it was

out of charity or envy, told him to hold his tongue, for if not he

would be killed or left alone on that island. His persistence reached

such a point that he offered to sow, and maintain the seamen; but

the suspicion and hatred they conceived of such a proceeding was such

that they never wished to let him go on the excursions they made by

sea. Thus they attacked the intention of coming there, after leaving

the chances of being able to do much in Peru, to employ themselves

on discoveries of such importance.

This seems to me to free the land from much that our sailors say

about it, that it was the worst that was known: giving as a reason

the numerous deaths and the sickness.

It is quite clear that to change of temperature, diet, and customs,

to work and go about in the sun, to get wet without changing, to

settle in woods in winter, to sleep on the ground with damp and other

things inimical to health, with men who are not made of stone, will

bring on sickness; while the want of medical men who understand what

is wrong, and of remedies that should be applied, nor the presence

of any one to give them, are the open doors of death. Besides, there

are positions more healthy than others in populous cities and towns;

so that I understand that only a small part is exposed to the above

evils. Even here those who remained on the sea never fell ill. If

the land was as unhealthy as was represented, the sick, with so much

against them, would not have survived so long. Many lived for weeks

and months, and none died suddenly, as happens at Nombre de Dios,

Puerto Bello, Panama, Cabo Verde, San Tomé, and other unhealthy places,

where, with all needful remedies, the sick succumb in a short time,

even in a few hours.

The sick continued to die, and it was a sad thing to see them

in the clutches of disease, stretched out, some delirious, others

nearly so; some wanting to go on board, hoping to find health there,

others wanting to go from the ship to the camp, hoping to find it

on shore. The General supplied their wants so far as was possible,

and the Governess did what she could, other persons helping out of

charity; but all that could be done was little, seeing that the needs

were great. At this time the Vicar fell ill, and as the land did not

seem a good place to him, he returned to the ship.

The General who, as has already been mentioned, was wounded in the

leg, found it necessary to take to his bed, where he got worse every

minute. The camp was now in such a condition that it did not contain

fifteen healthy soldiers, and these were all lads who could endure

fevers better, though in fifteen days the fever does not run its

course. The Chief Pilot went to visit Don Lorenzo, to inquire after

his health, but he replied in much affliction: "Ah! Chief Pilot! I

shall die without confession;" and presently he said: "Ah, death! in

what a condition you take me." With his eyes fixed on the crucifix,

he exclaimed: "I am a sinner. O, Lord! pardon me."

The Chief Pilot, knowing his great need, consoled him by saying that

he would go and ask the Vicar to come as he was. He went on board

and entreated the Vicar, for the love of God, to come and confess

Don Lorenzo, because he was dying fast. The Vicar replied that he

was dying too; that if he would bring Don Lorenzo on board he would

confess him. The Chief Pilot answered that Don Lorenzo was passing

away; that even to turn him in his bed it was necessary to have a line

hung from the roof, and that only with this, and the help of two men,

could he be turned. He was young, and the Vicar knew that he ought

not to allow him, nor any other person who sought confession, to die

without it. "Your worship wishes to kill me," replied the Vicar;

"can you not see that I am unable to stand on my feet? So little

do you care for my health. Let them carry me where they please,

though I may die." So he was put in the boat, trembling and wrapped

in a blanket. He was carried to the side of Don Lorenzo in his bed,

whom he confessed, as well as all others who wished to confess. A

soldier, seeing how ill the Vicar was, said very sorrowfully: "Ah,

Sir! what is this that I see? What have we come to?" They returned

to the ship. That night Don Lorenzo was much worse, and at break

of day, the 2nd of November, he died. May God pardon him! He was

mourned for, and buried in the same way as his brother-in-law, the

Adelantado. Among the rest a soldier died, who received death with

such a cheerful countenance that in the words he spoke, and what he

did, he seemed to be a pilgrim on the road to heaven.

CHAPTER XXIV.

In which the unhappy condition of our people is related, the

death of the Vicar, and the embarkation of all hands.

Our condition, as above related, had reached such a point that, if

only ten determined natives had come, they could have killed us all,

and destroyed the settlement. At last the sick, pressed by the evils

they suffered, which were great, went on board the ship, and the

Governess with them, leaving the flag on shore with the few soldiers

who still retained some health, to provide wood and water. On Monday,

the 7th of November, the flag and the rest of the people were embarked,

and so an end was given to this promising enterprise. I never expected

anything else, and it must be left in the claws of him who held it

before, [61] until God permits others to come forward who are more

desirous of the welfare of those lost ones, that with a finger they

may show the way to that salvation for which they were created.

The settlement remained a spectacle for sentiment and reflection on

the disastrous and brief course of events which took place in it. It

was a noteworthy thing to see the dogs running along the beach and

barking, as if they were asking why the people went away and left

them behind. The smallest dog rushed into the sea, and came swimming

to the ship, and for such fidelity was taken on board; and of him it

may be said that fortune favours the brave.

The Vicar made his will, and three soldiers kept watch with him during

the following night. He asked one of them to read to him the "Symbol of

the Faith," by Fray Luis de Granada. When day came, the Chief Pilot,

seeing the little hope there was for his life, and that he appeared

to be dying, said to him that the time was short, and that he should

look to what concerned his soul. He answered that it was well, and

that he did not grieve for anything. The Chief Pilot said that his was

the office of a friend, to tell him that he must not deceive himself,

for that he was near his end. "Why did you not tell me so sooner,"

said the Vicar, and the Chief Pilot answered that he never thought

that the illness would bring him to his present condition. The Vicar

asked for a crucifix, and with it in his hands he said: "Oh eternal

Father who sent me; that which I should do I understand not, and

presently power of speech will be gone." Thus his death-agony came,

and he gave his soul to the Saviour and Creator.

This loss was what we deserved for our sins. Punishment and castigation

came that we might not deceive ourselves, but know that God was

enraged against us, for after so many bodily afflictions He now

took from us our spiritual gift. His death was much felt, though

not by all, for all do not know how to feel such losses. The Vicar,

Juan Rodriguez de Espinosa, was a very honourable priest, for whom,

by reason of his virtue and good parts, much love was due.

The Chief Pilot caused him to be buried in the sea; not being willing

that it should be on shore, lest the natives should disinter and

insult his remains.

CHAPTER XXV.

How we made two more incursions, which were the last, and what

passed until we made sail.

Next day the wind was from the north, and, although moderate, three

cables parted, by which the ship was secured, leaving only one slight

cable which appeared to be too weak to hold a ship. Yet it was so

strong that it saved the ship from going on shore, which was very near.

Later, Luis Andrada was sent in charge of thirty men to seek for

provisions for the voyage. He went to the small island which we

called the garden, "Huerta," and found five large canoes in a bay,

laden with the biscuit of that country, which the natives had there

concealed, and without any difficulty he collected them all and sent

them to the ship. He said that he killed one hundred and twenty pigs,

of which he brought some. He found the natives peaceful at first;

but afterwards they were hostile, because the ill-disposed soldiers

illtreated them. They made holes in the narrow paths, covered with

branches and earth, and in them they planted upright stakes, on which

a soldier hurt his foot. With what was obtained by this incursion,

order was taken for the sick, and the ship was supplied with the whole.

The leader came back, and soon afterwards the Chief Pilot went,

with twenty men, to the same island, following many canoes of the

natives. Leaving six men in the boat, he jumped on shore with the rest,

and the natives, threatening war, received them with arrows in their

hands, making the perneta, shouting and dancing round. The Pilot held

up a white flag as a sign of peace, but they danced and shouted all

the more. It was a narrow path, with trees on each side, and they

began to send arrows and stones from all directions. Two arquebus

shots were fired, and the village was entered; but nothing more was

found but biscuits in the houses, and roots tasting like oranges,

and of the same colour. The natives were followed to a hill, and,

reaching the top, we found ourselves on a fine plain, with great

abundance of fruit cultivation. The soldiers cut many large bunches

of plantains, got a quantity of cocoa nuts, and found a great supply

of biscuit in a house. Laden with these provisions, and keeping close

to each other, they all got into the boat without any further mishap;

and though there was an encounter with the natives, none were either

killed or wounded. For the Chief Pilot gave orders to the soldiers

not to fire to hit but to frighten.

Having done this, he ordered the boat to follow along the shore to

a place where he went to cut small palms. But when he arrived, the

boat was not to be seen, however much they tried to find her. All

agreed that the best plan would be to go back to the place where they

first landed. They marched until sunset, when they came to a place

where some rocks made a good shelter. For this reason, and having

found a canoe there, the Chief Pilot decided on passing the night,

and sending a man in the canoe to report their position to the ship,

that those on board might send to look for them. The Chief Pilot said

that he was anxious about the boat, and much more when he considered

the insecure position in which the best sailors were placed, without

whom the rest could not take the ship to any place where they would

be saved; and thus there would be no notice of the discovery that

had been made, nor of the rest that was surmised.

He asked what powder the soldiers had. They replied that they had

ten rounds. He said that was little, and that it would be better to

go on and look for some of the canoes. When taken, if the natives

required them, after all the powder was expended, they would defend

themselves with swords and shields. If anything had happened to the

boat, the natives would have seen, and would have hidden their canoes

so that we might not get away. This was agreed to. A soldier was given

command of the vanguard, and he, with some others, marched along the

beach where the trees grew very thick, no one having touched them

since their creation, with some great rocks. It was almost impossible

to make a way through this in the day-time; how much less on a dark

night. Sometimes the water was up to their knees, and at others to

their middles. They went climbing and descending from trunks and rocks,

making their way either in the sea or through the woods. Altogether,

there were ten of them, two being ill and asking the others to go and

leave them, for that they could hold out no longer. The Chief Pilot,

who heard this, said that they must not be left behind, but must

be brought along, even if it became necessary to carry them. They

pushed on a little further, but it was past midnight when they heard

two arquebus shots, and presently two more. The companions in front

pressed onwards to ascertain the cause, and found that the boat had

just arrived. They had been detained by contrary winds, and had made

the round of the island. The party got into the boat and returned to

the ship, arriving at break of day, and finding all on board anxious,

owing to their long absence.

On this day the Governess proposed to the Pilots that they should

depart from that island in search of San Cristobal, to see if the

Almiranta was there, and to do what would be best for the service of

God and His Majesty; and that if she was not found, her determination

was to go to the city of Manilla in the Philippines, to engage priests

and people, and return to complete that discovery. On this subject she

asked, persuaded, and ordered each person present to give his views

in the form that appeared most convenient. The view and opinion of all

was that a W.S.W. course should be shaped so long as was necessary to

reach a latitude of 11°, and if neither the island nor the Almiranta

were found, then to proceed to the Philippines. They all signed their

names, and the Chief Pilot undertook to return in company with the

Governess, if she returned as she proposed.

The Chief Pilot said to the Governess that the ship being so injured,

both in hull and rigging, the sailors few, the men sick, and it

being necessary to give thirty of the most healthy to navigate the

frigate and the galeot, it would be best to abandon those two small

vessels. For if this was done, the voyage of the Capitana would be

much more secure; for the two small vessels were in bad order, their

pilots were not satisfactory, and their rigging, sails and people

would all be serviceable on board the Capitana. To this the Captain

of the galeot said that it was because the ships had not cost him any

money that he wanted to abandon them. The Chief Pilot replied that he

had no other motive than consideration for the good of all; that in

Manilla, whither they intended to go, they would find other and better

vessels for less than 200 dols., and for such a small sum it was not

worth while to risk so much. The Captain of the galeot had on his

side certain ill-conditioned enemies of truth and reason, and these

the Governess had for her council of state of war and marine. Each

one said a little, and so things remained, nothing being done.

Presently they wanted to get rid of the trouble and charge of the

sick. It was ordered that they should be sent to the frigate. The

Chief Pilot protested, saying that it was unjust to send them where

the conveniences were much less, or to deprive them of the comfort

they had where they were in the ship, especially as all could

be accommodated in the large ship, safe from the sun, night air,

and damp. They replied that a sail could be set up to form a tent,

underneath which they could lie at their pleasure. The Chief Pilot

answered that the navigation would not always admit of tents being

set up, and that the sick always needed care. It was publicly ordered

that they should remain, but nevertheless a sergeant began to get them

into the boat. One cried out, and the Chief Pilot came and delivered

them from men with so little pity and so much folly. Finally, the

Governess ordered that they should stay, and so they remained.

