SOCIETY--LITERATURE--SCIENCE
Mr. Gallatin's land speculations were not profitable. His plan of Swiss
colonization did not result in any pecuniary advantage to himself. His
little patrimony, received in 1786, he invested in a plantation of about
five hundred acres on the Monongahela. Twelve years later, in 1798, he
was neither richer nor poorer than at the time of his investment. The
entire amount of claims which he held with Savary he sold in 1794,
without warranty of title, to Robert Morris, then the great speculator
in western lands, for four thousand dollars, Pennsylvania currency. This
sum, his little farm, and five or six hundred pounds cash were then his
entire fortune. In 1794, the revolution in Switzerland having driven out
numbers of his compatriots, he formed a plan of association consisting
of one hundred and fifty shares of eight hundred dollars each, of which
the Genevans in Philadelphia, Odier, Fazzi, the two Cazenove, Cheriot,
Bourdillon, Duby, Couronne, Badollet, and himself took twenty-five each.
Twenty-five were offered to Americans, which were nearly all taken up,
and one hundred were sent to Geneva, Switzerland, to D'Yvernois and his
friends. The project was to purchase land, and Mr. Gallatin had decided
upon a location in the northeast part of Pennsylvania, or in New York,
on the border. In the summer Gallatin made a journey through New York to
examine lands with the idea of occupation. In July, 1795, he made a
settlement with Mr. Morris, taking his notes for three thousand five
hundred dollars. Balancing his accounts, Mr. Gallatin then found himself
worth seven thousand dollars, in addition to which he had about
twenty-five thousand acres of waste lands and the notes of Mr. Morris.
In 1798 Mr. Morris failed, and, under the harsh operations of the old
law, was sent to jail. Mr. Gallatin never recovered the three thousand
dollars owed to him in the final balance of his real estate operations.
After Mr. Gallatin left the Treasury he located patents for seventeen
hundred acres of Virginia military lands in the State of Ohio, on
warrants purchased in 1784. In 1815 he valued his entire estate,
exclusive of his farm on the Monongahela, at less than twelve thousand
dollars. Forty years later he complained of his investment as a
troublesome and unproductive property, which had plagued him all his
life. Besides the purchase of lands, Mr. Gallatin invested part of his
little capital in building houses on his farm, and in the country store
which Badollet managed. The one yielded no return, and the sum put in
the other was lost through the incompetency of his honest but
inexperienced friend. His wife brought him a small property, but at no
time in his life was he possessed of more than a modest competency. But
he had never any discontent with his fortune nor any desire to be rich.
Mrs. Gallatin, who had always until her marriage lived in cities, was
entirely unfit for frontier life. In these days of railroads it is not
easy to measure the isolation of their country home. Pittsburgh was
nearly five days' journey from Philadelphia, and the crossing of the
Alleghanies took a day and a half more. Before his marriage Mr. Gallatin
had seen very little of society. Though in early manhood he felt no
embarrassment among men, he said 'that he never yet was able to divest
himself of an anti-Chesterfieldian awkwardness in mixed companies.' He
did not take advantage of his residence in Philadelphia to accustom
himself to the ways of the world. There he lived in lodgings and met the
leading public characters of both parties. But when he took his seat in
the cabinet, he found it necessary to enter upon housekeeping and to
take a prominent part in society, for which his wife was admirably
suited, both by temperament and education. Washington Irving wrote of
her in November, 1812, that she was 'the most stylish woman in the
drawing-room that session, and that she dressed with more splendor than
any other of the noblesse;' and again the same year compared her with
the wife of the President, whose courtly manners and consummate tact
and grace are a tradition of the republican court. "Tell your good
lady," mother Irving wrote to James Renwick, "that Mrs. Madison has been
much indisposed, and at last Wednesday's evening drawing-room Mrs.
Gallatin presided in her place. I was not present, but those who were
assure me that she filled Mrs. Madison's chair to a miracle." This is in
the sense of dignity, for Mrs. Gallatin was of small stature.
Mr. Gallatin's house shared the fate of the public buildings and was
burned by the British when Washington was captured in 1814. He was then
abroad on the peace mission. On his return from France Mr. Gallatin made
one more attempt to realize his early idea of a country home, and with
his family went in the summer of 1823 to Friendship Hill. Here an Irish
carpenter built for him a house which he humorously described as being
in the 'Hyberno-teutonic style,--the outside, with its port-hole-looking
windows, having the appearance of Irish barracks, while the inside
ornaments were similar to those of a Dutch tavern, and in singular
contrast to the French marble chimney-pieces, paper, mirrors, and
billiard-table.' In the summer Friendship Hill was an agreeable
residence, but Mr. Gallatin found it in winter too isolated even for his
taste.
One exciting circumstance enlivened the spring of 1825. This was the
passage of Lafayette, the guest of the nation, through western
Pennsylvania on his famous tour. Mr. Gallatin welcomed him in an
address before the court-house of Uniontown, the capital of Fayette
County, on May 26. In his speech Mr. Gallatin reviewed the condition of
the liberal cause in Europe, and the emancipation of Greece, then
agitating both continents. In this all scholars as well as all liberals
were of one mind and heart. After the proceedings Lafayette drove with
Mr. Gallatin to Friendship Hill, where he passed the night; crowds of
people pouring down the valley from the mountain roads to see the
adopted son of the United States, the friend of Washington, the
liberator of France. The intimacy between these two great men, who had
alike devoted the flower of their youth to the interests of civilization
and the foundation of the new republic, was never broken.
Mr. Gallatin passed only one winter at New Geneva. On his return from
his last mission to England he settled permanently in New York, and in
1828 took a house at No. 113 Bleecker Street, then in the suburbs of the
city. He wrote to Badollet in March, 1829, that "it was an ill-contrived
plan to think that the banks of the Monongahela, where he was perfectly
satisfied to live and die in retirement, could be borne by the female
part of his family, or by children brought up at Washington and Paris."
The population of New York has always been migratory, and Mr. Gallatin
was no exception to the rule. In the ten years which followed his first
location he changed his residence on four May days, finally settling at
No. 57 Bleecker Street, nearly opposite to Crosby Street. His life in
New York is a complete period in his intellectual as in his physical
existence, and the most interesting of his career. His last twenty years
were in great measure devoted to scientific studies.
The National Bank, over which he presided for the first ten years, took
but a small part of his time. The remainder was given up to study and
conversation, an art in which he had no superior in this country and
probably none abroad. Soon after his arrival in New York, Mr. Gallatin
was chosen a member of "The Club," an association famous in its day. As
no correct account of this social organization has ever appeared, the
letter of invitation to Mr. Gallatin is of some interest. It was written
by Dr. John Augustine Smith, on November 2, 1829. An extract gives the
origin of the club.
"Nearly two years ago some of the literary gentlemen of the city,
feeling severely the almost total want of intercourse among
themselves, determined to establish an association which should
bring them more frequently into contact. Accordingly they founded
the 'Club' as it is commonly called, and which I believe I
mentioned to you when I had the pleasure of seeing you in Bond
Street. Into this 'Club' twelve persons only are admitted, and
there are at present three gentlemen of the Bar, Chancellor Kent,
Messrs. Johnston and Jay, three professors of Columbia College,
Messrs. McVickar, Moore, and Renwick, the Rev. Drs. Wainwright and
Mathews, the former of the Episcopal Church, the latter of the
Presbyterian Church, two merchants, Messrs. Brevoort and Goodhue,
and I have the honor to represent the medical faculty. Our twelfth
associate was Mr. Morse, of the National Academy of Design, of
which he was president, and his departure for Europe has caused a
vacancy. For agreeableness of conversation there is nothing in New
York at all comparable to our institution. We meet once a week; no
officers, no formalities; invitations, when in case of intelligent
and distinguished strangers, and after a plain and light repast,
retire about eleven o'clock."
At this club Mr. Gallatin, with his wonderful conversational powers,
became at once the centre of interest. The club met at the houses of
members in the winter evenings. There was always a supper, but the rule
was absolute that there should be only one hot dish served, a regulation
which the ladies endeavored to evade when the turn of their husbands
arrived to supply the feast. Among the later members were Professor
Anderson, John A. Stevens, Mr. Gallatin's countryman De Rham, John
Wells, Samuel Ward, Gulian C. Verplanck, and Charles King. No literary
symposium in America was ever more delightful, more instructive, than
these meetings. On these occasions Mr. Gallatin led the conversation,
which usually covered a wide field. His memory was marvelous, and his
personal acquaintance with the great men who were developed by the
French Revolution, emperors and princes, heroes, statesmen, and men of
science, gave to the easy flow of his speech the zest of anecdote and
the spice of epigram. Once heard he was never forgotten. And this rare
faculty he preserved undiminished to the close of his life. Washington
Irving, himself the most genial of men, and the most graceful of
talkers, wrote of him, after meeting him at dinner, in 1841: "Mr.
Gallatin was in fine spirits and full of conversation. He is upwards of
eighty, yet has all the activity and clearness of mind and gayety of
spirits of a young man. How delightful it is to see such intellectual
and joyous old age: to see life running out clear and sparkling to the
last drop! With such a blessed temperament one would be content to
linger and spin out the last thread of existence."
At the close of the year 1829 Mr. Gallatin attempted to carry out his
old and favorite plan of the "establishment of a general system of
rational and practical education fitted for all, and gratuitously open
to all." The want of an institution for education, combining the
advantages of a European university with the recent improvements in
instruction, was seriously felt. New York, already a great city, and
rapidly growing, offered the most promising field for the national
university on a broad and liberal foundation correspondent to the spirit
of the age. The difficulty of obtaining competent teachers of even the
lower branches of knowledge in the public schools, the system of which
was in its infancy, was great. Persons could be found with learning
enough, but they were generally deficient in the art of teaching.
