CHAPTER I

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Standard Library Edition

AMERICAN STATESMEN

EDITED BY

JOHN T. MORSE, JR.

IN THIRTY-TWO VOLUMES VOL. XIII.

THE JEFFERSONIAN DEMOCRACY

ALBERT GALLATIN

[Illustration: Albert Gallatin]

American Statesmen

STANDARD LIBRARY EDITION

[Illustration: The Home of Albert Gallatin]

HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & CO.

American Statesmen

ALBERT GALLATIN

BY

JOHN AUSTIN STEVENS

BOSTON AND NEW YORK

HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY

The Riverside Press, Cambridge

Copyright, 1883 and 1898,

BY HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & CO.

_All rights reserved._

PREFACE

Every generation demands that history shall be rewritten. This is not

alone because it requires that the work should be adapted to its own

point of view, but because it is instinctively seeking those lines which

connect the problems and lessons of the past with its own questions and

circumstances. If it were not for the existence of lines of this kind,

history might be entertaining, but would have little real value. The

more numerous they are between the present and any earlier period, the

more valuable is, for us, the history of that period. Such

considerations establish an especial interest just at present in the

life of Gallatin.

The Monroe Doctrine has recently been the pivot of American

statesmanship. With that doctrine Mr. Gallatin had much to do, both as

minister to France and envoy to Great Britain. Indeed, in 1818, some

years before the declaration of that doctrine, when the Spanish colonies

of South America were in revolt, he declared that the United States

would not even aid France in a mediation. Later, in May, 1823, six

months before the famous message of President Monroe, Mr. Gallatin had

already uttered its idea; when about leaving Paris, on his return from

the French mission, he said to Chateaubriand, the French minister of

foreign affairs (May 13, 1823): "The United States would undoubtedly

preserve their neutrality, provided it were respected, and avoid any

interference with the politics of Europe.... On the other hand, they

would not suffer others to interfere against the emancipation of

America." With characteristic vanity Canning said that it was he himself

who "called the new world into existence to redress the balance of the

old." Yet precisely this had already for a long while been a cardinal

point of the policy of the United States. So early as 1808, Jefferson,

alluding to the disturbed condition of the Spanish colonies, said: "We

consider their interest and ours as the same, and that the object of

both must be to exclude all European influence in this hemisphere."

Matters of equal interest are involved in the study of Mr. Gallatin's

actions and opinions in matters of finance. Every one knows that he

ranks among the distinguished financiers of the world, and problems

which he had to consider are still agitating the present generation. He

was opposed alike to a national debt and to paper money. Had the

metallic basis of the United States been adequate, he would have

accepted no other circulating medium, and would have consented to the

use of paper money only for purposes of exchange and remittance. In 1830

he urged the restriction of paper money to notes of one hundred dollars

each, which were to be issued by the government. Obviously these must be

used chiefly for transmitting funds, and would be of little use for the

daily transactions of the people. Yet even this concession was due to

the fact that the United States was then a debtor country, and so late

as 1839, as Mr. Gallatin said, "specie was a foreign product." For

subsidiary money he favored silver coins at eighty-five per cent. of the

dollar value, a sufficient alloy to hold them in the country. Silver was

then the circulating medium of the world, the people's pocket money, and

gold was the basis and the solvent of foreign exchanges.

Great interest attaches to the application of some other of Gallatin's

financial principles to more modern problems; and a careful study of his

papers may fairly enable us to form a few conclusions. It may be safely

said that he would not have favored a national bank currency based on

government bonds. This, however, would not have been because of any

objection to the currency itself, but because the scheme would insure

the continuance of a national debt. He was too practical, also, not to

see that the ultimate security is the faith of the government, and that

no filtering of that responsibility through private banks could do

otherwise than injure it. Further, it is reasonably safe to say that he

would favor the withdrawal both of national bank notes and of United

States notes, the greenbacks so-called; and that he would consent to the

use of paper only in the form of certificates directly representing the

precious metals, gold and silver; also that he would limit the use of

silver to its actual handling by the people in daily transactions. He

would feel safe to disregard the fluctuations of the intrinsic value of

silver, when used in this limited way as a subordinate currency, on the

ground that the stamp of the United States was sufficient for conferring

the needed value, when the obligation was only to maintain the parity,

not of the silver, but of the coin, with gold. He understood that, in

the case of a currency which is merely subordinate, parity arises from

the guaranty of the government, and not from the quality of the coin;

and that only such excess of any subordinate currency as is not needed

for use in daily affairs can be presented for redemption. This

principle, well understood by him, is recognized in European systems,

wherein the minimum of circulation is recognized as a maximum limit of

uncovered issues of paper. The circulation of silver, or of

certificates based upon it, comes within the same rule.