In the afternoon the Chief Pilot went to visit the frigate and

the galeot, leaving with them the necessary supplies of flour and

water. He gave them instructions respecting the navigation they would

have to work, and a chart to the Pilot of the frigate, who neither

had one nor knew how to use it. At night the Captain, Don Diego de

Vera, with some persons of his company, went on shore to disinter the

body of the Adelantado, to be taken on board the frigate to Manilla;

for on board the Capitana they would not consent to receive it,

owing to objections which are never wanting.

CHAPTER XXVI.

How the ship and the other two vessels departed from the bay of

Graciosa; the labours during the voyage; the loss of the galeot;

and gives an account of a hermit.

The distance from the bay of Graciosa to Manilla is 900 leagues. On

the following day, the 18th of November of the same year, the three

vessels sailed in quest of the island of San Cristobal; and the gear

was in such a state that the falls carried away three times in getting

the boat in.

In one month forty-seven persons died. Nearly all the rest were ill

but joyful, as it seemed to them that their troubles were over. They

turned their eyes to the huts of the settlement, saying: "Ah! there

you remain, thou corner of Hell, that has cost us so much! mourning

for husbands, brothers, and friends," they said; and went on, overcome

by their own feelings.

On this day and the next they steered W.S.W. Having taken the sun,

and made the calculations, the result was 11°. We looked to see if

land could be seen in any direction, but none was seen. On this same

day the Boatswain and four other seamen fell ill. The five or six

who remained well said to the Chief Pilot that the ship was unfit for

sea, full of sick, in want of water and food; and that they could not

continue to plough the sea in her. The soldiers joined with them, and

there was no want of voices; nor was there wind, and the mainstay was

carried away. There was appearance of evil, which lasted for a bit,

owing to the opinions being different. Things being put right, the

Chief Pilot said to the Governess that they were in the latitude of

11°, and that, in accordance with the agreement, she must order what

should be done. She replied, that as the island of San Cristobal was

not in sight, and the Almiranta could not be found, she would shape

a course for Manilla.

The Chief Pilot made his course N.W. with the wind S.E. to avoid New

Guinea, which was very near, and not to get among the islands. If it

had not been for the wretched condition of the ship, I should have

given orders to coast along that land, and find out what it was.

On this course we continued to sail until the 27th of the month, when

we were in 5°. On that day we saw a great trunk, a great mass of reeds,

with three almonds like those we had left, much straw and snakes. The

wind was S.W., with squalls and showers from that direction. By these

signs we understood that New Guinea was close on board. We began to

experience great waves coming from N.W. and N.N.W., which knocked the

ship about, and it was worse when there were calms or light winds:

a sign that these winds come from the other side of the line. This

continued nearly as far as the Ladrone Islands. There were also

variables up to 5° N., where breezes sprang up from N.E. which lasted

all the voyage. If the sun should be near the zenith when it was in

Capricorn, I know not how it would be on crossing the equinoctial line.

We sailed on until the 10th of December, when I found the latitude half

a degree from the line, a position in which the sky was clear, the air

quiet, the sea smooth, but no land in sight; but so cold at night that

it was necessary to use blankets. Yet in the day the sun was so hot,

that even when it was near the horizon the heat could hardly be borne.

The galeot had not been seen for several days, for she had parted

company; so, wishing to comply with her obligations to the Capitana,

the Governess ordered that her Captain should be notified that, on

pain of being declared a traitor, he should keep his position, and

not be more than half a league off. For it seemed that the Capitana,

from her general unseaworthiness, and having her mainmast sprung,

could never reach safety. Yet on that night the galeot stood on

another tack, and disappeared, without being any more seen.

The ration that was served out consisted of half a pound of flour,

of which they made mashed-up paste with salt water, baked in the hot

ashes; half a quartillo [62] of water full of powdered cockroaches,

which made it very nauseous and stinking. There was not much good

fellowship, owing to the great sickness and little conformity of

feeling. What were most evident were the ulcers coming out on feet

and legs, the sadness, groans, hunger, infirmities, and deaths, with

mourning for those whom it concerned. Scarcely a day passed without

throwing one or two overboard, and on some days there were three and

four. It came to this: that there was no little difficulty in carrying

the dead up from the between decks.

The sick became rabid from the effluvia of mud and filth that was in

the ship. Nothing was hidden. All the prayers were for water; some

begged for a single drop, showing their tongues, pointing with their

fingers, like the rich man and Lazarus. The women, with children at

their breasts, prayed for water, while all complained of a thousand

things. Here could well be seen the good friend, he who was a father

or a son, the charity and patience that was shown. Here, too, might be

seen one who could accommodate himself to the times, and who could be

resigned. Many deaths without confession took place, and other evils

which to think of together were to feel above measure. The Salve was

recited in the afternoon, before the image of Our Lady of Solitude,

which was all the consolation in this pilgrimage.

There had come on this expedition a venerable old man and good

Christian, who in Lima was barchilon, [63] and served in the hospital

of the natives. His name was Juan Leal, which he was through all the

events he was concerned with. This servant of God and worthy man,

in poor health, for he was convalescent, without rest, which in good

sooth it had been well if he had found, but he only sought time to

occupy himself night and day without ceasing--was he who, in camp and

on board, and in the present voyage, devoted himself to the service

of the sick with cheerful faith. He showed that his bowels were full

of charity, for all that was done for the sick passed through his

hands. He bled them, cupped them, made their beds, helped them to a

good death, prepared and accompanied their bodies to sepulture, or got

them out of danger; a man, in short, who did well in word and deed,

though deeply feeling the numerous miserable sights he beheld. But

there were ears to which his voices reached, and not finding doors,

they returned to their master, who afresh converted them into more

love and care to help, as he did help with his accustomed piety.

CHAPTER XXVII.

Of the state in which the ship was as she continued her voyage,

and of the death of the hermit.

A list was made of the surviving sick, and each one was given, besides

his ordinary ration, a plate of fritters helped out with honey and

treacle, and in the afternoon a mug of water with a little sugar

to help as sustenance. Those who were a little stronger had double

rations to enable them to work at the pumps four times a day, at which

they suffered fearfully, for some hid themselves, others sat down, and

others stopped, saying they could not work. Night passed without being

able to give rest from the evil that was so near, for its clamours and

forced necessities were two things which it was not possible to remedy.

The rigging and sails were so rotten that repairs were incessant,

and splicing and sewing was constantly needed. These were evils

that could not be amended. The main mast was sprung from the step,

and the step of the bowsprit, from not being morticed, hung on one

side, taking the bowsprit with it, which caused us great anxiety. The

sprit sail with all its gear fell into the sea, and none of it could

be recovered. The main stay carried away a second time, and it was

necessary to make another stay with part of the hemp cable, and the

backstays of the mainmast, which were unrove for the purpose. There

was not a yard that was not bent downwards owing to parted lifts,

the topsail ties were gone, and perhaps for three days at a time

the sail was flapping in the waist, because no one cared to hoist it

with a rope that had been spliced thirty-three times. We took down

the topsails and mizen in order to mend the courses, which at last

were the only sails we used. Of the hull of the ship it may be said

with truth that only the beams kept the people above water, for they

were of that excellent wood of Guayaquil called guatchapeli, [64]

which never seems to grow old. The ship was so open in the dead wood

that the water ran in and out of the ship when we sailed on a bowline.

The sailors, from the hard work and their weakness, and from seeing

the ship in such a state, set no store by their lives; and one of them

said to the Chief Pilot that he was tired of being always tired, that

he would rather die once than many times, and that they might as well

shut their eyes and let the ship go to the bottom. They did not want to

work, saying that neither God nor the King required them to do what was

impossible. The men said they were without strength, and if one took

another in his arms he was unable to hold him up. If they should die,

who was there that could revive them? The Chief Pilot answered one of

them that if he should jump overboard, the Devil would have him body

and soul. Many others said that as he knew how to command, he should

give them nourishment from the jars of wine, oil, and vinegar which

the Governess had, or that it should be sold to them in exchange

for their work; that they would give receipts and pay at Manilla,

or make a return in kind. They said this was necessary for them in

order to recover strength to work the ship, and that if they all died

she would die also. When there was the greatest necessity for them,

then they would show her needs and remember what had passed. The Chief

Pilot submitted their prayer to the Governess several times during the

voyage, saying it was much worse to die than not to expend stores. She

said that there was more obligation to her than to the sailors who

talked of her favour, and if two were hanged the rest would hold

their tongues. The Chief Pilot answered that he only referred to the

matter in order to apply a remedy to pressing needs, that the sailors

were good men, that if he advocated their cause it was not for any

obligation he owed to them, but that the ship might be taken where she

herself wished, and that the obligation to please her did not relieve

him from the duty of his office, the pay being equal to the debt. At

last she served out two jars of oil; but they were soon used up,

when the complaints were renewed and continued throughout the voyage.

The soldiers seeing so long a time before them (for no time is short

to those who suffer) also said a good deal: that they would gladly

exchange this life for a sentence of death in a prison, or for a place

on a bench in a Turkish galley, where they might die confessed, or

live in the hope of a victory or a ransom. Hope in God, whose power

is greater than all our necessities, said one, for that will prove

an armed voyage, and above poverty.

This death, which I hold to be a happy termination to a life of good

works when received with meekness, was doing service to the Lord in

calling, in good time, our dear Juan Leal, who went to his reward in

heaven for the merits of what he had done on earth. He died alone and

forsaken, like the rest. He was exemplary in his life and customs,

he valued the world and its affairs for what they were worth, he went

about dressed in sackcloth next to his skin, and reaching half down

his legs, with bare feet, and long hair and beard. He had passed many

years in this severe course of life, serving hospitals, after having

previously served for many years as a soldier in Chile. On the same

night a sick man fell overboard, it was not known how, crying out

for help; but he was left and was no more seen.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

How there was a proposal to elect a General; the reply of the

Chief Pilot to it; the advice given by a man to the Governess,

and the loss of the frigate.

The Chief Pilot took great care of the water, as there was little

left, and, by secret means, there were great wasters of it. He was

therefore present when it was served out. The Governess used it very

largely, requiring it to wash her clothes, for which purpose she sent

a jar to be filled. The Chief Pilot said that the position should

be considered, and that it did not seem just to use so much water,

when there was so little. At this she took great offence, and felt

it so much that she said very angrily: "Cannot I do what I please

with my own property?" The Chief Pilot answered: "It belongs to all,

and it will go to all. The cup is good for him that cannot wash,

and it is your duty to curtail your own allowance, that the soldiers

may not say that you wash your clothes with their life's blood. You

should put a high value on the patience of those who are suffering,

for they might take by force what there is in the ship. Starving people

sometimes know how to help themselves." Upon this the Governess took

the keys of the store room away from the steward, who was an honest

man, to whom the Chief Pilot had entrusted them, and gave them to

one of her own servants. There were not wanting those who said to

the Chief Pilot that he ought not to allow himself to be ruled by

a woman, and that if it was put to the vote, the majority would be

for a man. But the Chief Pilot answered that they should leave her to

enjoy her just title for the brief space that remained. When the time

came that he was forced to act, it would then appear more reasonable

to say what is now said without considering her.