Governor Throop noticed this deficiency in his message of January, 1830,
without, however, the recommendation of any remedy by legislation. The
existing colleges could not supply the want. At this period religious
prejudice controlled the actions of men in every walk of life; for the
old colonial jealousies of Episcopalian and Presbyterian survived the
Revolution. The religious distrust of scientific investigation was also
at its height. Columbia College, the successor of old King's College,
was governed in the Episcopalian interest. Private zeal could alone be
relied upon to establish the new enterprise on a foundation free from
the influence of clergy; an indispensable condition of success. These
were the views of Mr. Jefferson in 1807. These were the views of Mr.
Gallatin. In response to his request abundant subscriptions in money and
material were at once forthcoming.
The project of a national university at New York was received by the
literary institutions of the United States with great enthusiasm. In
October, 1830, a convention of more than a hundred literary and
scientific gentlemen, delegates from different parts of the country, and
of the highest distinction, was held in the common-council chamber. The
outcome of their deliberations was the foundation of the New York
University. Mr. Gallatin was the president of the first council, but
his connection with the institution was of short continuance. The
reasons for his withdrawal were set forth in a letter to his old friend,
John Badollet, written February 7, 1833. Beginning with an expression of
his desire to devote what remained of his life "to the establishment in
this immense and growing city (New York) of a general system of rational
and practical education fitted for all and gratuitously opened to all,"
he said, "but finding that the object was no longer the same, that a
certain portion of the clergy had obtained the control, and that their
object, though laudable, was special and quite distinct from mine, I
resigned at the end of one year rather than to struggle, probably in
vain for what was nearly unattainable." The history of the university
through its precarious existence of half a century amply justifies Mr.
Gallatin's previsions and retirement. Instead of an American Sorbonne,
of which he dreamed, it has never been more than a local institution,
struggling to hold a place in a crowded field.
Mr. Gallatin followed the evolutions of French politics with interest.
His friend Lafayette, who, during the Empire, lived in almost enforced
retirement at his estate of La Grange, was a voluntary exile from the
court of Charles X., whose autocratic principles and aggressive course
were rapidly driving France into fresh revolution. In July, 1830, the
crisis was precipitated by the royal decrees published in the
"Moniteur." Lafayette, who was on his estate, hurried instantly to
Paris, where he became a rallying point, and himself signed the note to
the king, announcing that he had ceased to reign. In September following
it fell to him to write to Mr. Gallatin on the occasion of the marriage
of Gallatin's daughter. In this union Lafayette had a triple interest.
Besides his personal attachment for Mr. Gallatin, each of the young
couple was descended from one of his old companions-in-arms. The groom,
Mr. Byam Kerby Stevens, was a son of Colonel Ebenezer Stevens, of the
continental service, who was Lafayette's chief of artillery in his
expedition against Arnold in Virginia, in the spring of 1781; the bride,
Frances Gallatin, was, on the mother's side, the granddaughter of
Commodore James Nicholson, who commanded the gunboats which, improvised
by Colonel Stevens, drove out the British vessels from Annapolis Bay and
opened the route to the blockaded American flotilla.[22]
"PARIS, _September_ 8, 1830.
"MY DEAR FRIEND:--A long time has elapsed since I had the pleasure
to hear from you. I need not, I hope, add, that my affectionate
feelings have been continually with you, especially in what related
to my young friend whose change of name has more deeply interested
every member, and in a very particular manner, the younger part of
the family. Let me hear of you all, and receive my tender regards
and wishes, with those of my children and grandchildren.
LAFAYETTE."
Both of the young people had the honor of Lafayette's acquaintance,--Mr.
Stevens during a visit to Paris, and Miss Gallatin during her father's
residence there as minister, when she was much admired, and was, in the
words of Madame Bonaparte (Miss Patterson), 'a beauty.' In this letter
Lafayette gives a picturesque account of the three days' fighting at the
barricades, and of the departure of the ex-king and the royal army,
accompanied by "some twenty thousand Parisians, in coaches, hacks, and
omnibus.... The royal party, after returning the jewels of the crown,
went slowly to Cherbourg with their own escort, under the protection of
three commissioners, and were there permitted quietly to embark for
England."
In 1834 Mr. Gallatin's sympathies were greatly excited by the arrival at
New York of a number of Poles, many of them educated men, and among them
Etsko, a nephew of Kosciusko. A public committee was raised, called the
Polish committee, of which Mr. Gallatin was chosen chairman. Besides
superintending the collection of funds, he arranged and carried out in
the minutest details a plan to quarter the exiles upon the inhabitants.
A list of names ending in _ski_ still remains among his papers; to each
was assigned a number, and they were allotted by streets and
numbers,--number 182, one Szelesegynski, was taken by Mr. Gallatin
himself, to look after horses. These unfortunate men were then
distributed through the country, as occupations could be found. In
October Mr. Gallatin's notes show that all had been provided for except
fourteen boys, for whom a subscription was taken up. A tract of land in
Illinois was assigned by Congress to these political exiles.
Mr. Gallatin's first acquaintance with the American Indian was made at
Machias. In the neighborhood of this frontier town, across the Canadian
border, there were still remnants of the Abenaki and Etchemin tribes.
They were French in sympathy, and all converts to the Roman Catholic
faith. Mr. Lesdernier, with whom Gallatin lodged, had influence over
them from the trade he established with them in furs, and as their
religious purveyor. He had paid a visit to Boston at the time the French
fleet was there in 1781, and brought home a Capuchin priest for their
service. To the young Genevan, brought up in the restrictions of
European civilization, the history of the savage was a favorite study.
In the winter evenings, in the quiet of the log hut, with the aid of one
familiar with the customs and traditions of the race, the foundations
were laid of a permanent interest in this almost untrodden branch of
human science. The Canadian Indians, however, hemmed in by French and
English settlements, were semi-civilized. The Miamis and Shawnees, who
ranged the valley of the Ohio, were the tribes nearest to Gallatin's
home on the Monongahela. These, though for a long time under the
influence of the French, retained their original wildness, and were,
during the first years of his residence, the dread of the frontier.
The interest aroused in the mind of Mr. Gallatin by personal observation
was quickened by his intimacy with Jefferson, whose "Notes on Virginia,"
published in 1801, contained the first attempt at a classification and
enumeration of American tribes. The earlier work of Colden was confined
to the Five Nations of the Iroquois Confederacy. The arrangement of the
Louisiana territory, ceded by France, brought Mr. Gallatin into contact
with Pierre Louis Chouteau, and an intimacy formed with John Jacob
Astor, who was largely concerned in the fur trade of the Northwest,
widened the field of interest, which included the geography of the
interior and the customs of its inhabitants. Mr. Gallatin's examination
of the subject was general, however, and did not take a practical
scientific turn until the year 1823, when, at the request of Baron
Alexander von Humboldt, he set forth the results of his studies in the
form of a Synopsis of the Indian tribes. This essay, communicated by
Humboldt to the Italian geographer Balbi, then engaged upon his "Atlas
Ethnographique du Globe,"--a classification by languages of ancient and
modern peoples,--was quoted by him in his volume introductory to that
remarkable work published in 1826, in a manner to attract the attention
of the scientific world. Vater, in his "Mithridates," first attempted a
classification of the languages of the globe, but the work of Mr.
Gallatin, though confined in subject, was original in its conception and
treatment. In the winter of 1825-26 a large gathering of southern
Indians at Washington enabled him to obtain good vocabularies of several
of the tribes. Uniting these to those already acquired, he published a
table of all the existing tribes, and at the same time, at his instance,
the War Department circulated through its posts a vocabulary containing
six hundred words of verbal forms and of selected sentences, and a
series of grammatical queries, to which answers were invited. He also
opened an elaborate correspondence with such persons as were best
acquainted with the Indian tribes in different sections of the
country.[23] The replies to these various queries were few in number,
but the practical plan, adhered to in substance, has resulted in the
collection by the Smithsonian Institution of a very large number of
Indian vocabularies.[24]
This class of investigation, in its ample scope for original research
and the ascertainment of principles by analysis and analogic expression,
was peculiarly agreeable to Mr. Gallatin. His friend, du Ponceau,[25]
who served in the American war as the secretary of Steuben, and was now
established in Philadelphia, was likewise deeply engaged in philologic
studies; in 1819 he had published a memoir of the construction of the
languages of the North American Indians, which he followed later with
other papers of a similar nature, among which were a "Grammar of the
Languages of the Lenni Lenape or Delaware Indians," and a memoir on the
grammatical system of the languages of the Indian tribes of North
America, a learned and highly instructive paper, which took the Volney
prize at Paris.
In 1836 Mr. Gallatin's original paper, contributed to Balbi, amplified
by subsequent acquisitions, was published by the American Antiquarian
Society of Worcester, in the first volume of its Transactions. It was
entitled "A Synopsis of the Indian Tribes, within the United States east
of the Rocky Mountains, and in the British and Russian Possessions in
North America." This elaborate inquiry, the foundation of the science in
America, was intended originally to embrace all the tribes north of the
Mexican semi-civilized nations. From the want of material, however, it
was confined at the southward to the territory of the United States, and
eastward of the Rocky Mountains. It included eighty-one tribes, divided
into twenty-eight families, and was accompanied by a colored map, with
tribal indications. The result of the investigation Mr. Gallatin held to
be proof that all the languages, not only of our own Indian tribes, but
of the nations inhabiting America from the Arctic Ocean to Cape Horn,
have a distinct character common to all. This paper attracted great
attention in Europe. It was reviewed by the Count de Circourt, whose
interest in the subject was heightened by personal acquaintance with the
author. John C. Calhoun, acknowledging receipt of a copy of the
Synopsis, said in striking phrase 'that he had long thought that the
analogy of languages is destined to recover much of the lost history of
nations just as geology has of the globe we inhabit.'