At the time of the publication of this volume objection was taken to the

author's statement that, until the publication of Gallatin's writings,

his fame as a statesman and political leader was a mere tradition. Yet

in point of fact, not only is his name hardly mentioned by the early

biographers of Jefferson, Madison, and J. Q. Adams, but even by the

later writers in this very Series, his work, varied and important as it

was, has been given but scant notice. The historians of the United

States, and those who have made a specialty of the study of political

parties, have been alike indifferent or derelict in their investigations

to such a degree that it required months of original research in the

annals of Congress to ascertain Gallatin's actual relations towards the

Federalist party which he helped to overthrow, and towards the

Republican party which he did so much to found, and of which he became

the ablest champion, in Congress by debate, and in the cabinet by

administration.

Invited by the publishers of the Statesmen Series to bring this study

"up to date," the author has found no important changes to make in his

work as he first prepared it. In the original investigation every source

of information was carefully explored, and no new sources have since

then been discovered. Mr. Gallatin's writings, carefully preserved in

originals and copies, and well arranged, supplied the details; while the

family traditions, with which the author was familiar, indicated the

objects to be obtained. But so wide was the general field of Mr.

Gallatin's career, so varied were his interests in all that pertained to

humanity, philanthropy, and science, and so extensive were his relations

with the leaders of European and American thought and action, that the

subject could only be treated on the broadest basis. With this apology

this study of one of the most interesting characters of American life is

again commended to the indulgence of the American people.

NEWPORT, April, 1898.

CONTENTS

CHAP. PAGE

I. EARLY LIFE 1

II. PENNSYLVANIA Legislature 32

III. UNITED STATES SENATE 56

IV. THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION 67

V. MEMBER OF CONGRESS 97

VI. SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 170

VII. IN THE CABINET 279

VIII. IN DIPLOMACY 301

IX. CANDIDATE FOR THE VICE-PRESIDENCY 355

X. SOCIETY--LITERATURE--SCIENCE 361

INDEX 391

ILLUSTRATIONS

ALBERT GALLATIN _Frontispiece_

From the original painting by Gilbert Stuart, in the

possession of Frederic W. Stevens, Esq., New York, N. Y.

Autograph from the Chamberlain collection, Boston

Public Library.

The vignette of "Friendship Hill," Mr. Gallatin's

home at New Geneva, Pa., is from a photograph.

Page

ROBERT GOODLOE HARPER _facing_ 98

From a painting by St. Mémin, in the possession of

Harper's granddaughter, Mrs. William C. Pennington,

Baltimore, Md.

Autograph from a MS. in the New York Public

Library, Lenox Building.

ALEXANDER J. DALLAS _facing_ 236

From the original painting by Gilbert Stuart, in the

possession of Mrs. W. H. Emory, Washington, D. C.

Autograph from the Chamberlain collection, Boston

Public Library.

JAMES A. BAYARD _facing_ 312

From a painting by Wertmüller, owned by the late

Thomas F. Bayard, Wilmington, Del.

Autograph from the Chamberlain collection, Boston

Public Library.

ALBERT GALLATIN

CHAPTER I

EARLY LIFE

Of all European-born citizens who have risen to fame in the political

service of the United States, Albert Gallatin is the most distinguished.

His merit in legislation, administration, and diplomacy is generally

recognized, and he is venerated by men of science on both continents.

Not, however, until the publication of his writings was the extent of

his influence upon the political life and growth of the country other

than a vague tradition. Independence and nationality were achieved by

the Revolution, in which he bore a slight and unimportant part; his

place in history is not, therefore, among the founders of the Republic,

but foremost in the rank of those early American statesmen, to whom it

fell to interpret and administer the organic laws which the founders

declared and the people ratified in the Constitution of the United

States. A study of his life shows that, from the time of the peace until

his death, his influence, either by direct action or indirect counsel,

may be traced through the history of the country.