One honest man [65] was anxious to see less bickering in the ship,

and more order and peace than prevailed there. Knowing that some of

the hungry and suffering people had determined to force their way into

the store room when it was opened, and knowing what must happen from

this project, whether fights or other mischief, so that the little

food that remained would be got by blows--he said many things to

the Governess touching her rule. There were not wanting those who

told her not to trust him, and knowing this, he spoke thus to her:

"Consider, Lady, that those who speak to you are not saints, and well

they show it in what they say, for they seek their own benefit and

the evil of others. Trust in the men in whom your husband trusted,

for have you not seen that in his necessities and your own they have

loyally done their duty, seeing your risk. Be assured that here there

is no one who desires to rise, nor who would consent to it, nor any who

do not owe to you a sole obedience in all that is just." She replied:

"Here they come to me with complaints that I do not wish to hear." He

answered: "Do not listen to them nor believe them, and treat the

men well. See with what heavy loads they are laden. They might throw

them off, and refuse to carry them, or make some evil agreement, so

as to agree afterwards. Be sure that each one thinks that, although

miseries overflow, compensations are not wanting. To these your

brethren be considerate. Do not look upon them as a petty government

of many heads without feet, or of many feet without a head. Reflect

well on what are new affairs. These people wish for little, and here

they suffer much. They owe nothing, yet they owe much; and for what

they owe to you they dissimulate. If they had not come here, no one

would owe anything, nor would what is wanted now be wanted; and to

you all is more than owing." At last this man asked her, "What ought

he to do who was warned that some wanted to kill others on board the

ship?" She answered that he should look out. He then said: "I know

that it was you yourself and your brother who plotted to kill me, and

you sharpened the knives; but I did not believe it easily, though I

was told by a friend. Nor did I fail in caution, though now I may. You

see here how it has been made sure, and if you should wish it, you can

have assurance, though you may not believe who it was that deceived

you. I am not afraid of what I have told you and excused, for there

are very few women with such heads as Dido, Zenobia, and Semiramis."

With these troubles we went on steering the same course, N.N.W., until

Tuesday, the 17th of December, when we were in 3° 30' N. The men in

the frigate were worn out by work at the pump, and it was necessary

to give them three more to help them at their labour. Sailors were

sent to check the water, which was coming in at many places. No

diligence availed, and she could not keep up with the Capitana. The

people were very sad, yet desirous to save the vessel because the

body of the Adelantado was on board. Knowing the danger, the Chief

Pilot said to the Governess several times, that it seemed right to

abandon the frigate, taking off the people, who would be safe, while

the ship would be better manned. As he could not prevail, he said to

Don Diego de Vera, Captain of the frigate: "You know how to complain;

how is it you do not know how to make things safe? Do you not see

that it will be the death of yourself and your companions? Come on

board this ship, for here you will be welcomed like brothers." At

last the frigate was lost sight of at night, for which cause the

Chief Pilot eased off the sheets, and waited until the next day in

the afternoon. The soldiers began to make an outcry, saying it was no

time to delay the navigation, for that the frigate would not appear,

that she may have gone ahead, and that if not it was God for us all

and each for himself. The Chief Pilot answered that it would be an ill

deed to abandon that vessel full of friends on the high sea, without

such a pilot as could take her to safety. If she parted company,

she could not be secure of reaching port. She was never more seen.

CHAPTER XXIX.

How they came in sight of an island bearing north, and of the

great danger in which the ship was placed.

With the wind from the E. and N.E. the ship continued her

N.N.W. course, and on the following Saturday she came in sight of

an island, for which they steered cheerfully in hopes of a port and

provisions. But as it did not appear well to the Chief Pilot to go

too near an unknown land during the night, he ordered the ship to be

tacked. The sailors, accustomed to work, said they were not tired,

and that they were quite ready to go on. The Chief Pilot eased off

the foresheet, put the helm down, and the ship went round. This seemed

to be the inspiration of an angel, for if she had not been put about

she would certainly have been lost, as will be seen further on. Up

to where the ship was the sea was clear and unbroken, but further on

it was not known what the ship would strike against.

At dawn the ship stood in to where she was before night. A sailor

was sent to the mast-head, as was the custom morning and evening,

and he reported that to the N.E. there were some great reefs, the

termination of which he could not see. The ship had no after sails to

enable her to work to windward; and the water was breaking over the

rocks. The ship was so near them that there appeared to be no escape,

and death seemed ready to swallow us up. A certain person made a

prayer and a promise, in his heart, to St. Anthony of Padua; and it

served the Lord that on this day, which was that of His holy birth,

the ship came out of the danger in which she was placed. At three in

the afternoon she doubled the reef, it may be said by a miracle.

Natives came in their canoes from the island under sail, others

paddling. As they were unable to cross the reef, they jumped on it,

and made signs with their hands. In the afternoon one single native

in a small canoe came round the end of the reef. He was at a distance

to windward, so that we could not see whether he had a beard, the

position being near the island of the "Barbados." He seemed to be a

good-sized man and naked, with long, loose hair. He pointed in the

direction whence he had come, and breaking something white with his

hands he ate it, and had cocoa nuts for drink. He was called to,

but did not want to come.

It was evening, and, for that reason, a sailor went aloft to look

out. He reported two small islands and many rocks, by which the ship

was surrounded as in a yard. There was reason for despondency, as

whatever course was taken (to those who did not understand) seemed

to threaten danger. The ship was put on a course steering N.N.W.

This islet is in latitude 6°. It is nearly round, and about 30

leagues in circumference. It is not very high. It has many trees,

and at their sides there were flowers and cultivated patches. At 3

leagues to the west there are four low islands, and many others near

them, all surrounded by reefs. The sea appeared to be more clear to

the southward.

CHAPTER XXX.

How they came in sight of the Ladrone Islands, and what happened

there.

Continuing on a N.N.W. course, they were in 14° N. latitude on

Monday, the 1st of January. The wind was west, and the ship was

going free. On Wednesday, the 3rd of the same month, we came in

sight of two of the Ladrone islands, for which we were making. One

was called Guan, and the other Serpana. We passed between the two,

which lie N.E. and S.W., by a channel 10 leagues wide, keeping on

the side of Guan. A man who was handing the foresail fell overboard;

and in the whole ship there was only one line. It was thrown over

where the man had fallen alongside, who got hold of it and came up,

thanks be to God! Many canoes came out from Guan under sail, with a

number of Ladrone natives in them, who are stout men of a reasonable

colour. They were crying out "charume," which means friends, and

"heoreque," signifying "Give us iron," which is what they seek, being

very fond of it. As so many came there was a great press, and some

canoes fouled each other and were overturned, whose masters swimming,

turned them over again with great ease. They are built with two prows,

so that they can turn the sail without having to turn the canoe. They

brought many cocoa nuts, plantains, rice, water, and some large fish,

giving all in exchange for old iron. Those of the ship were delighted

with these people and their refreshing provisions. The exchange being

completed, the natives went away, all but two who were killed by an

arquebus, owing to a matter of a piece of cask hoop. [66]

The soldiers insisted much with the Chief Pilot that he should

go into port at this island and procure provisions. He was very

willing; but he gave it up because there was no gear for getting the

boat into the water. He said this to all; but they still insisted,

saying they could do it with their hands. The Chief Pilot replied:

"And how will you get it on board again?" They answered: "Why cannot

it be left here?" Then the Chief Pilot said: "It is not well to lose

the boat, having to navigate among so many islands of which we go

in search." They were very persistent; but he turned a deaf ear,

and continued to shape a westerly course until Friday, the 12th,

when, on taking the sun, he found the latitude to be 13° N.

CHAPTER XXXI.

How, when they came in sight of the Philippine Islands, the ship

was in many dangers, and how she anchored in a good harbour.

The Chief Pilot navigated only by information, and without a chart,

seeking for the cape of Espiritu Santo, the first land of the

Philippines. At daybreak land was sighted, being the peak of a high

mountain; and nothing else was then seen owing to a shower of rain

that came on. The land was welcomed with as much content as if we had

really reached a safe haven. Some said: "Soon we shall hear Mass and

seek God. There is no longer danger of death without confession, for

that is a land where Christians dwell." Amidst these anticipations

and great rejoicing, there were others so weak that they could not

stand on their feet, and who were like skeletons ready to die; and

their refrain was that they no longer wished to bring to light their

propped-up bones. Presently they all applied for a double ration of

water, for the want of it caused the greatest sufferings. But the

Chief Pilot said that he could not give more than the cup, for there

was very little left, and we should still be at sea some time before

we anchored.

Having come near the land, a bay was seen on the shore running north

and south. The people said that this was a port, and that we should

make for it, for God had shown us such signal mercy that He had guided

us there. This was also the view of the Chief Pilot; for there was

a soldier on board, who, some time before, had made this voyage and

knew the coast. We continued to coast along, looking out for signs

that would be satisfactory. The wind was strong from the N.E., and

there was mist over land, while the sun was obscured. It did not seem

advisable to the Chief Pilot to proceed further, nor to enter such a

dangerous place, in which, if once embayed, it would not be possible

to get out, the wind being contrary, there being few hands, and the

whole furniture of the ship being bad. For these reasons he ordered the

ship to be put about, intending to see if he could get the latitude by

a star observation, or the sun next day, so as to be sure where he was.

They began to persuade him to go in, and he told them that it would be

better to endure one day more of suffering than to lose their lives. He

then examined the soldier in great detail for his reasons for being

satisfied that that was the opening that we sought. His replies were

as far from the truth as he was near to a mistaken notion. After all

this, he and others gave their opinions to the Governess. They made

their complaints, and said that the Chief Pilot did not understand

how to take advantage of such a good chance. To all this he answered

that no one desired the salvation of the ship more than he did,

whose duty it was to seek a port on pain of loss of credit in case

of failure; while as regards their lives they were all equal. "God

has been pleased to bring them there, and He would also take them

to Manilla;" adding that if others had the responsibility they would

not feel so certain about what they said.

The Governess also said that it appeared to be the opening, for that

everyone said so. The Chief Pilot answered that she should leave it to

him, for that he understood his duty; if not, she could appoint some

one else. He knew that for anyone to enter that opening and get the

ship into danger, he would not be without blame whoever he might be,

and there would be no escape. "And how," he added, "could the sick,

and all the women and children they had on board, be saved? Even if

they were saved, how could they be fed and taken on their way? And

what certainty was there that there was peace in that land? Even if

there was, how much better was it to take such measures as would

make safety certain, than to make the voyage to Manilla doubtful,

it being still 300 leagues distant. Moreover, the night was coming

on, which made it necessary to stand away from the land." At last

the ship was put about, and kept on that tack with the care that was

necessary during a night without moon.

At dawn we returned to seek the land, though it was not visible owing

to mist, in consequence of which great murmurs were raised against

the Chief Pilot. They said that they could only be drowned once,

and it would have been better to have taken the ship in when they

spoke before than to risk nothing. At last the land came in sight,

in the form of a cape a little to windward. They set the bonnet,

and ran in for the land, with the intention of coasting along it,

the sounding line in the arm, and the deep-sea lead in the hand,

ready to anchor, or decide upon what it was most desirable to do. The

yard was hoisted up, and the tie was carried away. The sail fell, and

the people, who were tired, did not care to apply a remedy. At last,

persuaded by good reasons, and by the proximity of dangerous reefs,

the yard was got up again, and secured to the mast by stoppers. But

these stoppers would not hold; the yard fell again, and to hoist it

once more required both hands and tongue. The night before there

had been a great swell, and now it was the same, and as the ship,

head to wind, laboured much, the rigging almost all carried away,

especially the running rigging belonging to the foremast, and there

was only one shroud left on each side. The mast appeared so badly

supported that the least thing would make it go by the board; but

it was a good spar, and held on. Firmness is needful in all cases,

for without it all else is worth little or nothing.

As for the reefs in sight, they were said to be the Catanduanes, where

a ship is in great danger of foundering with all on board; while if

anyone escaped by swimming, the natives shoot arrows into him like

San Sebastian, which they know how to do very well. Others said we

were between those reefs and the island of Manilla, in a part where

it was impossible to get out. Others, that the channel was astern, and

that the fault was with the Chief Pilot. Others declared that the ship

would sink, that he should die who would die; and other disconcerting

opinions like these, sufficient to upset the most collected.

The Governess, in her retreat, appeared to be making arrangements with

death. A book of devotions in her hand, her eyes turned to heaven,

making ejaculations, and as afflicted and tearful as the rest. The

Chief Pilot regretted that he could not do what he intended. Some

clamoured, others appeared sad, and all turned their eyes to the Chief

Pilot, with whom was the whole solution. They asked him what land

that was, and where they were, as if it was enough merely to see it

in order to know it without further ado. At last, at the end of all

this and much more, the blame was put on the soldier who professed

to know that coast: for it was thought that some devil had possessed

him that day, to bring all to their deaths, if the intervention of

God did not save them.