In 1838, Congress having accepted the trust of John Smithson of
£100,000, and pledged the faith of the United States for its purposes,
Mr. Forsyth, the secretary of state, addressed Mr. Gallatin, at the
request of the President, requesting his views as to its proper
employment; but Mr. Gallatin does not appear to have answered the
communication. The programme of the Smithsonian Institution, inclosed to
the board of regents in its first report, stated its object to be the
increase and diffusion of knowledge, and bears marks of the general
views which Mr. Gallatin had for many years urged on public attention.
The first of the Smithsonian "Contributions to Knowledge" was the memoir
of Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley, by Squier and Davis.
Before its publication was undertaken, however, it was submitted to the
Ethnological Society. Mr. Gallatin returned it, with the approval of the
society, and some words of commendation of his own addressed to
Professor Henry, the learned superintendent of the Smithsonian
Institution.
The period of temporary political repose, which followed the peace of
Vienna and the establishment of the balance of power by the allied
sovereigns, was an era in human knowledge. Science made rapid progress,
and in its turn showed the broad and liberal influence of the great
revolution. In 1842 societies were founded in Paris and London to
promote the study of ethnology. Mr. Gallatin would not be behindhand in
this important work for which America offered a virgin field. Drawing
about him a number of gentlemen of similar tastes with his own, he
founded in New York, in 1842, the American Ethnological Society. Among
his associates were Dr. Robinson, the famous explorer of Palestine,
Schoolcraft, Bartlett, and Professor Turner, noted for their researches
in the history and languages of the Indian races. Messrs. Atwater,
Bradford, Hawks, Gibbs, Mayer, Dr. Morton, Pickering, Stephens, Ewbank,
and Squier were also, either in the beginning or soon after, members of
this select and learned institution, of which Mr. Gallatin was the
central figure. One of its members said in 1871, 'Mr. Gallatin's house
was the true seat of the society, and Mr. Gallatin himself its
controlling spirit. His name gave it character, and from his purse
mainly was defrayed the cost of the two volumes of the "Transactions"
which constitute about the only claim the society possesses to the
respect of the scientific world.' To the first of these volumes,
published in 1845, Mr. Gallatin contributed an "Essay on the
semi-civilized nations of Mexico and Central America, embracing
elaborate notes on their languages, numeration, calendars, history, and
chronology, and an inquiry into the probable origin of their
semi-civilization." In this he included all existing certain knowledge
of the languages, history, astronomy, and progress in art of these
peoples. A copy of this work he sent to General Scott, then in the city
of Mexico after his triumphant campaign, inclosing a memorandum which he
urged the general to hand to civilians attached to the army. This was a
request to purchase books, copies of documents, printed grammars, and
vocabularies of the Mexican languages, and he authorized the general to
spend four hundred dollars in this purpose on his account. In the second
volume, published in 1848, he printed the result of his continued
investigations on the subject which first interested him, as an
introduction to a republication of a work by Mr. Hale on the "Indians of
Northwest America." This consisted of geographical notices, an account
of Indian means of subsistence, the ancient semi-civilization of the
Northwest, Indian philology, and analogic comparisons with the Chinese
and Polynesian languages. These papers Mr. Gallatin modestly described
to Chevalier as the 'fruits of his leisure,' and to Sismondi he wrote
that he had not the requisite talent for success in literature or
science. They nevertheless entitle him to the honorable name of the
Father of American Ethnography.
In 1837 Mr. Wheaton, the American minister at Berlin, requested Mr.
Gallatin to put the Baron von Humboldt in possession of authentic data
concerning the production of gold in the United States. Humboldt had
visited the Oural and Siberian regions in 1829, at the request of the
Emperor of Russia, to make investigations as to their production of the
precious metals. Mr. Gallatin was the only authority in the United
States on the subject. Later von Humboldt wrote to Mr. Gallatin of the
interest felt abroad, and by himself, in the gold of the mountains of
Virginia and Tennessee, a country which rivaled on a small scale the
Dorado of Siberia. The treasures of the Pacific coast were not yet
dreamed of.
Mr. Gallatin perfectly understood the range of his own powers. He said
of himself:--
"If I have met with any success, either in public bodies, as an
executive officer, or in foreign negotiations, it has been
exclusively through a patient and most thorough investigation of
all the attainable facts, and a cautious application of these to
the questions under discussion.... Long habit has given me great
facility in collating, digesting, and extracting complex documents,
but I am not hasty in drawing inferences; the arrangement of the
facts and arguments is always to me a considerable labor, and
though aiming at nothing more than perspicuity and brevity, I am a
very slow writer."
Mr. Gallatin's manuscripts and drafts show long and minute labor in
their well considered and abundant alterations. Referring on one
occasion to his habit of reasoning, Mr. Gallatin remarked, that of all
processes that of analogy is the most dangerous, yet that which he
habitually used; that it required the greatest possible number of facts.
This is the foundation of philology, and his understanding of its method
and its dangers is the reason of his success in this branch of science.
The difficulty experienced in establishing any literary or scientific
institutions in New York was very great. An effort made in 1830, which
Mr. Gallatin favored, to establish a literary periodical failed, not on
account of the pecuniary difficulties, but from the impossibility of
uniting a sufficient number of able coöperators. But Mr. Gallatin's
interest in literature was not as great as in science.[26]
In 1841 a national institution for the promotion of science was
organized at Washington. The coöperation of Mr. Gallatin was invited,
but the society had a short existence. In 1843 Mr. Gallatin was chosen
president of the New York Historical Society. His inaugural address is
an epitome of political wisdom. Pronounced at any crisis of our history,
it would have become a text for the student. In this sketch he analyzed
the causes which contributed to form our national character and to
establish a government founded on justice and on equal rights. He showed
how, united by a common and imminent danger, the thirteen States
succeeded in asserting and obtaining independence without the aid of a
central and efficient government, and the difficulties which were
encountered when a voluntary surrender of a part of their immense
sovereignty became necessary as a condition of national existence. He
said that the doctrine that all powers should emanate from the people is
not a question of expediency.
In this address he summed up the reasons why Washington exercised such a
beneficial influence upon the destinies of his country. In a
confidential letter to his wife in 1797, he expressed an opinion that
the father of his country was not a good-natured and amiable man, but
time had mellowed these recollections and softened the asperity of this
judgment. Washington had not, he said (in 1843), 'an extraordinary
amount of acquired knowledge; he was neither a classical scholar nor a
man of science, nor was he endowed with the powers of eloquence, nor
with other qualities more strong than solid, which might be mentioned;
but he had a profound and almost innate sense of justice, on all public
occasions a perfect control of his strong passions,[27] above all a most
complete and extraordinary self-abnegation. Personal consequences and
considerations were not even thought of, they never crossed his mind,
they were altogether obliterated.' Mr. Gallatin held that "the Americans
had a right to be proud of Washington, because he was selected and
maintained during his whole career by the people--never could he have
been thus chosen and constantly supported had he not been the type and
representative of the American people."
The commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of the foundation of the
New York Historical Society, November, 1844, was an occasion of unusual
interest. John Romeyn Brodhead, who had just returned from the Hague
with the treasures of New Netherland history gathered during his
mission, was the orator of the day. The venerable John Quincy Adams, Mr.
Gallatin's old associate at Ghent, was present. After the address, which
was delivered at the Church of the Messiah on Broadway, the society and
its guests crossed the street to the New York Hotel, where a banquet
awaited them. Mr. Gallatin retired early, leaving the chair to the first
vice-president, Mr. Wm. Beach Lawrence. After he had left the room, Mr.
Adams, speaking to a toast to the archæologists of America, said: "Mr.
Gallatin, in sending to me the invitations of the society, added the
expression of his desire 'to shake hands with me once more in this
world.'" Mr. Adams could not but respond to his request. In his remarks
he said:
"I have lived long, sir, in this world, and I have been connected
with all sorts of men, of all sects and descriptions. I have been
in the public service for a great part of my life, and filled
various offices of trust, in conjunction with that venerable
gentleman, Albert Gallatin. I have known him half a century. In
many things we differed; on many questions of public interest and
policy we were divided, and in the history of parties in this
country there is no man from whom I have so widely differed as from
him. But in other things we have harmonized; and now there is no
man with whom I more thoroughly agree on all points than I do with
him. But one word more let me say, before I leave you and him,
birds of passage as we are, bound to a warmer and more congenial
clime,--that among all public men with whom I have been associated
in the course of my political life, whether agreeing or differing
in opinion from him, I have always found him to be an honest and
honorable man."
In the road to harmony Mr. Adams had to do the traveling. Mr. Gallatin
never changed his political opinions. The political career of the two
men offered this singular contrast: Adams, dissatisfied with his party,
passed into opposition; Gallatin, though at variance with the policy of
the administration of which he made a part, held his fealty, and
confined himself to the operations of his own bureau.