The son of Jean Gallatin and his wife, Sophie Albertine Rollaz, he was

born in the city of Geneva on January 29, 1761, and was baptized by the

name of Abraham Alfonse Albert Gallatin. The name Abraham he received

from his grandfather, but it was early dropped, and he was always known

by his matronymic Albert. The Gallatin family held great influence in

the Swiss Republic, and from the organization of the State contributed

numerous members to its magistracy; others adopted the military

profession, and served after the manner of their country in the Swiss

contingents of foreign armies. The immediate relatives of Albert

Gallatin were concerned in trade. Abraham, his grandfather, and Jean,

his father, were partners. The latter dying in 1765, his widow assumed

his share in the business. She died in March, 1770, leaving two

children,--Albert, then nine years of age, and an invalid daughter who

died a few years later. The loss to the orphan boy was lessened, if not

compensated, by the care of a maiden lady--Mademoiselle Pictet--who had

taken him into her charge at his father's death. This lady, whose

affection never failed him, was the intimate friend of his mother as

well as a distant relative of his father. Young Gallatin remained in

this kind care until January, 1773, when he was sent to a

boarding-school, and in August, 1775, to the academy of Geneva, from

which he was graduated in May, 1779. The expenses of his education were

in great part met by the trustees of the Bourse Gallatin,--a sum left in

1699 by a member of the family, of which the income was to be applied to

its necessities. The course of study at the academy was confined to

Latin and Greek. These were taught, to use the words of Mr. Gallatin,

"Latin thoroughly, Greek much neglected." Fortunately his preliminary

home training had been careful, and he left the academy the first in his

class in mathematics, natural philosophy, and Latin translation. French,

a language in general use at Geneva, was of course familiar to him.

English he also studied. He is not credited with special proficiency in

history, but his teacher in this branch was Muller, the distinguished

historian, and the groundwork of his information was solid. No American

statesman has shown more accurate knowledge of the facts of history, or

a more profound insight into its philosophy, than Mr. Gallatin.

Education, however, is not confined to instruction, nor is the influence

of an academy to be measured by the extent of its curriculum, or the

proficiency of its students, but rather by its general tone, moral and

intellectual. The Calvinism of Geneva, narrow in its religious sense,

was friendly to the spread of knowledge; and had this not been the case,

the side influences of Roman Catholicism on the one hand, and the

liberal spirit of the age on the other, would have tempered its

exclusive tendency.

While the academy seems to have sent out few men of extraordinary

eminence, its influence upon society was happy. Geneva was the resort of

distinguished foreigners. Princes and nobles from Germany and the north

of Europe, lords and gentlemen from England, and numerous Americans went

thither to finish their education. Of these Mr. Gallatin has left

mention of Francis Kinloch and William Smith, who later represented

South Carolina in the Congress of the United States; Smith was

afterwards minister to Portugal; Colonel Laurens, son of the president

of Congress, and special envoy to France during the war of the American

Revolution; the two Penns, proprietors of Pennsylvania; Franklin Bache,

grandson of Dr. Franklin; and young Johannot, grandson of Dr. Cooper of

Boston. Yet no one of these followed the academic course. To use again

the words of Mr. Gallatin, "It was the Geneva society which they

cultivated, aided by private teachers in every branch, with whom Geneva

was abundantly supplied." "By that influence," he says, he was himself

"surrounded, and derived more benefit from that source than from

attendance on academical lectures." Considered in its broader sense,

education is quite as much a matter of association as of scholarly

acquirement. The influence of the companion is as strong and enduring as

that of the master. Of this truth the career of young Gallatin is a

notable example. During his academic course he formed ties of intimate

friendship with three of his associates. These were Henri Serre, Jean

Badollet, and Etienne Dumont. This attachment was maintained unimpaired

throughout their lives, notwithstanding the widely different stations

which they subsequently filled. Serre and Badollet are only remembered

from their connection with Gallatin. Dumont was of different mould. He

was the friend of Mirabeau, the disciple and translator of Bentham,--a

man of elegant acquirement, but, in the judgment of Gallatin, "without

original genius." De Lolme was in the class above Gallatin. He had such

facility in the acquisition of languages that he was able to write his

famous work on the English Constitution after the residence of a single

year in England. Pictet, Gallatin's relative, afterwards celebrated as a

naturalist, excelled all his fellows in physical science.

During his last year at the academy Gallatin was engaged in the tuition

of a nephew of Mademoiselle Pictet, but the time soon arrived when he

felt called upon to choose a career. His state was one of comparative

dependence, and the small patrimony which he inherited would not pass to

his control until he should reach his twenty-fifth year,--the period

assigned for his majority. It would be hardly just to say that he was

ambitious. Personal distinction was never an active motor in his life.

Even his later honors, thick and fast though they fell, were rather

thrust upon than sought by him. But his nature was proud and sensitive,

and he chafed under personal control. The age was restless. The spirit

of philosophic inquiry, no longer confined within scholastic limits, was

spreading far and wide. From the banks of the Neva to the shores of the

Mediterranean, the people of Europe were uneasy and expectant. Men

everywhere felt that the social system was threatened with a cataclysm.