The Chief Pilot said: "What is it that you want me to say to you? I

never saw the land in my life until now, nor am I a sorcerer. I came

in search of the Cape of Espiritu Santo. It ought to be here, within

two leagues, more or less. Can you not see that the land is covered

with clouds, and so is the sky, so that I am prevented from making

use of my instruments. Now we will coast along the land, and when we

find a port or anchoring ground, we will bring to; for by all means we

must keep the ship from grounding." He then told two sailors to set

up two backstays to support the foremast, and another strong lad to

have the anchor ready to let go as soon as there was bottom. But they

turned their backs without answering, and made use of bad language.

The ship and crew was in this state when it pleased the Lord to look

down with the eyes of clemency, and to be served by turning the bows

of the ship right into a bay. A breeze sprang up, and we ran in, with a

reef on either side. At this juncture three natives came to reconnoitre

us in a canoe, and placed themselves to windward of the ship without

saying anything. The only man on board who knew the language spoke to

them, and when they saw that we were Christians, they came on board,

and showed us the anchorage which we were then seeking. We anchored

in the middle of the bay, in 14 fathoms. One of these natives was an

interpreter. The other was the man that the English navigator, Thomas

Cavendish, took with him to point out to him the channels among these

islands. I asked them what land that was. They answered that it was the

Cape of Espiritu Santo, and that the bay and port were called "Cobos;"

also that the opening was near, and that the ship was on her right

course. I asked who was then governing Manilla. They replied that Don

Luis Perez de las Mariñas was Governor for the Spaniards. I asked this,

because it was reported in Peru that Japan was preparing an attack

with a great fleet. This news was given to people who seemed an hour

before to be sentenced to death, and now were to live. They could not

conceal their joy, and showed it by tears and thanks to God, Who knows

how to show these mercies when He pleases to the man who serves Him.

CHAPTER XXXII.

Of what happened during the time that the ship was in the bay.

The natives went to their village, from which others came, one with a

wand of justice; and, on seeing it, and a cross on the land, the crew

believed the natives to be peaceful and Christian. They brought fowls

and pigs, at two or three reals a piece, together with palm wine, by

drinking which some of us talked various languages; also many cocoa

nuts, plantains, sweet canes, papays, roots, water in bamboo joints,

and fuel. They took in exchange reals, knives and glass beads, which

they value more than silver. During three days and nights the galley

fire was never put out, nor was there any cessation of kneading and

cooking, or of eating the boiled of one and the roast of another,

so that they were eating day and night.

With mouths sweetened and stomachs satisfied, they all remained as

contented as it is possible to imagine. The Chief Pilot said that

this was the present work, to enable them to arrive at the port they

so much desired. Some wanted to embrace him; others said that he had

made them happy; and he said to all that they should give thanks

to God. He said to the two sailors who would not hear his orders:

"Does it seem to you that if you had had your own way you would have

given a good account of yourselves? Tell me whether you are better

off here, or where you importuned me to take you?"

The natives here are of a brown colour, not very tall, and their

bodies tattooed. They have no beards, nor any sign of them. Their

hair is black and long. Their loins are covered with cloth, and in

the villages they wore a tunic of the same material, with no colour,

and reaching down to their calves. They have large gold earrings, ivory

armlets, and similar ornaments on their legs, of gilded bronze, which

deceived some of our people. These natives are so selfish that without

silver or something they want in exchange, they will give nothing.

The sick, being so little accustomed to abundance of food, and

eating without moderation, did themselves serious harm; three or four

even died of it. The natives came morning and evening, bringing and

bartering their produce, so that in fourteen days provisions were

collected for the rest of the voyage.

The bay is open to the N.W., and when it blew hard from that quarter

there was a heavy sea. The ship rode by a small cable that looked

like a thread, so that it was a new mercy of God that strength was

given to it to hold the ship during two days and a night, while it

strained against its slender cable, with rocks and mangrove swamps

to leeward. The Chief Pilot, seeing the danger in which the ship

was placed, proposed to the Governess that the royal artillery and

munitions should be got out and stored in one of the villages, with

her property, and that of the women and children, or at least what

was of most value; while, as regards the ship, he would always be on

board, with the sailors, ready for anything that might happen. She

replied that, for the eight days they were going to stay, what danger

could there be? He then said that he would not feel secure of the

ship's safety for a single hour; and seeing the want of care of the

Governess, he repeated what he had said. As she would not consent,

he said he would make a protest for his own security, for she made

certain of her own freedom from blame by reason of the care he took. So

he drew up a brief protest, saying in it what, in his opinion, ought

to be done. When she had read it, a council was called and an act was

prepared, ordering that sail should presently be made for Manilla,

and that they should not remain in that port. The Chief Pilot said

that he gave his protest as a reply, for that the ship was not then

fit to go to sea, as first she must be refitted and victualled so

far as was necessary; also that the wind was then blowing into the

mouth of the bay, being the direction by which they must go; also that

he must protest afresh against his request not being complied with,

for the ship was not safe for a moment. They drew up another order,

that within an hour he should take the ship out and shape a course

to Manilla, and that his conduct was disrespectful and mutinous. All

these and other similar things happened there, and the Chief Pilot

spoke to the soldiers to this effect: "See you not that these concerted

replies of mine are to provide for your necessities? I know not what

steps to take in order to bring this lady to reason. It ought to be

understood that my obligation is to serve her and to endure her. But

see you not that this ship is only held by a cable that can be clasped

with two fingers?"

On this occasion the sailors signed a paper and gave it to the Chief

Pilot, asking him, who they looked upon as their commander, that he

would give them food, or an instalment of their pay; otherwise, that he

would dismiss them soon, that they might go to seek for other service;

for here they had sold what they had, and if they applied for rations,

or advances, or pay, they had nothing but excuses and evil answers. The

Chief Pilot showed the paper to the Governess, and said that their

plan was for all to go or to seize the ship. The sailors said that

it was tyranny; that the King, being over all, paid, fed, and gave

liberty. The Governess to this replied by saying to the Sergeant-Major:

"Go to Manilla, and bring me a judge, with soldiers and a frigate,

so that they may come to me and punish these people." She spoke as

she understood, and would work in this way if she could, having shown

her disposition. All complained and all suffered. The Chief Pilot

said: "I do not wish to say during this expedition anything more,

but rather to suffer a woman as Governess, and her two brothers; and

all this from my desire not to offend the name of the King's presence,

for now I am in the hands of Doña Isabel Barreto."

The Chief Pilot, not neglecting his duties, had soundings taken in

a certain port round a cape, whither he presently took the ship and

anchored her. With reason, it may be said that to avoid one danger he

ran into another which was more certain, the one being quite as much

by chance as the other; for both ends of the lee foresheets carried

away outside the thimble; the wind was fresh, and the rocks quite

close. But at such moments temerity often brings safety, as on this

occasion. Sending a hawser on shore, the ship was brought into a safe

port. Here he ordered the natives to make a strong cable of fibres,

and other ropes, with which he both rigged the foremast and secured

the ship.

In reply to the sailors, the Governess had ordered a proclamation to be

made that no one was to go on shore without leave on pain of death. It

happened that a married soldier went on shore without leave to get some

food, or with leave according to his own account, and for this he was

ordered to be arrested. A council was assembled, and presently an order

was given that the prisoner should be flogged. The Sergeant-Major,

who had to carry out the order, was not handy in rigging what was

required, and at last told the Boatswain to reeve a tackle and hoist

up the yard. While this part of the comedy was proceeding, an ensign

came up the hatchway, followed by some halberdiers as long and thin

as himself. They came by authority of the sentence, with the drum

which was nearly passed its work, and the most wonderful costumes,

for there is no play without an interlude. The Boatswain was one Marcos

Marin, an Aragonese, a large man, now old and very respectable. As he

knew better how to understand things, and complain of them, than to

pronounce the Castilian language, it was a wonderful thing to hear his

honest liberties and well-founded complaints, which he took even to the

Adelantado himself. But he was very careful, and highly intelligent

in his office. As the Sergeant-Major hurried him very much, and he

had very little inclination, he said: "Report, Sir Sergeant-Major,

that we are all chastised with so much hunger, sickness, and so many

deaths during the time we have been at sea, that it will be better

to reflect on all this rather than flog another." The Sergeant-Major

replied that he must obey at once, for that the Governess had given

the order. The Boatswain answered: "The Lady will do equally well in

giving us to eat from the store she keeps for herself; and the jars

of wine and oil, given to those who need them, would be better than

these floggings. I have an order, but who orders me to do what is

right?" The Sergeant-Major was enraged, and the Boatswain, without

any hesitation, said: "We have good security--flog here, hang there,

many orders, and to die of hunger!"

On this there arose cries and complaints, and the wife of the prisoner

was praying for justice from God for the injury that they were going

to inflict on her husband. The Chief Pilot went to represent to the

Governess that it seemed to be an unjust thing that in return for so

many hardships that the man had suffered, having lost four children

and expended his property, he should be left without anything, and

to die without honour. The Governess answered that he had disobeyed

her orders, and that it was proper he should suffer for it. The Chief

Pilot replied, saying that "they also broke the orders of God with

punishment in the life hereafter, and those of Holy Mother Church

with punishment of excommunication, and those of the King with the

punishment of a traitor, which is loss of life, honour, and property,

who hastily make the sword run with blood." The Governess said she

had given the order to frighten the sailors. The Chief Pilot begged

that she would not do so at such cost, and that he would look after

them. With this the prisoner was set at liberty, and the solicitude

of the Sergeant-Major ceased.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

How the ship sailed from this bay, and of what happened until

she arrived at the entrance of that of Manilla.

The ship left this bay of Cobos, which is in 12° 10' N. latitude,

on Tuesday, the 29th of January, and in going out we committed two

bodies to the deep. By five in the afternoon we were well clear of

the entrance, and left the island of San Bernardino, which is in the

middle of the mouth, far astern. At night, near an island called Capul,

we encountered a strong cross sea, caused by currents which are here

very powerful, so that the ship was turned right round, and there

was cause for thankfulness that she was not driven on shore. Next

day several natives came out in barangais from a port on the island

of Luzon called Nivalon. They brought quantities of fowls, pigs, wine

and fruit; but the soldiers now had scarcely anything to barter with,

and were able to buy little. We kept the island in sight all day,

and in the night we were among many others, passing through places

of which experienced pilots said afterwards that they could not

understand how it was that we had not been lost among the numerous

reefs which we never saw. The Lord was served in protecting us.

On Thursday, the first of February, the Governess, at a place called

Galvan, sent her two brothers, with seven other men, in the boat, to

seek for food. This business came to such a point that the Captain,

Don Diego, ordered an arquebus to be fired at one of the sailors who

went up the mizen mast. The Chief Pilot said to the Governess that to

no one was it more important than to her that the expedition should

end in peace. This was a foolish affair, and so it was left. The

boat did not come back, although we waited for her all day. They

went to Manilla, which was 15 leagues distant, by a certain strait in

the island, to report our approach. On the next night, before dawn,

the ship was so embayed among islands that no way out was visible,

without a boat and without food, for the provisions taken in at the

last port were consumed. We saw many natives in canoes; but they all

fled from us, although we made signs to them. The reason was that,

as this was not the time when ships arrive from New Spain, they

thought the ship was English. For they remembered the ship of Thomas

Cavendish, and the warning of the Governor to act thus. There was

no want of anxiety about our condition, and much more that we could

not see how to extricate the ship. We proceeded as well as we could,

for it was nearly calm, and at last we saw a channel, so narrow that a

stone might almost be thrown across it. The wind freshened and we made

for it, coming out between the islands of Luzon and Caza, near a point

which is called Azufre, in the wide sea of a great bay called Bombon.