For a period far beyond the allotted years of man Mr. Gallatin retained
the elasticity of his physical nature as well as his mental
perspicacity. In middle age he was slight of figure, his height about
five feet ten inches, his form compact and of nervous vigor. His
complexion was Italian;[28] his expression keen; his nose long,
prominent; his mouth small, fine cut, and mobile; his eyes hazel, and
penetrative; his skull a model for the sculptor. Thus he appears in the
portrait painted by Gilbert Stuart about the time that he took charge of
the Treasury Department; he was then about forty years of age. In the
fine portrait by William H. Powell, taken from life in 1843, and
preserved in the gallery of the New York Historical Society, these
characteristics appear in stronger outline. Monsieur de Bacourt,[29] the
literary executor of Talleyrand, who was the French Ambassador to the
United States in 1840, paid a visit to Mr. Gallatin in that year, and
describes him as a "beau vieillard de quatre-vingt ans," who has fully
preserved his faculties. Bacourt alludes to his remarkable face, with
its clear, fine cut features, and his "physiognomie pleine de finesse;"
and dwells also upon the ease and charm of his conversation.
As his life slowly drew to its close, one after another of the few of
his old friends who remained dropped from the road. Early in 1848 Adams
fell in harness, on the floor of the House of Representatives; Lord
Ashburton died in May. Finally, nearest, dearest of all, the companion
of his triumphs and disappointments, the sharer of his honors and his
joys, his wife, was taken from him by the relentless hand. The summer of
1849 found him crushed by this last affliction, and awaiting his own
summons of release. He was taken to Mount Bonaparte, the country-seat of
his son-in-law, at Astoria on Long Island, where he died in his
daughter's arms on Sunday, August 12, 1849. The funeral services were
held in Trinity Church on the Tuesday following, and his body was laid
to rest in the Nicholson vault,[30] in the old graveyard adjoining. The
elegant monument erected during his lifetime is one of the attractive
features of this venerable cemetery, in whose dust mingle the remains of
the temple of no more elevated spirit than his own. The season was a
terrible one--the cholera was raging, the city was deserted. In the
general calamity private sorrow disappeared, or the occasion would have
been marked by a demonstration of public grief and of public honor. As
the tidings went from city to city, and country to country, the friends
of science, of that universal wisdom which knows neither language nor
race, paused in their investigations to pay respectful homage to his
character, his intellect, and to that without which either or both in
combination are inadequate to success--his labor in the field.
On October 2, 1849, at the first meeting of the Historical Society
after the death of Mr. Gallatin, Mr. Luther Bradish, the presiding
officer, spoke of him in impressive words, as the last link connecting
the present with the past. He dwelt upon the peculiar pleasure with
which the presence of Mr. Gallatin was always hailed, and the peculiar
interest it gave to the proceedings of the society, and many an eye was
dimmed, as he recalled the venerable form, the beautifully classic head,
the countenance ever beaming with intelligence, and summed up the long
and useful career of the departed sage in these impressive words:--
"The name of Albert Gallatin is emphatically a name of history. Few
men have lived in any age whose biographies have been so intimately
connected with the history of their country. Living in one of the
most interesting periods of the world, a period of great events, of
the discussion of great principles and the settlement of great
interests, almost the whole of his long and active life was passed
in public service amidst those events and in those discussions....
For nearly half a century he was almost constantly employed in the
public service; almost every department of that service has
received the benefit of his extraordinary talents and his varied
and extensive and accurate knowledge. Whether in legislation, in
finance, or in diplomacy, he has been equally distinguished in all.
In all or in either he has had few equals and still fewer
superiors."
To Jeremy Bentham Mr. Gallatin acknowledged himself indebted, as his
master in the art of legislation; but from whatever ground he drew his
maxims of government, they were reduced to harmony in the crucible of
his own intelligence by the processes of that brain which Spurzheim
pronounced capital,[31] and Dumont held to be the best head in America.
In that massive and profound structure lay faculties of organization and
administration which mark the Latin and Italian mind in its highest form
of intellectual development.
His moral excellence was no less conspicuous than his intellectual
power. He had a profound sense of justice, a love of liberty, and an
unfaltering belief in the capacity of the human race for self-rule.
Versed in the learning of centuries, and familiar with every experiment
of government, he was full of the liberal spirit of his age. To a higher
degree than any American, native or foreign born, unless Franklin, with
whose broad nature he had many traits in common, Albert Gallatin
deserves the proud title, aimed at by many, reached by few, of Citizen
of the World.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 22: An account of this expedition may be found in the
publications of the Maryland Historical Society.]
[Footnote 23:
WASHINGTON, 29_th May_, 1826.
SIR,--Mr. Stewart communicated to me your answer of 4th April last to
the letter which, at my request, he had addressed to you; and I return
you my thanks for your kind offer to forward the object in view,--one
which is not, however, of a private nature but connected with what is
intended to be a National work; and I have delayed writing in order to
be able to send at the same time the papers herewith transmitted.
It is at my suggestion that the Secretary of War has, with the
approbation of the President, taken measures to collect comparative
vocabularies of all the languages and dialects of the Indian tribes
still existing within the United States. The circular is addressed to
all the Indian superintendents and agents, and to the missionaries with
whom the Department corresponds. But they have no agent with the
Nottoways, and we are fortunate that you should have been disposed to
lend your aid on this occasion.
It is the intention of government that the result of these researches
should be published, giving due credit to every individual who shall
have assisted in a work that has been long expected from us, and which
will be equally honorable to the persons concerned and to the country.
It had been my intention to contribute my share in its further progress:
this my approaching departure for Europe forbids. The inclosed papers,
attending to the Notes and to the circular, are so full that I need not
add any further explanation, and have only to request that you will have
the goodness to transmit whatever vocabulary and other information you
may obtain to Colonel Tho. L. McKinney, Office of Indian Affairs, under
cover directed to the Secretary of War. Mr. McKinney will also be happy
to answer any queries on the subject you may have to propose.
I have the honor to be respectfully, sir,
Your most obedient servant,
ALBERT GALLATIN
Mr. James Rochelle,
Jerusalem, Southampton County, Virginia.
_Communicated by J. H. Rochelle, Jerusalem, Virginia._]
[Footnote 24: Among the most distinguished of those who have followed
the pathway indicated by Mr. Gallatin was the late George Gibbs, an
indefatigable student and an admirable ethnologist. His Chinook jargon
was published by the Smithsonian Institution.]
[Footnote 25: Mr. du Ponceau became president of the learned societies
of Pennsylvania: the Historical Society and the American Philosophical
Society.]
[Footnote 26: His favorite novel was _The Antiquary_, which he read once
a year. Novels, he said, should be read, the last chapter first, in
order that appreciation of the style should not be lost in the interest
excited by the story.]
[Footnote 27: Mr. Gallatin's assertion, which corresponded with that of
Jefferson, that Washington had naturally strong passions, but had
attained complete mastery over them, is quoted by the Earl of Stanhope
(Lord Mahon) in his famous eulogy of Washington's attributes.]
[Footnote 28: The Gallatins claim to descend from one Callatinus, a
Roman Consul.]
[Footnote 29: _Souvenirs d'un Diplomate._ Paris, 1882.]
[Footnote 30: This was the vault of the Witter family, a daughter of
which Commodore Nicholson married.]
[Footnote 31: "In my youth the fashion was to decide in conformity
with Lavater's precepts; then came Camper's facial angle, which gave a
decided superiority to the white man and monkey; and both have been
superseded by the bumps of the skull. This criterion is that which suits
me best, for Spurzheim declared I had a _capital_ head, which he might
without flattery say to everybody." _Gallatin to Lewis T. Cist of
Cincinnati, November_ 21, 1837.]
INDEX
Adams, Henry, calls treaty of Ghent the work of Gallatin, 324.
Adams, John, announces election of Gallatin as senator, 60;
convenes Congress to consider relations with France, 132;
his message, 133; replies coolly to resolution of House, 136, 137;
remarks of McClanachan to, 138;
his message in 1797, 139;
visited by House to present answer, 140;
wishes to establish new foreign missions, 141;
informs Congress of French outrages, 147;
and of preparations for war, 147;
sends in X Y Z dispatches, 149;
sends message on French relations, 152, 153;
urges preparation for war, 155;
thanks House for support, 155;
delighted with support of Congress in 1799, 158;
congratulates Congress on settlement at Washington, 162;
supported for President by New England, 163;
in election of 1800, 165;
attributes distresses of Confederation to financial ignorance, 174;
his breach with Hamilton, 177.
Adams, John Quincy, on results of Gallatin's proposed appointment as
secretary of state, 295;
meets Gallatin and Bayard at St. Petersburg, 302;
his training, comparison with Gallatin, 302, 303;
given new commission, 312;
differs with Clay over fisheries and Mississippi navigation, 323;
appointed minister to England, 326;
advised by Gallatin concerning commercial treaty, 333;
appointed secretary of state, 334;
informed by Gallatin of disadvantages of a war with Spain, 336, 337;
his arguments in Apollon case disregarded by Gallatin, 338;
his indignation, 338;
writes opinion of Gallatin in his diary, 333, 339;
described by Gallatin to Badollet, 339, 356;
his pugnacity complained of by Crawford, 339;
negotiates treaty with De Neuville, 340;
comments of Gallatin upon, 340;
appoints Rush secretary of treasury, 342;
offers mission to England to Gallatin, 342, 343;
promises Gallatin _carte blanche_, but gives him full instructions, 343;
his instructions to Rush printed, 345;
warns Gallatin to yield nothing, 346;
congratulates Gallatin on his success, 348;
candidate for presidency, 356;
elected by House of Representatives, 358;
at meeting of New York Historical Society, 384;
Gallatin's friendly greeting to, 384;
eulogizes Gallatin, 384, 385;
his changing party compared with Gallatin's steadiness, 385;
death, 386.