What would emerge from the general deluge none could foresee. Certainly,

the last remains of the old feudality would be engulfed forever. Nowhere

was this more thoroughly believed than at the home of Rousseau. Under

the shadow of the Alps, every breeze from which was free, the Genevese

philosopher had written his "Contrat social," and invited the rulers and

the ruled to a reorganization of their relations to each other and to

the world. But nowhere, also, was the conservative opposition to the new

theories more intense than here.

The mind of young Gallatin was essentially philosophic. The studies in

which he excelled in early life were in this direction, and at no time

in his career did he display any emotional enthusiasm on subjects of

general concern. But, on the other hand, he was unflinching in his

adherence to abstract principle. Though not carried away by the

extravagance of Rousseau, he was thoroughly discontented with the

political state of Geneva. He was by early conviction a Democrat in the

broadest sense of the term. Indeed, it would be difficult to find a more

perfect example of what it was then the fashion to call a _citoyen du

monde_. His family seem, on the contrary, to have been always

conservative, and attached to the aristocratic and oligarchic system to

which they had, for centuries, owed their position and advancement.

Abraham Gallatin, his grandfather, lived at Pregny on the northern shore

of the lake, in close neighborhood to Ferney, the retreat of Voltaire.

Susanne Vaudenet Gallatin, his grandmother, was a woman of the world, a

lady of strong character, and the period was one when the influence of

women was paramount in the affairs of men; among her friends she counted

Voltaire, with whom her husband and herself were on intimate relations,

and Frederick, Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, with whom she corresponded. So

sincere was this latter attachment that the sovereign sent his portrait

to her in 1776, an honor which, at her instance, Voltaire acknowledged

in a verse characteristic of himself and of the time:--

"J'ai baisé ce portrait charmant,

Je vous l'avoûrai sans mystère,

Mes filles en out fait autant,

Mais c'est un secret qu'il faut taire.

Vous trouverez bon qu'une mère

Vous parle un peu plus hardiment,

Et vous verrez qu'également,

En tous les temps vous savez plaire."

At Pregny young Gallatin was the constant guest of his nearest relatives

on his father's side, and he was a frequent visitor at Ferney. Those

whose fortune it has been to sit at the feet of Mr. Gallatin himself,

in the serene atmosphere of his study, after his retirement from active

participation in public concerns, may well imagine the influence which

the rays of the prismatic character of Voltaire must have had upon the

philosophic and receptive mind of the young student.

There was and still is a solidarity in European families which can

scarcely be said to have ever had a counterpart in those of England, and

of which hardly a vestige remains in American social life. The fate of

each member was a matter of interest to all, and the honor of the name

was of common concern. Among the Gallatins, the grandmother, Madame

Gallatin-Vaudenet, as she was called, appears to have been the

controlling spirit. To her the profession of the youthful scion of the

stock was a matter of family consequence, and she had already marked out

his future course. The Gallatins, as has been already stated, had

acquired honor in the military service of foreign princes. Her friend,

the Landgrave of Hesse, was engaged in supporting the uncertain fortunes

of the British army in America with a large military contingent, and she

had only to ask to obtain for her grandson the high commission of

lieutenant-colonel of one of the regiments of Hessian mercenaries. To

the offer made to young Gallatin, and urged with due authority, he

replied, that "he would never serve a tyrant;" a want of respect which

was answered by a cuff on the ear. This incident determined his career.

Whether it crystallized long-cherished fancies into sudden action, or

whether it was of itself the initial cause of his resolve, is now mere

matter of conjecture; probably the former. The three friends, Gallatin,

Badollet, and Serre seem to have amused their leisure in planning an

ideal existence in some wilderness. America offered a boundless field

for the realization of such dreams, and the spice of adventure could be

had for the seeking. Here was the forest primeval in its original

grandeur. Here the Indian roamed undisputed master; not the tutored

Huron of Voltaire's tale, but the savage of torch and tomahawk. The

continent was as yet unexplored. In uncertainty as to motives for man's

action the French magistrate always searches for the woman,--"cherchez

la femme!" One single allusion in a letter written to Badollet, in 1783,

shows that there was a woman in Gallatin's horoscope. Who she was, what

her relation to him, or what influence she had upon his actions, nowhere

appears. He only says that besides Mademoiselle Pictet there was one

friend, "une amie," at Geneva, from whom a permanent separation would be

hard.