Where there is hunger there is discontent. The soldiers stood

menacingly round the hatchway, because the Governess would not

give the order for their rations to be served out. The Chief Pilot,

seeing this, asked the accountant to request the Governess to be so

kind as to order food to be served out to the people. If she did not

like to give it, the Chief Pilot would sign an obligation to pay her

at Manilla what the cost of the provisions would be from that time;

or, if that would not do, to give it her in specie. If she refused,

it might be that the store-room would be broken into. For it was not

just that, there being provision on board the ship, the crew should

die for want of it. The Governess sent for him and said: "Sir Captain,

have you spent 40,000 dols. as I have on this expedition, or have these

people undertaken it at their own charge? The Adelantado is ill paid

for the great things he expected." The Chief Pilot replied to this:

"My Lady, I spent my property, and each one spent what they had;

many gave up their lives, and all expended all they knew. As for the

Adelantado, I was a better servant to him than he was friend to me;

but these passed memories do not oblige me to look favourably on

present faults which give much trouble, as may well be known. These

men have the same necessity to eat on one day as they have on another,

and as we all have; and until we bring them to Manilla we are bound to

give them to eat and drink. That which belonged to the Adelantado, and

that which belongs to your Ladyship, must be used for the necessities

of the voyage; and upon me falls the duty of guarding it, disposing

of it faithfully, measuring the quantity, according to the time that

this ship may spend with reference to the small amount of sail she

is able to carry." The Governess having been convinced, said that a

calf might be killed that she had on board.

While this business was being arranged, two boats came in sight,

each rowed by forty natives, twenty on each side.

A signal was made to the one which came in front. She turned, but

did not care to wait. They ran into each other, and made fast to

a line which was thrown to them. They were asked whence they came

and whither they went. They replied that they were from Manilla,

which was 20 leagues distant, speaking in the Castilian language,

and that they were on their way to Zebu, the first settlement that

was formed by the Spaniards in those parts, an island 100 leagues

from Manilla. I asked for a native as a guide, because the ship had

to pass some reefs called "Tuley" during the night. They gave one a

wage of 3 dols. for his trouble. The Chief Pilot bought from them two

large baskets of rice for two pair of shoes, which was divided among

the people. The Governess wanted to buy two more, but she could not

agree about the price; so, having given us the guide, they let go the

line and proceeded on their way. A careful watch was kept during the

night, and next morning we came in sight of the opening to the bay,

which we kept nearing by coasting along the land of the island of

Fortun. The wind was contrary for entering on the west side, for

there was a breeze from the north-east.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

Of what took place with the sailors on the arrival; how four

Spaniards came on board; and other things that happened until

the ship was anchored at Cavite.

There is an island called Marivelez, at the entrance of the bay of

Manilla, where there is usually a Spanish look-out man, with native

rowers and light boats, to go out and reconnoitre any ships that are

coming in, so as to give early intelligence to the Governor. There is

also a small rock called El Frayle, bearing north from Marivelez. These

two islands form three channels, and to enter the one between Marivelez

and El Frayle I began to alter course. As the only sails we had

were the two courses, and the crew weary and disinclined to work,

while not unwilling to injure the ship so as to revenge themselves,

we made little or no way, and indeed began to lose ground. We went

on like this for three days, all tired and annoyed to find that we

did not sight the island, and were thus deprived of the pleasure of

reaching and resting at Manilla. All was sorrow, and waiting for one

tide after another, counting the hours for its flood, that we might

get inside; but as no order was kept, that hour did not come. The

sailors said to the Chief Pilot that he should run that ship on shore,

for that they had worked enough, and done more than they were bound

to do. The thing that ought to be was to see the land on both sides,

and the smoke of Manilla. When they gave any help, they did so very

slowly, as if it was done as a favour. There was now neither food to

eat nor water to drink. There was only a foul wind, and the affliction

expressed in consequence. The Governess said that she had only got

two sacks of flour and a little wine, and that she wanted it all to

say masses for the soul of the Adelantado.

The Chief Pilot showed much feeling against the sailors who wanted to

run the ship on shore, and told them to look and see that all that

coast was steep to, and with a heavy sea. "See you not," he said,

"that we have no boat, and that the ship is full of sick without

food. If you would give notice at Manilla, there is nothing to take

you over the sea, and by land it would take several days. It is not

possible to sustain the people for one more day. Let it not be said

that you only want those to be saved who have health and know how to

swim. Reflect that we have brought the ship from such remote parts, by

a route never before navigated. The little that remains cannot appear

much to those who have suffered so much with such great courage. And

how would you suffer where they look out for us, at losing the reward

your labours deserve? Reflect well that if the ship arrived well

furnished, full of healthy men, well fed and paid, in that case there

would be small thanks." They answered that "they were only sailors,

and that when the ship was anchored they would get no credit, but

only the Chief Pilot who commanded them." To this he replied that the

greatest reward for which he hoped was to anchor the ship in a safe

harbour, where all could enjoy the good things they so much desired.

There were many very painful scenes such as this, when that merciful

Lord, who is always looking down upon us and brings succour and relief

in times of greatest necessity, like a father to his children though

prodigal, was served that we should come in sight of a boat, which

rapidly approached the ship with sail and oars. When it came near four

Spaniards could be seen in it, who seemed like 4,000 angels, and eight

natives were rowing them. This was the look-out man, who, as has been

said, is always stationed at Marivelez, named Alonzo de Albarran, with

the chief butler of the Governor and two soldiers. They came by the

Governor's order, to condole with the Governess on her misfortunes,

and to bring a letter, which she presently showed to the Chief Pilot,

and which contained many and most honourable greetings. The coming

of the ship had become known from the brothers of the Governess, who

had come by land. The satisfaction of all on board was such, and so

warmly shown, at the sight of the four Spaniards, that it cannot be

described. The sailors gave their hands, and helped them into the ship,

where they were received only with embraces, for there was nothing

else to give them. And they, looking carefully from one to another,

and seeing them so sick, covered with boils, poverty-stricken, with

tattered clothes, and surrounded by so much misery, could only exclaim:

"Thanks be to God! Thanks be to God!"

The look-out man went down between decks to see the hospital and the

sick women, who, when they beheld him, cried out: "What do you bring us

to eat? Oh, give us food, for we are mad with hunger and thirst." With

the hope of refreshment some were consoled, and the look-out man

came on deck again, much horrified at what he had seen. Then,

seeing two pigs on board the ship, he said: "Why do they not kill

those pigs?" They told him that they belonged to the Governess,

and he prayed hard to her to allow them to be killed, having said:

"What the Devil! Is this a time for courtesy with pigs?" The Governess

then ordered them to be killed, and a soldier, who took careful note

of such things, exclaimed: "O, cruel avarice! which even with a gentle

and pious woman turns her heart into a stone, even in a business so

necessary, cheap, and clear!" God was served that all the good wine

appeared too. The ship came to Marivelez on the next tack, whence the

Governess sent a soldier with the reply to the letter she received

from the Governor, which was sent by the returning boat.

Soon afterwards another boat was seen, in which was the Chief

Magistrate of that part of the coast, with the brothers of Doña

Isabel. They brought much fresh bread, wine and fruit, presented

by the Governor. When it was being distributed there was seen, in

respectable persons, some things which were far from well ordered. For

in such necessitous times as were those, ordinary obligations are

disregarded. All got a share, some more than others, which they

consumed during that afternoon. One boy died from exhaustion, due to

previous privations. The long night passed with hope of day, when

a large barge arrived laden with fowls, calves, pigs, bread, wine,

and vegetables brought by Diego Diaz Marmolego, the land-owner of

that part, by order of the Governor. They were also sent on board,

and plentifully distributed among all, with much liberality.

The ship was nearing the port, though obliged to make several

tacks. Presently, Pinao, Assistant Master of a royal ship, came in a

skiff full of sailors, all dressed in coloured silks, to help the few

weak men in the ship. The Captain of the port was on the beach, with

the banner flying, and all the soldiers drawn up with their arms. At

the point of letting go the anchor, all the artillery saluted, as

well as the arquebusiers round the standard. The ship replied as well

as she could, riding by one anchor secured to the slight cable, so

celebrated during the voyage. This was on the 11th of February, 1596,

in the long desired and long sought for port of Cavite, two leagues

S.W. of the city of Manilla, capital of the Philippines, in latitude

14° 30' N. Fifty persons had died since the ship left Santa Cruz.

As soon as the ship was anchored, some men came on board, moved by

charity, with bread and meat, which now became plentiful. Presently

the sailors and other persons from the city came to see the ship,

as a sight both on account of her great need as that she came from

Peru, as it was said, to fetch the Queen of Sheba from the Isles of

Solomon. All came on board, and, having seen how little there was,

they wondered that she should ever have arrived in safety, and they

praised God that she should have been spared, to Whom be the honour

and the glory, and to Whom the success should be attributed and

the thanks given, for His are the great mercies shown during the

voyage. It is to be noted that if the people who died had not died,

those who survived would not have arrived with more than twenty jars

of water and two sacks of flour. Thus concluded, as they say, this

unhappy voyage with safety.

CHAPTER XXXV.

What happened until the people went to Manilla.

This joyful day passed, and the night came, in which there were not

wanting some new, but not unusual, annoyances with the Magistrate

of the coast, to whom Doña Isabel had made complaints in private. He

showed himself to be a judge who sided with the first comer without

hearing the other side; for if he would have heard, he would have

known how much that lady owed to him who brought her where she was,

and how little, from any point of view, he owed her. But it is very

unusual for poor men to work without pay or thanks, and for others

to do evil to him to whom good is due. He took one sailor, and to

another he gave sharp words and threatened, saying that it was an

old custom for the people of Peru to be mettlesome, and that if

they came in that spirit they must not think that they were there

in their island, where they could do as they pleased; that those

who failed to pay would be punished, or would have to pay double,

or with their lives. He made other remarks, and was answered that all

who came had been and were good vassals of the King; and as for the

rest, they were as good as others. These altercations ended at last,

but the long desired night was passed with less content than had

been anticipated. For the satisfactions of this life come tardily,

and endure little longer than a sigh.

Next morning the Master of the Camp came to the ship by order of the

Governor, with an alderman sent by the Municipality, and a clergyman

by the officials of the Church, all to receive the Governess, and to

arrange for the sick to go to Manilla. The Governess was taken to the

royal residence at the port, and again there was a salute when she

disembarked. Having partaken of refreshments, she was received in a

boat, and conducted to the city. She entered at night, was received

with an illumination, and well lodged.

The sick were carried out of the ship in men's arms, and taken

to the hospital. The widows were received in the houses of the

principal residents, and afterwards they were all married to their

satisfaction. The convalescents and the rest of the soldiers were

lodged by rich inhabitants. The married were put in houses where

they were received, lodged, and tended, with much love and pleasure,

by respected citizens of Manilla. In a few days ten died, and four

entered monastic orders.

The frigate was never more seen. There was a report that she had

been found with all her sails set, and the crew dead and decomposed,

run upon a certain part of the coast. The galeot reached port at an

island called Mindanao, in 10°, having been lost among all those

islands. The people on board were reduced to such necessity that

they landed on a small islet called Camaniguin, to kill and eat a

dog they had seen on shore. Some natives, who met them by chance,

guided them to a port where there were some fathers of the Company of

Jesus. The fathers took them to a Governor in that district, who sent

five of them prisoners to Manilla, because their Captain quarrelled

with them, saying they wanted to mutiny. They were sent with a letter

to Dr Antonio de Morga, Lieutenant-General of that Government, which

he showed to the Chief Pilot. It was as follows:--

"Here came into port a galeot with a Captain who was as impertinent as

the things he said. He was asked whence he came, and he replied that

he belonged to the expedition of the Adelantado Alvaro de Mendaña,

which was undertaken to make a voyage from Peru to the Solomon

Islands, consisting of four vessels. This galeot put in here, and,

as she carried a royal flag, I received her as was proper. If the

others were here, this would be better known. Against the soldiers

there is no process. They said that, because the Captain wished it,

he parted company from the ship with his galeot."

CHAPTER XXXVI.

Which contains a discourse by the Chief Pilot, explaining why

they did not find the Solomon Islands. [67]

The reason why the Solomon Islands, of which the Chief Pilot, Hernan

Gallego, who discovered them, makes mention in his narrative, and

of which the Adelantado, Alvaro de Mendaña, went in search, are not

the Islands of the Marquesas de Mendoza, nor those of Santa Cruz

which we discovered in this voyage: and why we pressed so far in

advance of the position where he said they were in conformity with

his instructions, may, as it seems to me, be conveniently explained

here, to satisfy the doubts which may be raised respecting the cause

of our not reaching them.