Adams, William, on English peace commission, 316.
Addington, Henry, on Clay's tone as diplomat, 345.
Adet, P. A., French minister, imperils sympathy for France by impudence
to Washington, 128;
condemned by Federalists, 134;
recommends tricolor, 153.
Aix-la-Chapelle, Congress of, 337.
Alexander, Emperor of Russia, authorizes renewal of mediation, 308;
fails to inform Romanzoff of Castlereagh's refusal, 311, 312;
vain efforts of Crawford to secure interview with, 315;
promises Lafayette to use influence in behalf of United States, 315;
has interview with Gallatin, 315;
informs Gallatin that he can do nothing more, 316.
Algiers, treaty with, 117, 118.
Alien Bill, debate and passage in House, 152;
petitions against, in Congress, 157.
Allegheny County, its part in Whiskey Insurrection, 49, 68, 78, 96;
elects Gallatin to Congress, 93, 127.
Allègre, Sophie, marries Gallatin, her character and death, 30.
Allègre, William, father-in-law of Gallatin, 30.
Allen, ----, in debate on French relations, 136;
attacks Gallatin as a French agent, 150.
Allston, Joseph W., at free trade convention, 1831, 241.
American Ethnological Society, founded by Gallatin, 379;
its transactions, 379, 380.
Ames, Fisher, leading orator of Federalists, 99;
his speech on the Jay treaty, 120, 121;
reports answer to President's Message, 128;
defends it against Giles, 129;
leaves Congress, his oratory, 133.
Anderson, Professor, member of "The Club," 367.
Anti-Federalists, call convention to organize in favor of amending
Constitution, 37;
adopt resolutions to organize throughout the State, 39, 40;
recommend amendments by petition, 40.
Apollon, seizure of, explained by Gallatin and Adams, 338.
Army, reduction of, advocated by Gallatin, 108, 123, 129, 130, 186, 188;
his course defended, 216.
Arnold, Benedict, effect of his treason, 12;
campaign of Lafayette against, 371.
Ashburton, Lord. See Baring, Alexander.
Astor, John Jacob, assists Gallatin to float loan, 214;
wishes destruction of United States Bank, 259;
subscribes capital of bank on condition that Gallatin manage its
affairs, 269;
his fur enterprise, 287;
offered protection by Jefferson, 288;
his settlement at Astoria, 288;
unable to persuade Madison to support him, 288.
Astoria, foundation and history of, 288.
Atwater, ----, member of Ethnological Society, 379.
Bache, Franklin, educated at Geneva, 4;
attacks Washington as a defaulter, in "Aurora," 104.
Bache, Richard, letter to, furnished by Franklin to Gallatin, 11.
Bacourt, M. de, describes Gallatin in old age, 386.
Badollet, Jean, college friend of Gallatin, 5;
Arcadian schemes of, 9;
letter of Gallatin to, 9;
letters of Serre to, on life in Maine, 15, 25;
informs Gallatin of troubles in Geneva, 25;
at Gallatin's invitation, joins him in America, 25, 26;
established at Greensburg, 27;
letter of Gallatin to, 43;
with Gallatin at anti-excise convention, 52;
advised by Gallatin to avoid United States marshal, 55;
letter of Gallatin to, on French Revolution, 56;
letter of Gallatin to, on his wife, 59;
instructed by Gallatin to secure reëlection of unseated members of
legislature, 95;
given an office by Gallatin, 287, 326;
remark of Gallatin to, 299;
letter of Gallatin to, on J. Q. Adams, 339;
takes shares in Gallatin's land scheme, 361;
manages store for Gallatin, 362;
letters of Gallatin to, 365, 370.
Balbi, quotes Gallatin in his Atlas, 374.
Baldwin, Abraham, on committee on finance, 106.
Bank of North America, established by Morris, 172, 248;
its purpose, 248;
organization, 248, 249;
difficulties of starting, 249, 260;
its services, 249;
jealousy of Pennsylvania toward, 250.
Bank of United States, established by Hamilton, 175, 250, 251;
its organization, 251, 252;
borrowed from, by Gallatin, 204;
petitions for a re-charter, 252;
Gallatin's report in favor of, 252-254;
a re-charter refused, 231, 254;
its value, 255;
opinion of Gallatin on, 255;
controls state banks, 259;
desire of Astor to crush, 259;
remits specie to foreign stockholders, 260;
its dissolution causes panic, 262, 263;
reincorporation proposed, 265;
vetoed, then approved, by Madison, 265;
its subsequent history, 266;
helps resumption of specie payments, 267;
presidency of, declined by Gallatin, 268;
deposits removed from, by Taney, 269;
accepts charter from Pennsylvania, 271;
its subsequent career, 271;
fails in 1839, 276;
weakness of Madison in 1812 in allowing its dissolution, 296.
Bank, National, of New York, connection of Gallatin with, 269-277.
Banks, state, difficulty of controlling their issues, 256;
their evil effects, 257;
status in 1811, 258;
increase after termination of Bank of United States, 261, 262;
suspend payment in 1815, 262;
agree to resume, 267;
supported by second Bank of United States, 267;
Gallatin's "Considerations on," etc., 268;
connection of Gallatin with, 269-277;
speculation craze of, in 1836, 271, 272;
suspend payment in 1837, 272;
conventions of, to prepare for resumption, 273-275;
aided by Treasury, 275; "Suggestions" of Gallatin, 277.
Barbour, Philip P., presides over free trade convention in 1831, 241.
Baring, Alexander, explains to Gallatin British reasons for refusing
Russian mediation, 306, 307;
reply of Gallatin, 309;
urges Gallatin to visit England, 311;
requested by Gallatin to send passports, 313;
his mission to America, 349, 350;
his manner of negotiation with Webster, 350;
visits Gallatin, 350;
comparison with Gallatin, 350;
his death, 386.
Barings, connection with Louisiana purchase, 193, 195;
competition of Bank of United States with, 271;
letter of Gallatin to, 305.
Barras, Comte, encouraged by Napoleon's success to bold measures against
United States, 132.
Bartlett, John Russell, gives anecdotes of Gallatin, 13, 22.
Bartlett, ----, member of Ethnological Society, 379.
Bathurst, Lord, promises to appoint peace commissioners, 314;
reopens negotiations, 319;
insists on possession of part of Maine, 321.
Bayard, James A., elected to Congress, 132;
on legislative encroachments on executive, 143;
on resolution to furnish foreign correspondence, 156;
defends Sedition Law by a clever amendment, 159;
moves committee to arrange for balloting in 1800, 166;
accompanies Gallatin as peace commissioner, 301, 302;
willing to accept an informal renunciation of impressment, 305;
goes to Amsterdam, 312;
on new commission to treat directly, 312;
visits London, 313;
asks Monroe for authority to negotiate anywhere, 314;
appointed minister to Russia, 326.
Baylies, ----, his report on Western territory complained of by England,
345.
Bentham, Jeremy, works translated by Dumont, 5;
influences Gallatin, 388.
Bentson, ----, on Astor's hostility to United States Bank, 259.
Berlin and Milan decrees, negotiations for compensation for seizures
under, 333.
Biddle, C. C., at free trade convention in 1831, 241.
Biddle, Nicholas, in panic of 1837, 275.
Blount, William, on committee on finance, 107;
impeached, 138.
Bonaparte, Jerome, his flight to America, 332.
Bonaparte, Napoleon, his precocity compared to that of Gallatin, 32;
effect of his Italian successes on French policy, 132, 139;
adopts conciliatory tone, 160;
issues Milan decree, 229;
seen by Gallatin during Hundred Days, 326;
American sympathy for, explained by Gallatin, 331.
Boorman, James, at free trade convention in 1831, 241.
Borgo, Pozzo di, compared to Gallatin, 32.
Boston, visit of Gallatin to, 12-14, 17;
Puritanical society in, 13;
prejudice against French, 13;
Gallatin's opinion of, 18;
protests against Jay treaty, 103.
Botts, John M., letter of Gallatin to, on bank, 256.
Boundary, northeast, in treaty of Ghent, 321, 322;
discussed in 1826, 343;
referred to arbitration, 347;
argument concerning, prepared by Gallatin, 349;
decision of King of Netherlands rejected by United States, 349;
documents concerning, published by Gallatin, 349;
settled by Ashburton treaty, 350.
Bourdillon, ----, takes share in Gallatin's land scheme, 361.
Bourne, Shearjashub, on committee on finance, 106.
Brackenridge, Judge H. H., on Gallatin's part in anti-excise agitation,
50;
in Washington County, advises moderation, 69;
an authority for history of insurrection, 71;
his character and policy, 71;
leads Pittsburgh committee to urge moderation upon rioters, 72;
describes Bradford's behavior, 72;
his estimate of numbers under arms, 72;
compares excitement with that in 1765 and 1775, 74;
at Parkinson's Ferry meeting, 78;
supports Gallatin's efforts to prevent rebellion, 80, 82;
on committee to confer with United States commissioners, 81;
describes Gallatin's speech, 82;
claims credit for preventing civil war, 84;
on threats of secession, 86;
defeated by Gallatin for Congress, 93.
Bradford, David, represents Washington County in anti-excise
proceedings, 51;
elected to legislature, 54;
low opinion of Gallatin concerning, 54;
tries to shirk responsibility, 69;
then determines on extreme measures, robs mail, 69;
calls for armed resistance, 70;
unable to countermand order, 70;
assumes office of major-general, 72;
his harangue to the insurgents, 73;
at meeting at Parkinson's Ferry, 78;
advocates armed resistance, 79;
on committee on resolutions, 80;
named to confer with United States commissioners, 81;
urges rejection of their terms, 81, 82;
excepted from amnesty, flies from the country, 84, 85.