Confiding his purpose to his friend Serre, Gallatin easily persuaded

this ardent youth to join him in his venturesome journey, and on April

1, 1780, the two secretly left Geneva. It certainly was no burning

desire to aid the Americans in their struggle for independence, such as

had stirred the generous soul of Lafayette, that prompted this act. In

later life he repeatedly disclaimed any such motive. It was rather a

longing for personal independence, for freedom from the trammels of a

society in which he had little faith or interest. Nor were his political

opinions at this time matured. He had a just pride in the Swiss Republic

as a free State (Etat libre), and his personal bias was towards the

"Négatif" party, as those were called who maintained the authority of

the Upper Council (Petit Conseil) to reject the demands of the people.

To this oligarchic party his family belonged. In a letter written three

years later, he confesses that he was "Négatif" when he abandoned his

home, and conveys the idea that his emigration was an experiment, a

search for a system of government in accordance with his abstract

notions of natural justice and political right. To use his own words, he

came to America to "drink in a love for independence in the freest

country of the universe." But there was some method in this madness. The

rash scheme of emigration had a practical side; land speculation and

commerce were to be the foundation and support of the settlement in the

wilderness where they would realize their political Utopia.

From Geneva the young adventurers hurried to Nantes, on the coast of

France, where Gallatin soon received letters from his family, who seem

to have neglected nothing that could contribute to their comfort or

advantage. Monsieur P. M. Gallatin, the guardian of Albert, a distant

relative in an elder branch of the family, addressed him a letter

which, in its moderation, dignity, and kindness, is a model of

well-tempered severity and reproach. It expressed the pain Mademoiselle

Pictet had felt at his unceremonious departure, and his own affliction

at the ingratitude of one to whom he had never refused a request.

Finally, as the trustee of his estate till his majority, the guardian

assures the errant youth that he will aid him with pecuniary resources

as far as possible, without infringing upon the capital, and within the

sworn obligation of his trust. Letters of recommendation to

distinguished Americans were also forwarded, and in these it is found,

to the high credit of the family, that no distinction was made between

the two young men, although Serre seems to have been considered as the

originator of the bold move. The intervention of the Duke de la

Rochefoucauld d'Enville was solicited, and a letter was obtained by him

from Benjamin Franklin--then American minister at the Court of

Versailles--to his son-in-law, Richard Bache. Lady Juliana Penn wrote in

their behalf to John Penn at Philadelphia, and Mademoiselle Pictet to

Colonel Kinloch, member of the Continental Congress from South Carolina.

Thus supported in their undertaking the youthful travelers sailed from

L'Orient on May 27, in an American vessel, the Kattie, Captain Loring.

Of the sum which Gallatin, who supplied the capital for the expedition,

brought from Geneva, one half had been expended in their land journey

and the payment of the passages to Boston; one half, eighty louis

d'or--the equivalent of four hundred silver dollars--remained, part of

which they invested in tea. Reaching the American coast in a fog, or bad

weather, they were landed at Cape Ann on July 14. From Gloucester they

rode the next day to Boston on horseback, a distance of thirty miles.

Here they put up at a French café, "The Sign of the Alliance," in Fore

Street, kept by one Tahon, and began to consider what step they should

next take in the new world.

The prospects were not encouraging; the military fortunes of the

struggling nation were never at a lower ebb than during the summer which

intervened between the disaster of Camden and the discovery of Arnold's

treason. Washington's army lay at New Windsor in enforced inactivity;

enlistments were few, and the currency was almost worthless. Such was

the stagnation in trade, that the young strangers found it extremely

difficult to dispose of their little venture in tea. Two months were

passed at the café, in waiting for an opportunity to go to Philadelphia,

where Congress was in session, and where they expected to find the

influential persons to whom they were accredited; also letters from

Geneva. But this journey was no easy matter. The usual routes of travel

were interrupted. New York was the fortified headquarters of the British

army, and the Middle States were only to be reached by a détour through

the American lines above the Highlands and behind the Jersey Hills.

The homesick youths found little to amuse or interest them in Boston,

and grew very weary of its monotonous life and Puritanic tone. They

missed the public amusements to which they were accustomed in their own

country, and complained of the superstitious observance of Sunday, when

"singing, fiddling, card-playing and bowling were forbidden." Foreigners

were not welcome guests in this town of prejudice. The sailors of the

French fleet had already been the cause of one riot. Gallatin's letters

show that this aversion was fully reciprocated by him.

The neighboring country had some points of interest. No Swiss ever saw a

hill without an intense desire to get to its top. They soon felt the

magnetic attraction of the Blue Hills of Milton, and, descrying from

their summit the distant mountains north of Worcester, made a pedestrian

excursion thither the following day. Mr. Gallatin was wont to relate

with glee an incident of this trip, which Mr. John Russell Bartlett

repeats in his "Reminiscences."