I find three reasons which might form impediments to our reaching

the Solomon Islands in the positions where we were.

The first is the belief that they had less longitude than was really

the case, for they would not seem so far to the people who had to go

for their settlement.

The second is some motive of private interest, leading to a concealment

of the true latitude, giving to it somewhat less or more.

The third is ignorance, or the want of the instruments to calculate

certain distances, or an error in judgment while navigating: what

appears to be one thing being another; or a mistake in writing.

As for the first, if it was so that we were not given the true

longitude of the Solomon Islands, I say that we really did not reach

them, and that they are further to the west than the islands we

discovered. The reason is that, if what the Adelantado told me was

true, by whose order I prepared the navigating charts, and if what

appears in his instructions and in the narrative of Hernan Gallego

is true, the Solomon Islands are in latitude 7° to 12° S., 1,450

leagues from Lima. There cannot be an error, as we always continued to

navigate without reaching the position, and could not have passed them

when they were 400 leagues further to the west. It must, therefore,

be believed that they were not behind but in front of us.

As to the second reason, if it was interest, as many people said,

that induced Hernan Gallego, when the Adelantado asked him for

the route to these islands, not to give him the true position as

regards latitude, this may explain it. For when he was at Court

to report to his Majesty he had not negotiated for himself; and as

the Adelantado, when he undertook the discovery, did not understand

the art of navigation, he could be deceived. On the other hand, his

observations could not be kept so secret when they were taken by four

pilots, who must have known as well as the people who were with them;

nor did Hernan Gallego then know that he would have a disagreement with

the Adelantado. Nor do I believe that a man of such high character

would do such a thing. Moreover, if in this there was deceit, I say

that if the islands were in 7° at the least, or in 12° at the most,

and we seek them between 7° and 12°, they might well remain behind us,

on one of the two sides.

As for the third reason, if it was ignorance there is nothing more to

be said. It is very certain that navigating so much as they navigated

from east to west, they were on a course on which altitude is not

altered, nor is longitude fixed except by such estimation as each one

may make. In this there may be very great error, as well in him who

makes the estimate as in the ship which, in such a case, may have

been understood to have gone over less ground than she is supposed

to have made good.

In proof of the greater distance between Peru and the Solomon Islands,

I may mention that Hernan Gallego says in his narrative--and the

Adelantado also told me the same--that being among the Isles of

St. Bartholome, [68] in 8° 40' N., in the position of the Barbudos,

they saw a vessel flying from them under a head sail. They sent the

boat on shore; all the natives fled to one of their villages, which

our people entered, and brought thence to the ships a chisel made of a

nail, from which they understood that Spaniards had been or were there.

What they suspected, respecting this circumstance, was that when

the Adelantado, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, discovered the Philippine

Islands, a pilot named Lope Martin, returned to New Spain without

orders, to bring the news to the Viceroy, Luis de Velasco, who had

sent that expedition of discovery, by whom he was very well received

and dispatched with succour. He, or one of the people who went with

him, also took a letter which a certain friend of the Adelantado

Legazpi wrote from Mexico, in which it was said that as soon as it

was received Lope Martin should be hanged for having taken the leave

which was not given to him. This letter, I know not by what order,

got into the hands of Lope Martin. Besides this, between him and the

others there were encounters and some deaths, including that of the

Captain. Arrived at the Barbudos, Lope Martin went on shore with

some of his friends. Meanwhile the Boatswain, with the men of his

party, conspired and made sail, leaving them on the island. As the

Adelantado, Alvaro de Mendaña, arrived at the islands a little time

after this event, it was suspected that those who had been left there

thought that Mendaña came in search with the object of punishing them;

and for that reason they fled in that vessel which they had probably

built, and went to New Guinea.

I say that if this is true, as the islands of the Barbudos are in

8°, 9°, or 10°, more or less, and 2,000 leagues or more from Peru,

and as Hernan Gallego, coming from the Solomon Islands, which he

says are 1,450 leagues from Lima, to seek the coast of New Spain,

navigating from N.E. to N., for so bear the islands from that coast,

he could not fall in with the Barbudos, being from the Solomon Islands

at least N.E., having come from a much greater longitude than they

really thought, or did not wish to say. Moreover, inhabited islands

are no small indication that New Guinea is near.

Hernan Gallego says, in these formal words, that "in 2° or 3° to

the S.W. we found very clear signs of land, but never saw any land

whatever. Finally, we concluded that we had land to the west of us,

and that it was New Guinea; not in a higher latitude than 4° S., for it

was discovered by Iñigo Ortiz de Retes, and by no one else. Bernardo

de la Torre neither discovered nor saw it, nor is there such a place

as the Cape of the Cross." [69]

I say, touching such signs as the palms seen in the sea, which

Hernan Gallego mentions, that I also saw many, which might make me

believe that New Guinea was near, being in the same latitude, and

for other reasons that I will give further on. Also, in a northerly

direction, I came upon the Barbudos in 6°, an island peopled by good

natives. Moreover, I came from the island of Santa Cruz, 1,850 leagues

from Lima, and afterwards navigated another 40 leagues more to the

west, making 440 further than Hernan Gallego, according to his own

account. And as I navigated to the Philippines, which is more to the

west, I was more in the way of seeing the signs of the island I found

than was Hernan Gallego. For he confesses that he went 1,450 leagues

from Lima, and took his way to New Spain, which is N. to N.E. This

proves that he could not have seen those signs, nor the islands he

sighted, without having gone over much more longitude than he stated.

Hernan Gallego says further, in his report to the Licentiate Castro,

who was at that time President of the Audience in the city of the

Kings, who despatched the expedition:--"Being in 7° S., 30 leagues

from the island of Jesus, [70] which was the first we discovered as

we saw the archipelago of islands, it was never intended to prosecute

discoveries further, but that we should return to Peru, as is public

and notorious. If we had gone on another cock would have crowed,

for we should have discovered another land, different from this,

and very near where we were. The goodness of the land I do not wish

to dilate upon, because your Lordship will hear that from others."

I quote this to show that Hernan Gallego was certain that he was near

New Guinea as he says. He could not have come to this conclusion

if he had not known that it was 2,000 and more leagues from Lima;

for in his position he could not have been deceived, because it was

discovered at a very short distance, as the Maluco Isles are from

it. Miguel Rojo de Brito, a native of Lisbon, went from Maluco to

New Guinea, and said that they were close to each other, as may be

seen in a chapter of his narrative which will be attached to this

discourse. Although I do not know the original intention of that

expedition, I suspect that they went in search of New Guinea, because

it is explained that Iñigo Ortiz de Retes was its discoverer, and not

Bernardo de la Torres. So that it may be looked upon as certain that

it was from a report of one of these, or both, that they were deriving

the information respecting the object they sought. For Gallego says

that the Cape of the Cross has no existence, and that New Guinea

is in not more than 4° S., implying that one said it was in 4°,

which seemed most likely to be correct, and the other in more. He

went in search, but did not find it; coming by chance on the island

of Jesus in 6° 45', and presently came to the reefs of Candelaria,

and the Island of Santa Isabel, and always discovering by a higher

latitude and decreasing longitude. The reason for not sighting New

Guinea was the same as prevented us from reaching the Solomon Islands,

namely, the island of Santa Cruz. My conclusion is that New Guinea,

the Solomon Islands, and the Islands of Santa Cruz are all near each

other, for a reason I shall give presently.

Hernan Gallego says, further, that the Adelantado asked his opinion

respecting the return from those islands to Peru, across 1,700 leagues

of sea; that the port on this island of Cristobal was three leagues

by land from the most eastern point; that with a fresh breeze from

S.E. they navigated 20 leagues N.E. 1/4 E., and 15 leagues N.E. 1/4

N., and N.E. 25, and 18 N.N.E., and when there the latitude was 7°,

and 30 leagues from the island of Jesus to E.

He says that this island of Jesus was the first they discovered

in 6° 45' S., and that its distance from the city of Lima was 450

leagues. If this is as he says, that from this island of Jesus to

the port whence he had come the course runs N.-S., it follows that

the same number of leagues intervening between the island of Jesus

and Lima, also intervene between San Cristobal and Lima, both being

almost on the same meridian. It is clearly to be seen that there is

carelessness here, or that there was an error in his calculation,

and there no doubt was one throughout in trying to determine the true

longitude. For in so short a distance as there is from one point to the

other, there cannot have been a mistake of 250 leagues. Whence I infer

that, in such a long route as that from Lima to the Solomon Islands,

the error would be much greater, the course being east and west.

If his narrative is considered, other obscure and contradictory

points will be found. In one place he says that the natives told

him that those islands to the S.E. were extensive, and that he

saw them. Presently he says that a sailor climbed up a palm tree,

and could not see them. He says that at the Island of Guadalcanal he

could not see the end, and that the coast ran westward. Further on,

he says that it would take six months to go round it; and that the land

he did not see was reported to be very good, but that he certainly did

not see it. He reports that it was better to take a northern route in

returning to Peru, because it was difficult to find favourable winds

further south. Few pilots would give this reason, because the usual

winds outside the tropics, in the same latitude, are much the same

on the north as on the south side. And how much easier was it, being

(as he says) certain that there was no land to the S.E., to go to 11°

S., where he would have found the route to 30° or 40° on that side,

than to run down 11° and go up 30° or more on the other side, and

yet be further from Peru.

It may seem strange that the Adelantado did not meet with the islands

that we have now discovered on his first voyage. I reply that, when

he began the voyage from Peru, he made a large curve W.S.W. to 18°,

and another to W.N.W. to 6°, more or less, and followed that parallel,

as I have been told by one who was on board. This was the reason that

he did not come upon the islands in question, which are in a higher

latitude, leaving them to the south and passing to the north of them.

There is further proof that the islands of Santa Cruz are near

the Solomon Islands. The natives are the same colour, they dye

their hair in the same way, called their chief "Jauriqui," have

the same arms, pigs and fowls, and many other things in common. It

may really be concluded that all the people of Santa Cruz and the

Solomon Islands came from the archipelago of the Philippines. The

Santa Cruz people dye their teeth red and black, and use the buyo, as

in the Philippines. In the Island of Luzon there are black men, who

are said to be the aborigines of the land. They are called Pogotes,

and are retired on the island of Maragondon and other islands. For

the Moors and other Indians occupy their lands, drive them away,

and force those that remain into corners of the land where they now

are. It may well be that, by reason of the invaders, the persecuted

people have gone away to seek other settlements, until they came to

New Guinea as the nearest place, and thence to the Solomon Islands

and Santa Cruz. The half-breeds, and differences of colour among them,

proceed from intercourse between them.

In conclusion, I may say that the Adelantado told me, as well as

certain pilots of that time, that Hernan Gallego, navigating on the

coast of Mexico, made the land one day, and that afterwards he sailed

over 700 leagues to reach the same place again. These, added to the

1,450 leagues which, he says, intervene between the Solomon Islands and

Lima, make more than the 2,000 leagues which I say intervene between

Lima and New Guinea, from which point the distance really ought to be

drawn. This being so, my suspicion is confirmed; and there may be seen,

as he says, the signs of the land of New Guinea, when he met with the

Barbudos, and he did not see the land when he said he did. For if he

had gone over the 1,450 leagues, as he said, it would take much more

than four months of navigation. There are a little over 700 leagues

from there to the coast of New Spain, navigating by the best-known

route, which is that by the north. So that there cannot have been so

great a mistake, if it was not from having intended to go by that

point, and have taken the said 700 leagues more to the west. This

appears to explain what has been said until the contrary is shown.

CHAPTER XXXVII.

Of various things that happened to the Chief Pilot, Pedro Fernandez

de Quiros.