Bradford, James, in anti-excise convention, 52.
Bradford, ----, member of Ethnological Society, 379.
Bradish, Luther, his eulogy of Gallatin, 388.
Breading, Nicholas, in Pennsylvania ratifying convention, 35.
Breckenridge, John, his brief career, 355.
Brevoort, ----, member of "The Club," 367.
Brodhead, John Romeyn, orator at fortieth anniversary of New York
Historical Society, 384.
Buck, Daniel, on committee on finance, 107.
Burke, Edmund, on place of revenue in the state, 218.
Burr, Aaron, his connection with Dayton, 104;
in presidential election of 1800, 163, 164, 166, 167;
alienated from Jefferson by refusal to appoint Davis, 282.
Cabinet, its lack of financial coöperation under Jefferson, 188;
criticises Jefferson's messages, 283;
weekly meetings of, suggested by Gallatin, 283;
absence of system in, 284;
dissensions and reorganization under Madison, 296, 297.
Cabot, George, on committee to consider Gallatin's eligibility to
senate, 61.
Calhoun, John C., reports plan for a national bank, 265;
ascribes Gallatin's disregard of Adams's arguments in Apollon case to
"pride," 338;
Gallatin's opinion of, 355;
elected Vice-President, 358;
on Gallatin's ethnological studies, 378.
California, discovery of gold in, 353, 354.
Campbell, George W., furnished with report by Gallatin on injuries of
Great Britain, 292, 303;
secretary of treasury, 312.
Canning, George, his policy toward United States, 225, 295, 344;
attitude of Gallatin toward, in negotiation, 345;
death, 347.
Carnahan, Dr., describes entry of Whiskey Rebellion prisoners into
Cannonsburg, 91.
Castlereagh, Lord, discourages offer of Russia to mediate, 304;
gives assurance of safety to cartel-ship, 307;
refuses second offer of mediation, 311;
offers to deal directly, 312;
member of cabinet most favorable to America, 314;
advises English commissioners to moderate demands, 319;
approves treaty of Ghent, 326;
arranges commercial convention with Gallatin, 326;
expresses friendly feelings, 335.
Cazenove, ----, takes shares in Gallatin's land scheme, 361.
Charles X., in Revolution of 1830, 370, 372.
Chase, Salmon P., negotiations with Treasury Note Committee, 196 and
note;
follows Gallatin's treasury-note plan, 209;
organizes national banking system, 256.
Chateaubriand, succeeds Montmorenci, 340;
negotiates unsuccessfully with Gallatin, 341;
quotes Gallatin's statement of Cuban question, 346.
Cheriot, ----, takes share in Gallatin's land scheme, 361.
Chesapeake, captured by Leopard, 224.
Chevalier, Michel, his studies on money, 278.
Cheves, Langdon, at free trade convention in 1831, 241.
Chôteau, Pierre Louis, meets Gallatin, his influence over Indians, 287,
374.
Circourt, Count de, reviews Gallatin's "Synopsis of the Indian Tribes,"
378.
Civil service, monopolized by Federalists, 280;
demands of Republicans for a share in, 281;
Gallatin's opinion of appointments to and conduct of, 281;
intention of Jefferson to give one half of, to Republicans, 282.
Clare, Thomas, his house the headquarters of Gallatin in 1784, 22, 24;
rents Gallatin a house, 25.
Clay, Henry, denounces Gallatin for advocating free trade, 242;
apologizes, 242;
on peace commission, 312;
arrives at Gottenburg, 313;
corresponds with Gallatin concerning place of negotiation, 314;
differs with Adams over Mississippi navigation and fisheries, 323;
joins Gallatin in England, 326;
urges Gallatin to accept mission to Panama Congress, 342;
letter of Gallatin to, on instructions as minister to England, 343;
tone of his diplomatic correspondence, 345;
Gallatin's opinion of, 356;
resignation of Gallatin in his favor, 358;
secures election of Adams, 358.
Clinton, George, marriage of his daughter to Genet, 102.
"Club, The," in New York, Gallatin's membership of, 366, 367.
Coast survey, established, 290.
Coinage, debate concerning, in Congress, 140;
regulated by Morris, 172.
Coles, Edward, letter of Gallatin to, 284.
Confederation, Articles of, political conditions under, 33, 34.
Congress, adopts amendments to Constitution suggested by New York and
Virginia, 40;
passes excise law, 49;
modifies it, 52;
gives state courts jurisdiction in excise cases, 67;
receives tricolor from France, 130;
complained of by Jefferson as weak, 138;
suspends commercial intercourse with France, 151;
passes acts authorizing naval defense, 153;
presence of Washington, Pinckney, and Hamilton at, in 1798, 155;
speech of Adams to, 155;
responsibility for war thrown upon, by Madison, 205;
authorizes loan in 1812, 209, 212;
damages Treasury by procrastination, 212;
supports Gallatin's policy of extinguishing debt, 215;
repeals internal revenue act, 221;
passes embargo, 225;
extends terms of credit on revenue bonds, 226;
refuses to recharter the bank, 231, 254;
declares war, imposes increased duties, 234;
reimposes internal taxes, 236;
adopts non-importation against England and France, 292;
orders out naval force, 294;
repeals embargo, 294.
Constable, John, at free trade convention in 1831, 241.
Constellation, defeats La Vengeance, 160.
Constitution of Pennsylvania, convention called to revise, 40, 41;
its membership and ability, 42, 43.
Constitution of the United States, adopted, 35;
struggle over ratification in Pennsylvania, 35;
movement in favor of new convention to amend, 36-40;
amended, 40;
power of Representatives to appropriate, 109;
debate in Congress on relation of treaty power to House of
Representatives, 110-115;
argument of Washington on treaty power, 114, 115;
debate in House on relation of Executive to Congress, 142-147;
power of Senate to require treasury reports, 161;
in relation to state bills of credit, 257;
question of power of United States to acquire territory, 285;
in relation to National University, 291;
to annexation of Texas, 351.
Cook, Edward, presides over meeting of whiskey insurgents at Parkinson's
Ferry, 79;
indorses resolution to submit to terms of United States commissioners,
83.
Cooper, Dr. Samuel, interested in Gallatin through Madame Pictet, 17.
Couronne, ----, takes shares in Gallatin's land scheme, 361.
Crawford, William H., follows Gallatin's treasury policy, 215;
at Gallatin's suggestion, urges Emperor
again to mediate, 315;
complains of Adams's pugnacity, 339;
wishes Gallatin to stand for Vice-President, 341;
looked upon by Gallatin as strongest leader after the triumvirate,
355;
supported by Gallatin, Jefferson, and Madison against Adams, 356;
stricken with paralysis, 357;
nominated for President by caucus, 357;
defeated by Adams, 358.
Cuba, avowed intention of United States to prevent English seizure of,
by war if necessary, 346.
Cumberland Road, reported to Congress in 1807, 290.
Dallas, Alexander J., his career compared to that of Gallatin, 28, 58;
his parentage, 58;
secretary of state for Pennsylvania, 58;
friendship with Gallatin, 58;
excursion with Gallatin, 58, 59;
describes to Gallatin his experiences with militia in suppressing
Whiskey Rebellion, 92;
follows Gallatin's loan policy, 215;
regrets absence of internal taxes, 236;
proposes a national bank, 265;
resigns, 266.
Dallas, Mrs. A. J., on excursion with her husband and Gallatin, 58, 59.
Dallas, George M., accompanies Gallatin to Europe, 301;
sent to London, his instructions, 310;
informs Gallatin of English offer to treat directly, 311;
takes dispatch to Monroe, 318.
Davis, Garrett, letter of Gallatin to, on manifest destiny, 352.
Davis, Matthew L., quarrel between Jefferson and Burr over his
appointment, 282.
Dawson, John, on Sedition Law, 162.
Dayton, Jonathan, elected speaker of House by Democrats, 98;
anti-British in feeling, 104;
not influenced by connection with Burr, 104;
reëlected speaker, 132;
introduces resolution on Adams's message, 134;
joins Federalists after X Y Z affair, 149;
refuses to answer Gallatin, 153;
vote of thanks to, 158.
Debt, public, payment by public lands urged by Gallatin, 122;
its permanence condemned by Gallatin, 126;
controversy between Gallatin and Smith as to increase of, 126;
attempt of Continental Congress to investigate, 171;
attempts of Morris to secure its funding, 172, 173;
funded by Hamilton, 174, 175;
increased under Wolcott, 178;
creation of domestic loans, 178;
Gallatin's subdivision of, 184, 185;
its extinction Gallatin's main desire, 186, 188, 198, 203, 208;
stated by Gallatin in 1801-2, 191;
plan for its discharging, 191;
actual reduction of, 192;
increased through Louisiana purchase, 192, 193, 195;
new funds, 195, 196;
funding of debt in 1807, 198;
statement regarding, in 1808, 202;
its increase during war foreseen by Gallatin, 203;
reduction in 1812, 205;
loan of 1812, 209;
declines below par, 210;
revives, 211;
loan of twenty-one millions, 212;
increase in 1816, 215;
Gallatin's policy toward, continued by Dallas and Crawford, 215;
eventually extinguished, 215, 269, 271;
absence regretted by Woodbury, 271.
De Fersen, his correspondence proves guilt of Louis XVI., 57.
De Lolme, ----, school companion of Gallatin, 5.
Democratic party. See Republican party especially, 358-360.