"The tavern at which he stopped on his journey was kept by a man

who partook in a considerable degree of the curiosity even

now-a-days manifested by some landlords in the back parts of New

England to know the whole history of their guests. Noticing Mr.

Gallatin's French accent he said, 'Just from France, eh! You are a

Frenchman, I suppose.' 'No!' said Mr. Gallatin, 'I am not from

France.' 'You can't be from England, I am sure?' 'No!' was the

reply. 'From Spain?' 'No!' 'From Germany?' 'No!' 'Well, where on

earth are you from then, or what are you?' eagerly asked the

inquisitive landlord. 'I am a Swiss,' replied Mr. Gallatin. 'Swiss,

Swiss, Swiss!' exclaimed the landlord, in astonishment. 'Which of

the ten tribes are the Swiss?'"

Nor was this an unnatural remark. At this time Mr. Gallatin did not

speak English with facility, and indeed was never free from a foreign

accent.

At the little café they met a Swiss woman, the wife of a Genevan, one De

Lesdernier, who had been for thirty years established in Nova Scotia,

but, becoming compromised in the attempt to revolutionize the colony,

was compelled to fly to New England, and had settled at Machias, on the

northeastern extremity of the Maine frontier. Tempted by her account of

this region, and perhaps making a virtue of necessity, Gallatin and

Serre bartered their tea for rum, sugar, and tobacco, and, investing the

remainder of their petty capital in similar merchandise, they embarked

October 1, 1780, upon a small coasting vessel, which, after a long and

somewhat perilous passage, reached the mouth of the Machias River on the

15th of the same month. Machias was then a little settlement five miles

from the mouth of the stream of the same name. It consisted of about

twenty houses and a small fortification, mounting seven guns and

garrisoned by fifteen or twenty men. The young travelers were warmly

received by the son of Lesdernier, and made their home under his roof.

This seems to have been one of the four or five log houses in a large

clearing near the fort. Gallatin attempted to settle a lot of land, and

the meadow where he cut the hay with his own hands is still pointed out.

This is Frost's meadow in Perry, not far from the site of the Indian

village. A single cow was the beginning of a farm, but the main

occupation of the young men was woodcutting. No record remains of the

result of the merchandise venture. The trade of Machias was wholly in

fish, lumber, and furs, which, there being no money, the settlers were

ready enough to barter for West India goods. But the outlet for the

product of the country was, in its unsettled condition, uncertain and

precarious, and the young traders were no better off than before. One

transaction only is remembered, the advance by Gallatin to the garrison

of supplies to the value of four hundred dollars; for this he took a

draft on the state treasury of Massachusetts, which, there being no

funds for its payment, he sold at one fourth of its face value.

The life, rude as it was, was not without its charms. Serre seems to

have abandoned himself to its fascination without a regret. His

descriptive letters to Badollet read like the "Idylls of a Faun." Those

of Gallatin, though more tempered in tone, reveal quiet content with the

simple life and a thorough enjoyment of nature in its original wildness.

In the summer they followed the tracks of the moose and deer through the

primitive forests, and explored the streams and lakes in the light

birch canoe, with a woodsman or savage for their guide. In the winter

they made long journeys over land and water on snowshoes or on skates,

occasionally visiting the villages of the Indians, with whom the

Lesderniers were on the best of terms, studying their habits and

witnessing their feasts. Occasional expeditions of a different nature

gave zest and excitement to this rustic life. These occurred when alarms

of English invasion reached the settlement, and volunteers marched to

the defence of the frontier. Twice Gallatin accompanied such parties to

Passamaquoddy, and once, in November, 1780, was left for a time in

command of a small earthwork and a temporary garrison of whites and

Indians at that place. At Machias Gallatin made one acquaintance which

greatly interested him, that of La Pérouse, the famous navigator. He was

then in command of the Amazone frigate, one of the French squadron on

the American coast, and had in convoy a fleet of fishing vessels on

their way to the Newfoundland banks. Gallatin had an intense fondness

for geography, and was delighted with La Pérouse's narrative of his

visit to Hudson's Bay, and of his discovery there (at Fort Albany, which

he captured) of the manuscript journal of Samuel Hearne, who some years

before had made a voyage to the Arctic regions in search of a northwest

passage. Gallatin and La Pérouse met subsequently in Boston.