We were some time in the city of Manilla, which is the capital of the

government of the Philippine Islands. It is built on a clear point

running out into the sea, and by the mouth of a river. It has a good

fortress, and other houses well worthy of special note, on which a long

chapter might be written. But I must be excused, referring the reader

to a special book on the city, the Philippine Islands, and the history

of their conquest, which was written by Dr Antonio de Morga. [71]

While I was in the city there arrived the new Governor, Don Francisco

Tello, who had been Treasurer of the Board of Trade at Seville. There

were great festivals for his reception, got up both by the Spaniards

and natives. It was a special sight to behold three elephants which

were brought into the square, of which the largest, named Don Fernando,

had been sent as a present from the King of Cambodia to the late

Governor when he asked for help. On each one there was an Indian

driver, dexterous in the method of governing the elephant, both by

words and by the use of an iron hooked instrument. Placed in front

with his goad, the driver made him run, march, go down on his knees,

raise himself, and other things well worth seeing. This hook serves

the same use as a bridle for a horse. They were performing in front of

the Governor, who was sitting at a window, to whom they put their knees

on the ground three times, the feet stretched out behind, as they are

unable to double up. The performances of the elephants were numerous,

and, as a conclusion, they took Don Fernando apart, and his Indians

placed him facing the beams on which had been fastened the castle of

fire on the night before. Saying a word, and touching his forehead

with the goad, the elephant gave a blow, and took the beam on his two

tusks with great ease; and so he upset the whole: a thing worth seeing.

A few days afterwards (according to what was said), when this elephant

was drinking at the river, there came to him a great and well-fed

crocodile, which had taken many natives in that river. He seized the

elephant by the trunk, and when the elephant felt it, he raised up

the crocodile just as easily as a fishing rod raises a light fish,

and let him fall on the ground without more ado. A crocodile, such

as this one, weighs as much as a fat bullock.

They say also that this elephant had a boil on his gum, of which the

native driver cured him, but the pain made him throw about his trunk

so as to hurt his driver. When the elephant was to be healed, the

driver said to him: "I am very angry, Don Fernando, for in return for

the good I did you, you tried to kill me. What do you think the King,

my Lord and yours, who sent you here, and gave me for your companion

to look after you, if he knew of it, would say. See how you can no

longer eat, and are getting thin, and you will soon die without any

fault of mine. Open your mouth, if you please, and presently I will

cure you like a friend, forgetting the harm you did me." The elephant,

having taken two turns with his trunk round a shelf that was there,

opened his mouth, and was operated upon without moving, his groans

showing what pain he endured. And so he was cured.

Of another elephant they told me that, to avenge himself on a native

who had charge of him, he crushed him when he passed through a doorway,

and killed him. The man's wife said to the elephant: "Don Pedro, you

have killed my husband. Who is now going to maintain me?" On which

the elephant went to the market place, and took a basket of rice which

it gave to her, and when it saw that she had eaten it all, it fetched

another, and then another. Things are said of these animals which seem

incredible, and the wonderful thing is that they understand everything,

in whatever language it is spoken, as I have myself seen. An elephant

was surrounded by Spanish soldiers, and one told him, without making

any sign, to take a plantain out of his pocket and eat it. The

elephant promptly put his trunk into the pocket, and when he found

that no plantain was there, he took up a little earth in his trunk,

and threw it in the face of the soldier who had deceived him.

When the festivities were over, our Governess married a young cavalier

named Don Fernando de Castro, a cousin of the Governor Marinas, who,

as was just, took possession of the property of his wife as his own,

and he was able to secure much in the city. With this help the ship

was victualled and furnished with all that was necessary. On the

day of St. Lawrence, we made sail to undertake the voyage to New

Spain. But, having started so late, we had to go through incredible

hardships and troubles. At last we arrived in the port of Acapulco

on the 11th of December of the year 1597, where the ship was visited,

and all received free leave to land. There I, Captain Pedro Fernandez

de Quiros, took leave of the Governess, and of my other companions,

and embarked on board a passenger ship for Peru.

NARRATIVE

THE VOYAGE

OF THE

ADELANTADO

ALVARO DE MENDAÑA DE NEIRA

FOR THE

Discovery of the Islands of Solomon. [72]

WRITTEN BY

THE CHIEF PILOT,

PEDRO FERNANDEZ DE QUIROS,

FOR

DR. ANTONIO DE MORGA,

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL OF THE PHILIPPINES.

SECOND VOYAGE

OF THE

ADELANTADO ALVARO DE MENDAÑA,

HIS CHIEF PILOT, PEDRO FERNANDEZ DE QUIROS.

On Friday, the 9th of April, of the year 1595, the Commander-in-Chief,

Alvaro de Mendaña, set sail with his fleet to go and subject and people

the western islands of the South Sea, from the port of the Callao

of Lima, which is in 12 1/2° S. latitude; passing by the valleys

of Santa, Truxillo and Saña, and collecting men and provisions,

he went to Paita, where he took in water, and made a list of four

hundred persons, more or less, with his four vessels, two large

and two small. He left this port (which is 5° higher than the said

port), steering W.S.W., making for the islands of his discovery: he

took as Master of the Camp Pedro Merino Manrique, and as Admiral his

brother-in-law, Lope de la Vega, and as Chief Pilot, Pedro Fernandez

de Quiros; and he sailed on this course to the altitude of 9 1/2°,

from which point he sailed W. and to the point S.W. to 14°, where

he changed his course to W. and the point N.W.; and having reached,

by this course, fully 10° of latitude, on Friday, 21st of July, we

sighted an island, to which the General gave the name of Magdalena,

and from a port in it there came forth about seventy canoes, in

each of which came three men, in some more in others less. Others

came swimming, and others on logs: they were more than four hundred

natives, white, and of very agreeable appearance, tall and strong,

large limbed, and so well made that they had greatly the advantage

over us; with handsome teeth, eyes and mouth, hands and feet, and most

beautiful flowing hair, and many of them very fair. Amongst them were

most beautiful youths; they were entirely naked, without covering

on any part, and all had their bodies, legs, and arms, and hands,

and some of them their faces, marked after the manner of the Bisayas

here: and indeed, for savage people, naked and of so little reason,

at sight of them there was much cause to praise God who created

them. Let this not be taken for exaggeration, for so it is. These

people called us to go to their port, and we called to them from our

flag-ship, and they went on board of her, a matter of forty of them;

and we appeared to be men of less than the usual stature by the side of

them; and amongst them there came one who was understood to be a palm

taller than the tallest man of our fleet, although we had in the fleet

men of more than regulation height. The General gave there to some of

them shirts and other things, which they received with much pleasure,

and danced after their fashion, and called to the others. The General

was put out of temper at the liberties they took, because they were

great thieves; and he ordered a cannon to be fired to frighten them;

when they heard it they took to swimming, and all seized their arms,

and sounding a conch, they threw a few stones, and threatened with

their lances, for they had no other arms. From the ship they fired

at them with arquebuses, and killed five or six, and they remained

there. As our fleet sailed on we discovered three other islands. This

island may be 6 leagues round; we passed by it on the S. side; this

is high, precipitous towards the sea, with rocky ravines, in which

the natives dwell. There seemed to be many inhabitants in it, for we

saw them on the rocks and beach; so we went on making for the other

three islands. The first, to which was given the name of San Pedro,

will be 10 leagues from Magdalena, and runs with it northward and

to the point N.W.: it will have 3 leagues circuit. It is an island

beautiful to look at, with much wood and fair fields: we did not know

whether it was inhabited, for we did not come close to it. To the

S.E. of it, about 5 leagues off, is another, which the General named

Dominica; it is very fair to look at, and seemed thickly inhabited:

it may have about 15 leagues circumference; and to the S. of this,

and a matter of little more than a league off, is another island,

which may be 8 leagues round, which received the name of Santa

Christina; and our fleet passed through the channel between this

and the other island. For all that we saw of these islands is clear

sailing; and on the W. side of Sta. Christina a good port was found,

in which the fleet anchored. These natives did not come before me

like the others, but some very beautiful women were seen. I did not

see them, but persons who had an opinion in the matter affirmed to

me that there were as beautiful women as in Lima, but white, and not

so tall; and in Lima there are some very pretty. What was seen in

the way of victuals in that port was pigs and hens, sweet canes,

very good plantains, cocos, a fruit which grows on high trees;

each is as large as a large fir cone; it is very good to eat; much

of it was eaten--green, roasted and boiled, and when ripened it is

indeed so sweet and good a fruit to my way of thinking, that I know

no other which has the advantage of it; there is hardly anything

in it to throw away, unless a little husk. There was another fruit,

like chestnuts in savour, but much larger than six chestnuts together:

a good deal of that was eaten, roast and boiled; and some nuts with

a very hard shell, which were very oily, and many of them were eaten;

some suspect that they brought on looseness. We also saw pumpkins of

Castille sown in the ground. There is a pretty waterfall close to the

beach of very good water; it comes out of a rock, at the height of

two men; its volume may be of the thickness of four or five fingers;

and then, close to it, a stream of water, and the vessels supplied

themselves from it. The natives went off to the mountains and rocks,

in which they fortified themselves, and tried to do mischief by rolling

stones and hurling them; but they never wounded any one, for the Master

of the Camp stopped their advance by placing outposts. The natives

of this island, on seeing a negro of ours, made signs towards the S.,

to say that in that direction there were men like him, and that they

went there to fight, and that the others had arrows, and that these

went in large canoes, which they possess. As there was no interpreter,

nor much curiosity to learn more, the matter remained thus; but in my

opinion, this is not possible for natives so isolated, unless there is

a chain (of islands), because their boats and customs in other matters

do not show that these people had come there from any great distance.

This port is in 9 1/2° S. latitude. The Commander-in-Chief ordered

three crosses to be set up in it, and on Saturday, 5th of August, to

weigh anchor and set sail, making for the W., to the S.W., or N.W.,

a matter of 400 leagues. Sunday, the 20th of August, we saw four low

islands, with sandy beaches, full of very many palms and woods, and on

the S.E. side, towards the N., a great sand-bank. All four may have a

circuit of 12 leagues. We did not know whether they were inhabited,

because we did not go close to them. This year all seemed timid:

I say this with rage. They are in 10 3/4° latitude, and were named

after St. Bernard, having been discovered on his day. Henceforward we

began to meet with S.E. winds, which appear to predominate here. With

these we continued sailing to the above-mentioned points, never rising

above 11 or going below 10 leagues, until Tuesday, 29th of August,

when we discovered a round islet, which might be a league round, all

surrounded by reefs. We tried to land on it, and could not find where

to do so, in order to get wood and water for the Admiral's ship, of

which it had run very short; it was given the name of Solitary Island;

it is in 10 2/3°, and will be 1,535 leagues from Lima. From this place

we went on navigating, with the above-mentioned orders, and a variety

of opinions were given: some saying that we did not know where we were

going, and other things which did not fail to cause grief. It was God's

pleasure, that on the eve of Our Lady in September, at midnight, we

saw an island, which might have a circuit of from 90 to 100 leagues,

and it lies about E.S.E. and W.N.W., and will be 1,800 leagues from

Lima. The whole of it was very full of woods, reaching to the highest

ridges, and where it was not cleared for the natives to sow, in all

the rest not a span of earth was to be seen. The ships came to anchor

in the northern part of the island in 10° latitude. To the N. of this

port, about 7 leagues off, is a volcano, with a very well-shaped hill,

from the top of which and from other parts issued much fire. The

volcano is lofty, and may have a circumference of 3 leagues; it is

precipitous on the side of the sea, and all bare, and without any

part where a landing can be effected; it rumbles within frequently

and loudly like thunder. To the N.E. of this volcano there are some

small islets, which are inhabited, and a great quantity of shoals;

there is a distance of 7 or 8 leagues to these islets, and the shoals

run to the N.W.; and the person who went to see said that they were

numerous. Around the great island there were some small islands: all

of them, and the great one (when it was circumnavigated), were found

to be inhabited; and within sight of this great island, to the S.E. of

it, there was seen another island of no great size: this must be the

link with others. After putting into port in the great island of Santa

Cruz, for this was the name given it, the Commander-in-Chief ordered

Captain Don Lorenzo, brother of his wife, to go with the frigate to

seek the Admiral's ship, which disappeared on the night in which we

saw the island, respecting which I make no favourable conjecture;