De Neuville, Hyde, French minister, demands dismissal of insolent
postmaster, 333;
negotiates commercial convention with Adams, 340.
De Rham, ----, member of "The Club," 367.
Dexter, Samuel, succeeds Wolcott in Treasury Department, 177;
consents to hold over until appointment of successor, 181.
Diplomatic history, mission of Genet to United States, 57, 102;
Jay's treaty with England, 102, 103, 117;
Fauchet's dealings with Randolph, 103;
Wayne's treaty with Indians, 117;
Pinckney's treaty with Spain, 117;
expulsion of Pinckney from France, 132;
X Y Z affair and consequences, 149, 152, 153;
events leading up to war of 1812, 295;
offer of Russia to mediate, 299;
mission of Gallatin, Bayard, and Adams to Russia, 301, 303;
correspondence of Gallatin with Baring, 305-307, 309;
renewed offers by Russia, 308;
again refused by England, 311;
offer of England to treat directly, 311;
appointment of a new commission, 312;
place of negotiation, 314;
futile appeal of Lafayette to Emperor to mediate, 315, 316;
appointment of English commissioners, 316;
exorbitant English demands, 317;
suspension of negotiations, 318;
alteration of British tone, 319;
resumption of negotiations and refusal by Americans of English demands,
319;
further English demands for cession of territory refused, 321;
discussion over boundaries, fisheries, and Mississippi navigation, 322,
323;
these points abandoned, 323;
article against slave trade adopted, 323;
conclusion of treaty, 324;
part played by Gallatin, 324, 325;
commercial convention with England, 326, 327;
mission of Gallatin to France, 330-341;
negotiations over French captures under Berlin and Milan decrees, 332,
333;
over an impudent postmaster, 333;
negotiations with Holland, 334;
commercial convention with England, 334, 335;
negotiations with France over Apollon case, 338;
commercial convention with France, 340;
failure to settle American claims, 341;
Gallatin's mission to England, 343-347;
instructions, 343;
negotiations with Canning, 345, 346;
conclusion of convention with Goderich's ministry, 347;
Ashburton treaty negotiations, 349, 350.
Disunion, threatened in 1795, 116;
planned by New England in 1812, 213.
Duane, William, intimate with Jefferson, 286;
abuses Gallatin in "Aurora," 286, 297;
appointed adjutant-general by Madison, 299.
Duby, ----, takes shares in Gallatin's land scheme, 361.
Dumont, Etienne, college friend of Gallatin, his subsequent career, 5;
Gallatin's opinion of, 5;
invited by Gallatin to come to America, 26;
on shape of Gallatin's head, 389.
Du Ponceau, Peter Stephen, friend of Gallatin, his philological studies
upon Indians, 376, 377.
D'Yvernois, proposes to transport University of Geneva to United States,
291;
receives shares in Gallatin's land scheme, 362.
Edgar, James, on committee of whiskey insurgents to confer with United
States commissioners, 81;
supports Gallatin, 82;
presides over last meeting at Parkinson's Ferry, 89.
Elliott, ----, on controversy between Wolcott and Gallatin, as to
surplus, 190, 191.
Ellsworth, Oliver, on committee to consider Gallatin's eligibility to
Senate, 61.
Embargo, opposed by Gallatin, 201;
its effect stated by him, 201, 202;
adopted as answer to Orders in Council, 225;
its enforcement or abandonment urged by Gallatin, 228, 229, 230, 291;
enforced, 292;
repealed, 294.
Emlen, George, at free trade convention in 1831, 241.
England, anger against, at time of Jay treaty, 103;
renews provision order, 103;
danger of war with, 116, 118, 120;
hard pressed by France in 1797, 139;
its friendship more dangerous than France's enmity, 163;
adopts Orders in Council, 201, 225;
commercial policy toward United States, 224, 225, 295;
danger of war with, 224, 229;
Madison's preference for, 295;
events leading up to war with, 295, 296;
mistaken view of Gallatin concerning its diplomacy, 304;
unwilling to tolerate Russian mediation, 304, 306, 311;
its policy explained by Baring, 306, 307;
offers to treat directly, 311;
willing to push on war after fall of Napoleon, 313, 316;
hopes to divide United States, 313;
appoints commissioners, 316;
makes exorbitant demands, 317;
its policy modified by Castlereagh, 319;
demands cession of territory, 321;
loses interest in war, 322;
rejects article on impressment, 322;
negotiation of convention with, in 1815, 334, 335;
at Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, 337;
mission of Gallatin to, 343-347;
complains of tone of American diplomacy, 344, 345;
negotiations with, 345, 346;
agrees to renew commercial convention, 347;
refuses to negotiate on impressment, 347;
makes Ashburton treaty, 349, 350.
Eppes, John W., letter of Gallatin to, on public lands, 239.
Erskine, D. M., his negotiations, 295.
Etsko, ----, Polish refugee, helped by Gallatin, 372.
Eustis, William, advised by Gallatin concerning treaty with Netherlands,
333, 334.
Ewbank, ----, member of Ethnological Society, 379.
Excise (see Whiskey Insurrection), recommended by Hamilton, 175.
Fauchet, his dealings with Randolph, 103;
condemned by Federalists, 134.
Fayette County, settlement of Gallatin, 22, 26, 27;
life in, 28, 43, 67;
elects Gallatin to legislature, 44;
in Whiskey Insurrection, 49, 51, 52, 68, 78, 85, 96;
reëlects Gallatin, 93, 95;
visited by Lafayette, 365.
Fazzi, ----, takes share in Gallatin's land scheme, 361.
Federalist party, its origin, 57;
prejudiced against Gallatin by his resolution demanding information from
Hamilton, 64, 65;
opposes his election to Congress, 95;
reconstructs cabinet, 97, 98;
its leaders in House, 98, 99;
attitude toward France and England, 100, 101;
charged with being bribed by England, 103;
in debate on appropriating power, 108, 109;
in debate on treaty power, 111-115;
defends Jay treaty, 118;
strengthened in fourth Congress, 128;
retains nominal majority in fifth Congress, 133;
in debate on French relations, 134-136;
in debate on checks on executive, 143-147;
strengthened by X Y Z affair, 149;
commits mistakes, 151, 152; its badge, 153;
controls sixth Congress, 158;
refuses to repeal Sedition Law, 159;
defeated in 1800, 163;
forced to choose between Burr and Jefferson, 164;
bargain with Jefferson, 164;
its possible plans for defeating any choice, 165;
and for nominating a president pro tempore, 165;
allows Jefferson's election, 166, 167;
its share in building country, 169;
breach in, 177;
enjoys Republican inconsistency, 237;
monopolizes offices, 280;
extinguished by battle of New Orleans, 358.
Few, William, connected by marriage with Gallatin, 59.
Finances, efforts of Gallatin to secure minute supervision of by
Congress, 64, 106, 107;
efforts to establish permanent appropriations, 107;
appropriations, power of Congress over, 108, 109;
their necessity to successful government, 170;
finances of the Revolution under Morris, 170-174;
under treasury board, 173, 174;
under Hamilton, 174-176;
under Wolcott, 176-178;
under Gallatin, 186-215;
sketch of, by Gallatin, 184;
"View of," by Gallatin, 185;
preliminary sketch on Gallatin's assuming office, 186;
estimate of sources of wealth, 187;
estimate for 1801, 190;
denial of a surplus, 190, 191;
plan for discharging debt, 191, 192;
its execution, 192, 194;
report for 1803 on reduction of debt, 195;
Louisiana purchase, 193, 195;
place of payment of principal and interest, 195, 196;
addition to sinking fund, 196;
report for first four years, 197;
estimates of revenue for Jefferson's second term, 198;
conversion of debt, 198;
full treasury in 1807, 198;
Gallatin's consideration of military value of surplus, 199;
on war revenue, 200, 201;
effect of embargo, 201;
sources of revenue, 204;
deficiency in 1809, 204;
report of 1811, 205;
demand of Gallatin for internal revenue, 206;
war estimates, 206-209;
including "treasury notes," 207, 210;
loan of 1812, 209;
estimates for 1812, 210;
report for 1812, 211;
success of loan, 210, 211;
report of loan of twenty-one millions, 212;
stock not taken by New England and Southern States, 213;
saved by Parish, Girard, and Astor, 213, 214;
review of Gallatin's influence, 215-216;
table of revenue and expenditure, 217;
revenue established by Hamilton, 217;
its character, 218;
and amount, 219;
permanent estimate of, 220;
internal revenue retained by Gallatin, 220;
his proposed expenditures, 220;
repeal of internal revenue, 221;
increased income, 221;
establishment of Mediterranean fund, 222;
income during Jefferson's first term, 223;
increased estimates of Gallatin, 223;
internal improvements planned, 224;
doubling of duties recommended as a war measure, 225;
effect of embargo on revenue, 225, 227;
review of revenue during Jefferson's administrations, 226, 227;
surplus in 1808, 226;
internal improvements advocated by Jefferson, 226, 227;
estimates of receipts for 1809, 228;
report of Gallatin to Congress on need for new revenues, 229;
vagueness of Madison concerning, 229, 230;
report for 1809, 230;
refusal of Congress to re-charter bank, 231;
report for 1810, 231;
report of Gallatin in January, 1812, 232;
proposal to impose internal taxes, 234;
increased war duties, 234;
war budget for 1813, 235;
internal taxes, their history, 235;
reimposed by Congress, 236;
receipts from, 237;
public lands, receipts from, 238, 239;
administration of Treasury under
Gallatin, 244-246;
history of Bank of North America, 248-250;
of Bank of United States, 250-255;
panic of 1815, 262-264;
second United States Bank, 265-268;
resumption of specie payment, 267;
report of Gallatin on ratio of gold and silver, 268;
"Considerations on Currency and Banking," 268;
diminution of debt in 1832, 269;
removal of deposits from Bank of United States, 269, 270;
extinction of debt by Woodbury, 270, 271;
distribution of surplus among States, 271;
inflation in 1836, 272;
panic of 1837, 272, 273.