The winter of 1780-81 was passed in the cabin of the Lesderniers. The

excessive cold does not seem to have chilled Serre's enthusiasm. Like

the faun of Hawthorne's mythical tale, he loved Nature in all her moods;

but Gallatin appears to have wearied of the confinement and of his

uncongenial companions. The trading experiment was abandoned in the

autumn, and with some experience, but a reduced purse, the friends

returned in October to Boston, where Gallatin set to work to support

himself by giving lessons in the French language. What success he met

with at first is not known, though the visits of the French fleet and

the presence of its officers may have awakened some interest in their

language. However this may be, in December Gallatin wrote to his good

friend, Mademoiselle Pictet, a frank account of his embarrassments.

Before it reached her, she had already, with her wonted forethought,

anticipated his difficulties by providing for a payment of money to him

wherever he might be, and had also secured for him the interest of Dr.

Samuel Cooper, whose grandson, young Johannot, was then at school in

Geneva. Dr. Cooper was one of the most distinguished of the patriots in

Boston, and no better influence could have been invoked than his. In

July, 1782, by a formal vote of the President and Fellows of Harvard

College, Mr. Gallatin was permitted to teach the French language. About

seventy of the students availed themselves of the privilege. Mr.

Gallatin received about three hundred dollars in compensation. In this

occupation he remained at Cambridge for about a year, at the expiration

of which he took advantage of the close of the academic course to

withdraw from his charge, receiving at his departure a certificate from

the Faculty that he had acquitted himself in his department with great

reputation.

The war was over, the army of the United States was disbanded, and the

country was preparing for the new order which the peace would introduce

into the habits and occupations of the people. The long-sought

opportunity at last presented itself, and Mr. Gallatin at once embraced

it. He left Boston without regret. He had done his duty faithfully, and

secured the approbation and esteem of all with whom he had come in

contact, but there is no evidence that he cared for or sought social

relations either in the city or at the college. Journeying southward he

passed through Providence, where he took sail for New York. Stopping for

an hour at Newport for dinner, he reached New York on July 21, 1783. The

same day the frigate Mercury arrived from England with news of the

signature of the definitive treaty of peace. He was delighted with the

beauty of the country-seats above the city, the vast port with its

abundant shipping, and with the prospect of a theatrical entertainment.

The British soldiers and sailors, who were still in possession, he found

rude and insolent, but the returning refugees civil and honest people.

At Boston Gallatin made the acquaintance of a French gentleman, one

Savary de Valcoulon, who had crossed the Atlantic to prosecute in person

certain claims against the State of Virginia for advances made by his

house in Lyons during the war. He accompanied Gallatin to New York, and

together they traveled to Philadelphia; Savary, who spoke no English,

gladly attaching to himself as his companion a young man of the ability

and character of Gallatin.

At Philadelphia Gallatin was soon after joined by Serre, who had

remained behind, engaged also in giving instruction. The meeting at

Philadelphia seems to have been the occasion for the dissolution of a

partnership in which Gallatin had placed his money, and Serre his

enthusiasm and personal charm. A settlement was made; Serre giving his

note to Gallatin for the sum of six hundred dollars,--one half of their

joint expenses for three years,--an obligation which was repaid more

than half a century later by his sister. Serre then joined a

fellow-countryman and went to Jamaica, where he died in 1784. At

Philadelphia Gallatin and Savary lodged in a house kept by one Mary

Lynn. Pelatiah Webster, the political economist, who owned the house,

was also a boarder. Later he said of his fellow-lodgers that "they were

well-bred gentlemen who passed their time conversing in French."

Gallatin, at the end of his resources, gladly acceded to Savary's

request to accompany him to Richmond.

Whatever hesitation Gallatin may have entertained as to his definitive

expatriation was entirely set at rest by the news of strife between the

rival factions in Geneva and the interposition of armed force by the

neighboring governments. This interference turned the scale against the

liberal party. Mademoiselle Pictet was the only link which bound him to

his family. For his ingratitude to her he constantly reproached himself.