it was sought for this and two other times, and was not found, but

only the shoals which I have mentioned. What was seen in the way of

victuals in this port consisted of pigs, hens, plaintains, sweet canes,

one, two, or three kinds of roots like sweet potatoes, which they

eat roast and boiled, and make biscuit with it, buyos, two kinds of

good almonds, and two kinds of pine nuts, wood-pigeons, doves, ducks,

grey and white herons, swallows, pot-herbs, pumpkins of Castille,

the fruit which I mentioned in the first islands, and chestnuts and

nuts. There is a very strongly-scented sweet basil, and red flowers,

which at this port they keep in the gardens, and two other species of

another sort, also red. There is another fruit on high trees, like

pippins for their good smell and savour. There is a great quantity

of ginger, which grows there without its being cultivated, and much

yerba chiquilite, with which they make indigo. There are agave trees,

and a great deal of sagia, and many cocoa nuts. Marble was seen, and

pearl shells, and large snail shells, like those which are brought

here from China. There is a very copious spring, and five or six

other rivers, though not very large. The settlement was established

close to this spring. The natives attempted to defend themselves;

and as the arquebus tells at a distance, seeing the evil effects,

they did not defend themselves much, but, on the contrary, gave some

of what they possessed. In this matter of going for provisions there

were a few things happened, which were not very good treatment of the

natives, for they killed the native who was our best friend, and the

lord of that island; his name was Malope; and two or three others,

who were also friendly. Of the whole island no more was seen than a

matter of 3 leagues around the camp. The people of this island are

black: they have small canoes made of one tree, in which they go about

their villages, and other very large canoes with which they go out to

sea. On Sunday, the 8th of October, the Commander-in-Chief ordered the

Master of the Camp to be killed by stabbing, and they killed Tomas de

Ampuero in the same manner, and they cut off the head of the Ensign,

Juan de Buitrago, and he wished to put to death two other friends of

the Master of the Camp; but he left them alone, because we entreated

him to do so. The cause of this was public, because they wished

to go away from the country, and abandon it, and there must have

been other reasons, but I am unacquainted with them. What I saw was

much dissoluteness and shamelessness, and more than enough improper

conduct. On the 18th of October the Commander-in-Chief died: on the

17th there had been a total eclipse of the moon. On the 2nd of November

his brother-in-law, Don Lorenzo, who had succeeded as Captain-General,

died; and, seven or eight days before, the priest, Antonio de Serpa;

and on the 8th November the Vicar, Juan de Espinosa. There was great

sickness amongst our people, and as there was little care for want of

an apothecary and doctor, many of them died; and they begged the lady

Governor, Doña Ysabel Barreto, to take them out of the country. One

and all agreed to embark; and, trusting ourselves to the mercy

of God, we left this port on Saturday the 18th of the said month,

in a westerly direction to the S.W. point, making for the island of

St. Christopher; or, more exactly, in search of it, to see if it or

the Admiral's ship could be fallen in with, for so the lady Governor

commanded. We sailed two days and saw nothing; and at the request of

all the people, who cried out that we were taking them to destruction,

she ordered me to shape the course from this town to Manilla, from a

port in 10 1/2°, from which I came steering to N.W. to avoid meeting

islands on the way, for we were ill-prepared to go amongst them:

with the crews so sick that there died whilst we were sailing some

fifty persons, and there in the island forty persons, a little more

or less. We made our course, short of provisions, navigating 5°

S. and as many in N. latitude. We met many impediments and calms,

and in fully 6° N. latitude saw an island, which seemed to have a

circumference of 25 leagues, thickly wooded, and inhabited by very

many people, like those of the Ladrones, for we saw them in canoes

which came out to us. From the S.E. to the N. and then to S.W. it is

surrounded by large reefs. On its western side, about 4 leagues off,

there are some low islets; we found no place to anchor, though we

tried, for the galeot and frigate which sailed with our ship had

disappeared some days back. From this place we came by the said

course to latitude 13 3/4°, and in two days that we sailed W. in

this latitude we sighted Serpana and Guan in the Ladrones, and we

passed between the two and did not anchor, from not having ropes to

lower and recover the boat. This day was the 3rd of January of 1596,

and on the 14th of the said month we saw the cape of Espiritu Santo,

and on the 15th anchored in the bay of Cobos. We arrived there in

such a state that only the goodness of God could bring us thither,

for human strength and resources were not enough to reach to a tenth

of the way. There we arrived so dismantled, and the men so thin and

worn out, that it was the most pitiable sight that could be seen,

with only nine or ten pitchers of water. In this bay of Cobos the ship

and crew were set to rights as much as was possible, and on Tuesday,

the 2nd of February, we left that port and bay, and on the 10th of

the same month we anchored in this port of Cabite.

Besides the desire which I have to serve your Honour, that which moves

me to leave this brief narrative with your Honour is, that an account

may remain (if perchance God should dispose of my life, or anything

else should arise, or I or she that I take with me should be missing),

and that it may give light, which may be a business of great service to

God and to the King our sovereign. May your Honour be pleased to accept

the goodwill to serve you which I retain; and if God make me return

to this port there will be an opportunity to set it forth better;

and at the same time will your Honour forgive my being so short, for

time is in fault for being so with me. I beg you to keep it secret,

for man does not know what time brings; for looking at it rightly,

it is fit that the first islands should remain concealed until His

Majesty be informed, and order whatever may be most for his service:

for as they are placed, taking a middle position between Peru, New

Spain, and this country, the English, on knowing it, might settle

in them, and do much mischief in this sea. And consider me as the

faithful servant of your Honour, whom may God preserve many years,

with much satisfaction and increase of dignity, etc.

Your servant,

Pedro Fernandez de Quiros.

To the Dr. Antonio de Morga, Lieutenant-General of His Majesty in

the Philippines.

NARRATIVE

THE VOYAGE

Pedro Fernandez de Quiros

IN 1606,

FOR THE

Discovery of the Austrial Regions.

VOYAGE OF PEDRO FERNANDEZ DE QUIROS.

CHAPTER I.

Of various things that happened to the Chief Pilot, Pedro

Fernandez de Quiros; until he arrived at the court of the

King of Spain.

Having sailed along the whole coast of New Spain, I arrived at the

port of Payta on the 3rd of May, 1598. Thence I wrote a letter to

the Viceroy, Don Luis de Velasco, and travelled by land to Lima,

where I arrived on the 5th of June, and was very well received by

the said Viceroy. He desired to be specially informed respecting all

the particulars of our voyage and discoveries, and I gave him the

best account in my power. I also offered that, if he would give me

a vessel of 70 tons and 40 sailors, I would return to discover those

lands and many others which I suspect to exist, and even felt certain

that I should find in those seas.

But in the end he came to the conclusion that he could not give me the

necessary means without first consulting and receiving orders from His

Majesty. He thought it would be the best plan that I should proceed

in person to the court of Spain, as the business was so serious and

important, and as no one could undertake it so well as myself, who

possessed such complete information. On his part, the Viceroy would

help me by giving me letters of introduction to the King and to his

councillors. Having received them, I embarked on board the Capitana

at the port of Callao, on the 17th of April, 1598, under General Don

Beltran de Castro y de la Cueva, arriving at Panama after a voyage

of twenty-two days. Thence I went by land to Puerto Bello, where

I embarked in a frigate, and in seven days arrived at Cartagena. I

found this place in great confusion, because a fleet of twenty large

ships had appeared before it, under the command of the English Earl

of Morlant (Cumberland), who had previously taken the city of Puerto

Rico. But most of this fear disappeared on the arrival of Don Luis

Fajardo, knight of the order of Calatrava, and General of the fleet

for guarding the Indies and the route to them.

From Cartagena I wrote to the Viceroy of Peru, in case I should die

on the voyage, giving him a more detailed account of the enterprise

I wished to undertake, and of what would be necessary when it should

be taken in hand. Don Luis de Fajardo, having returned from Puerto

Bello with the silver, I embarked on board his galleon, and we left

Cartagena on the 1st of November, 1598. After twenty-seven days we

anchored at Havanna, whence we sailed on the 16th of January in the

following year, convoying thirty ships. Having made a good start, we

encountered such a gale in 29° N. that we were in great danger of being

lost. Many ships disappeared, and others, including ourselves, were

obliged to return to Cartagena on Tuesday the 3rd of March. Thence I

wrote to His Majesty and to the Viceroy of Peru; but we had to winter

at that port all that year until, having sent the news to His Majesty

and two galleons having come for the silver, the two Generals embarked

fifteen millions on board twenty vessels. They made sail on the 4th

of January and, after encountering several tempests, they sighted

Cape St. Vincent, where they captured two English ships. On the 25th

of February, 1600, with salutes of artillery, and amidst the music

of instruments, we anchored at San Lucar.

There I embarked for Seville, where I entered the city so well fitted

for giving an account of myself, as may be understood from the labours

I had passed through, and the hardships I had suffered. Finding myself

free from them, and considering that the year was the holy one,

during which the great jubilee is celebrated at Rome, I determined

to go to Rome, and pass the summer in a visit to the holy city. With

this object I sold the little I possessed, bought the dress of a

pilgrim, and only with the help of a pilgrim's staff I went on foot

to Cartagena of the east, encountering several adventures. When the

galleys of Italy arrived, I embarked in one of them, which coasted

along by Valencia and Barcelona. On the 5th of August we crossed the

bay of Narbonne; and soon afterwards landed at the port of Baya,

which is in the territory of Genoa. Thence, dressed as a pilgrim,

and accompanied by two others and a friar, we passed through all the

finest cities of Italy, where there was much to see and to notice.

Finally, having reached the great city of Rome, I had the good fortune

to be well received and listened to by the Lord Duke of Sesa, [73] who

at that time held the office of Ambassador from Spain at that court. To

him I gave an account of the lands that had been discovered, and of

my desire to return to them; and submitted that it would be right for

His Holiness to favour the enterprise. I addressed myself chiefly to

the importance of saving an infinity of souls, such as exist in that

new world. It seemed good to His Excellency, and he called together

a meeting in his house of the best pilots and mathematicians to be

found in Rome. Having made a detailed examination of my papers and

charts in his presence, they came to the conclusion that all I had

said was probable, and worthy to be put into execution.

The Lord Duke then arranged for me an interview with His Holiness

Clement VIII, which took place on the 28th of August, I having

first dined at the table of the poor. His Holiness heard me very

attentively, saw all the papers I showed him, and approved of my

zeal and veracity. He encouraged me to persevere in my laudable

intentions, and conceded many graces and indulgences for the time

when I should begin the voyage. He gave me letters to the Majesty of

the King our Lord, to whom also the Lord Duke of Sesa wrote letters

of recommendation; and he also gave me letters to other princes and

councillors of the court of Spain, with the means of proceeding

thither. Having gained the holy jubilee, and beheld many things

which were worthy of note, including the canonization of the glorious

St. Raymond, I was still detained in Rome much longer than I expected,

for the completion of the letters and indulgences already mentioned,

and that His Holiness might show me favour by giving me some rosaries

that had been blessed, and a piece of the wood of the Cross. About

this there was great difficulty.

At length, these and others having been overcome, the day arrived for

my departure from Rome, which was the afternoon of Holy Wednesday

of the year 1602. Having visited the holy dwelling of Our Lady of

Loreto and passed through the cities of Arimino, [74] Forli, Ferrara,

and Lodi, in which I found much to see and take note of, and where I

met with various and notable adventures, I entered the city of Milan,

which contains so many grand and admirable buildings, that to treat

of them briefly would be to do them injustice. I passed by Pavia

and Tortona, and went thence to sleep at the town of San Estevan,

the first place in the territory of Genoa. Then I entered Genoa at so

fortunate a time that on the second day I was able to embark on board

one of the six galleys of Prince Doria, who was sent with his nephew

to congratulate His Majesty on the birth of a princess. We arrived

at Barcelona, where I went to Montserrat, and, passing through other

cities of Spain, I entered Madrid on the octave of Corpus Christi

of the same year, 1602. The court not being there, having moved to

Valladolid, I went to the famous convent of the Escurial, where I had

notice that His Majesty then was, with whom I might speak, and kiss

his royal hands, and give him my memorial respecting my pretensions,

on Monday, the 17th of June of the said year.

The Voyages of Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, 1595 to 1606. Volume 1 · 第 1 / 42 章