Findley, James, in Pennsylvania Constitutional Convention, 43;
represents Fayette County in legislature, 44.
Findley, William, describes Whiskey Insurrection, 71;
at Parkinson's Ferry meeting, 78;
describes Gallatin's speech, 83;
on threats of secession, 86;
takes resolutions to Washington urging him to stop march of troops,
89;
describes seizure of prisoners, 90.
Fish, Preserved, at free trade convention in 1831, 241.
Fisheries, discussed in treaty of Ghent, 322, 323;
unfavorable settlement of question in 1818, 335.
Florida, question of its annexation, 285.
Forsyth, John, asks Gallatin's advice as to Smithson's bequest, 378.
Fox, C. J., his precocity compared to Gallatin's, 32.
France, sympathy of Republicans for, 116;
sends tricolor to Congress, 130;
its policy in Revolution, 131;
situation in 1796, 131;
endeavors to get aid of United States, 131;
determines to coerce it, 132;
refuses to receive Pinckney, 132;
policy of Adams toward, 137;
success in 1797, 139;
danger of war with, in 1798, 147;
question of war with, debated in Congress, 148-151;
non-intercourse with, 151, 159, 160;
adopts conciliatory measures, 160;
commercial convention with, 162;
adopts Milan decree, 229;
mission of Gallatin to, 331-341;
refuses to pay for seizures under Berlin and Milan decrees, 333;
urges peace with Spain, 336;
offers to mediate with United States between Spain and her colonies,
336;
conduct at Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, 337;
Apollon case, 338;
commercial convention with, 340;
fails to settle claims, 340, 341;
Revolution of 1830 in, 370, 371, 372.
Franklin, Benjamin, gives Gallatin letter to Richard Bache, 11;
compared to Gallatin, 389.
Frederick, Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, friend of Madame Voltaire, 7;
sends her a portrait, 7;
sells troops to England in American war, 8;
called a tyrant by Gallatin, 8.
Free trade, advocated by Gallatin, 240;
becomes a party question in 1832, 240;
convention in favor of, 241;
Gallatin's memorial in behalf of, 241, 242;
subsequent history of, 242, 243.
French Revolution, premonitions of, in Europe, 6;
Gallatin's opinion of, in 1794, 56, 57;
its reaction on America, 57, 100;
attitude of parties toward, 101, 102;
its effect described by Gallatin, 327, 328.
Gallatin, Abraham, grandfather of Albert, 2;
lives at Pregny, 7;
friend of Voltaire, 7.
Gallatin, Albert, his place in United States history, 1;
birth and ancestry, 2;
adopted by Mlle. Pictet, 2;
his schooling and home training, 2, 3;
benefits from cosmopolitan society of Geneva, 4;
academic friendships, 4, 5;
restless, although not ambitious, 5;
discontented with political conditions, 6;
visits Voltaire, 7, 8;
refuses offer of commission in Hessian service, 8;
quarrels with grandmother, 8;
plans to find freedom in America, 9, 10;
leaves Geneva secretly, 9;
plans to rise by land speculation and commerce, 10;
at Nantes receives letters from family, 10, 11;
relations with guardian, 11;
invests money in tea, 12;
voyage to Boston, 12;
finds difficulty in selling tea, 12;
finds Boston bigoted and unfriendly, 13;
his walk to Blue Hill, 13;
encounter with inquisitive landlord, 13, 14;
persuaded by Madame De Lesdernier, makes trading voyage to Machias,
14;
frontier life there, 15, 16;
commands earthwork at Passamaquoddy, 16;
meets La Pérouse, 16;
returns to Boston and teaches French, 17;
recommended by Mlle. Pictet to Dr. Cooper, 17;
teaches French successfully in Harvard College, 17, 18;
glad to leave Boston at conclusion of war, 18;
visits New York, 18;
meets Savary, 19;
dissolves partnership with Serre, 19;
meets Pelatiah Webster at Philadelphia, 19;
accompanies Savary to Richmond, 19;
decides definitely not to return to Geneva, 20;
joins Savary in land speculations in West Virginia, 20, 21;
his aversion to debt, 21;
returns to Philadelphia and leads exploring party down Ohio, 21;
at George's Creek builds log-house and opens store, 22;
encounters Washington, 22;
declines Washington's offer to become land agent, 23;
enjoys a winter in Richmond society, 23;
his gratitude for hospitality and kindness, 24;
commissioned by Henry, locates lands in Western Virginia, 24;
interrupted by Indian troubles, 24;
takes oath of allegiance to Virginia, 25;
invites Badollet to join him from Geneva, 25, 26;
purchases Friendship Hill, 26;
rumor of his death causes inquiries from Geneva, 27;
attains majority and calls for property, 28;
difficulties of his life on frontier, 28;
not to be blamed for his choice of location, 28, 29;
offered place in office by Marshall, 29;
advised by Patrick Henry to begin in West, 29;
visits Richmond and Philadelphia, 29;
journey to Maine, 29, 30;
kindness towards Lesdernier, 30;
marries Sophie Allègre, her sudden death, 30;
disheartened, wishes to abandon Western lands, 30, 31;
his maturity in political thought, 32;
early an advocate of democracy, 32, 33;
probably dislikes the Federal Constitution, 34, 36;
an opponent of centralization, 34;
influences arguments of Smilie in Pennsylvania ratifying convention,
36;
represents Fayette County at convention of anti-Federalists, 37;
friendship with Smilie, 38;
drafts resolutions providing for vigorous organization against
Constitution, 38, 39.
_In Pennsylvania Constitutional Convention._
Elected a delegate from Fayette County, 40;
his opposition to alteration of form of government, 41;
advocates enlarged popular representation, manhood suffrage, easy
naturalization, 42;
takes minor part in convention, his high opinion of its ability, 42,
43;
after convention, falls into melancholy, 43;
wishes to leave America, 43;
reproached by Genevese friends with indolence, 43, 44.
_In Pennsylvania Legislature._
Elected to represent Fayette County, 44;
describes his legislative career, 45-47;
his influence and activity, 45;
advocates improved education, 45;
supports turnpike, 45;
gains reputation by report of Ways and Means Committee, 46;
advocates redemption of paper money and financial reform, 46;
reports a resolution for abolition of slavery, 47;
at first dislikes Philadelphia, later prefers it to New York for
democracy, 47, 48;
drafts resolutions condemning Hamilton's excise bill, 48;
takes part in public meeting in Washington County against the bill, 50;
secretary of convention of western counties at Pittsburgh, 52;
signs resolutions advocating resistance, 53;
draws petition to Congress, 53;
returns to Philadelphia to find cause damaged by action of counties,
54;
advises evasion of federal writs to arrest, 55;
in legislature proposes a township veto on taxation and popular
education, 55;
wishes to visit Geneva in 1793, 56, 57;
views on French Revolution, 56, 57;
elected senator in spite of insufficient residence, 58;
acquaintance with Dallas, 58;
on journey with him, meets Hannah Nicholson, 59;
marriage, 59;
his family connections by marriage, 59;
later business connections with brother-in-law, J. W. Nicholson, 60;
takes seat as United States senator, 60;
his election protested on ground of insufficient residence, 60, 61;
complains of membership of committee to consider case, 61;
his exact status, 62;
submits statement of facts to Senate, 62;
is declared disqualified by narrow majority, 62, 63;
his dignified conduct of case, 63;
pending the decision, introduces resolution calling upon Hamilton to
make a minutely itemized report, 64;
probably causes his own expulsion by thus irritating Federalists, 64,
65;
later obliged to answer a similar demand from Federalists, 65;
not cast down by exclusion, 65;
gains increased popularity in Pennsylvania, 65, 66.
_In Whiskey Insurrection._
Takes wife to Fayette County, 67;
at outbreak of violence advises distillers to submit to law, 69;
his estimate of numbers of insurgents in arms, 73;
remains at first aloof from excitement, 75;
determines to take control of movement, 75, 76;
alarmed at probable excesses of mob and danger of repression, 76;
delegate to convention at Parkinson's Ferry, 78;
confers with Marshall, 78;
chosen secretary, 79;
opposes resolution to resist by force, and moves reference of
resolutions to a committee, 80;
succeeds in modifying resolutions not to obey excise and trial laws,
80;
on committee on resolutions, 80;
on committee to confer with government commissioners, 81;
points out folly of resistance, 81;
counsels submission, 81;
his eloquent speech, 82, 83;
prevents anarchy, 82;
charged by J. C. Hamilton with cowardice, 84;
his real courage, 84;
hastens submission of Fayette County, 85;
secures adoption of declaration defending county's action, 85;
secretary of meeting at Parkinson's Ferry, which makes complete
submission, 89;
considered by Federalists to be chief instigator of the insurrection,
90;
describes conversation with Dallas, 92;
again chosen to legislature and also to Congress, 93;
his election to Assembly contested and declared void, 93, 94;
in his speech during debate admits error of his course, 94;
urges Badollet to secure reëlection of all Western assemblymen, 95;
re-elected to legislature, 95;
witness before grand jury in trial of prisoners, 96;
draws petition to Washington for pardon of offenders, 96;
his loyalty to constituents, 96.