He still styled himself a citizen of Geneva, but this was only as a

matter of convenience and security to his correspondence. His

determination to make America his home was now fixed. The lands on the

banks of the Ohio were then considered the most fertile in America,--the

best for farming purposes, the cultivation of grain, and the raising of

cattle. The first settlement in this region was made by the Ohio

Company, an association formed in Virginia and London, about the middle

of the century, by Thomas Lee, together with Lawrence and Augustine,

brothers of George Washington. The lands lay on the south side of the

Ohio, between the Monongahela and Kanawha rivers. These lands were known

as "Washington's bottom lands." In this neighborhood Gallatin determined

to purchase two or three thousand acres, and prepare for that ideal

country home which had been the dream of his college days. Land here was

worth from thirty cents to four dollars an acre. His first purchase was

about one thousand acres, for which he paid one hundred pounds,

Virginia currency. Land speculation was the fever of the time. Savary

was early affected by it, and before the new friends left Philadelphia

for Richmond he bought warrants for one hundred and twenty thousand

acres in Virginia, in Monongalia County, between the Great and Little

Kanawha rivers, and interested Gallatin to the extent of one quarter in

the purchase. Soon after the completion of this transaction the sale of

some small portions reimbursed them for three fourths of the original

cost. This was the first time when, and Savary was the first person to

whom, Gallatin was willing to incur a pecuniary obligation. Throughout

his life he had an aversion to debt; small or large, private or public.

It was arranged that Gallatin's part of the purchase money was not to be

paid until his majority,--January 29, 1786,--but in the meanwhile he

was, in lieu of interest money, to give his services in personal

superintendence. Later Savary increased Gallatin's interest to one half.

Soon after these plans were completed, Savary and Gallatin moved to

Richmond, where they made their residence.

In February, 1784, Gallatin returned to Philadelphia, perfected the

arrangements for his expedition, and in March crossed the mountains,

and, with his exploring party, passed down the Ohio River to Monongalia

County in Virginia. The superior advantages of the country north of the

Virginia line determined him to establish his headquarters there. He

selected the farm of Thomas Clare, at the junction of the Monongahela

River and George's Creek. This was in Fayette County, Pennsylvania,

about four miles north of the Virginia line. Here he built a log hut,

opened a country store, and remained till the close of the year. It was

while thus engaged at George's Creek, in September of the year 1784,

that Gallatin first met General Washington, who was examining the

country, in which he had large landed interests, to select a route for a

road across the Alleghanies. The story of the interview was first made

public by Mr. John Russell Bartlett, who had it from the lips of Mr.

Gallatin. The version of the late Hon. William Beach Lawrence, in a

paper prepared for the New York Historical Society, differs slightly in

immaterial points. Mr. Lawrence says:--

"Among the incidents connected with his (Mr. Gallatin's) earliest

explorations was an interview with General Washington, which he

repeatedly recounted to me. He had previously observed that of all

the inaccessible men he had ever seen, General Washington was the

most so. And this remark he made late in life, after having been

conversant with most of the sovereigns of Europe and their prime

ministers. He said, in connection with his office, he had a cot-bed

in the office of the surveyor of the district when Washington, who

had lands in the neighborhood, and was desirous of effecting

communication between the rivers, came there. Mr. Gallatin's bed

was given up to him,--Gallatin lying on the floor, immediately

below the table at which Washington was writing. Washington was

endeavoring to reduce to paper the calculations of the day.

Gallatin, hearing the statement, came at once to the conclusion,

and, after waiting some time, he himself gave the answer, which

drew from Washington such a look as he never experienced before or

since. On arriving by a slow process at his conclusion, Washington

turned to Gallatin and said, 'You are right, young man.'"

The points of difference between the two accounts of this interview are

of little importance. The look which Washington is said to have given

Mr. Gallatin has its counterpart in that with which he is also said to

have turned upon Gouverneur Morris, when accosted by him familiarly with

a touch on the shoulder. Bartlett, in his recollection of the anecdote,

adds that Washington, about this period, inquired after the forward

young man, and urged him to become his land agent,--an offer which

Gallatin declined.

The winter of 1784-85 was passed in Richmond, in the society of which

town Mr. Gallatin began to find a relief and pleasure he had not yet

experienced in America. At this period the Virginia capital was the

gayest city in the Union, and famous for its abundant hospitality,

rather facile manners, and the liberal tendency of its religious

thought. Gallatin brought no prudishness and no orthodoxy in his

Genevese baggage. One of the last acts of his life was to recognize in

graceful and touching words the kindness he then met with:--

"I was received with that old proverbial Virginia hospitality to

which I know no parallel anywhere within the circle of my travels.

It was not hospitality only that was shown to me. I do not know how

it came to pass, but every one with whom I became acquainted

appeared to take an interest in the young stranger. I was only the

interpreter of a gentleman, the agent of a foreign house, that had

a large claim for advances to the State, and this made me known to

all the officers of government, and some of the most prominent

members of the Legislature. It gave me the first opportunity of

showing some symptoms of talent, even as a speaker, of which I was

not myself aware. Every one encouraged me, and was disposed to

promote my success in life. To name all those from whom I received

offers of service would be to name all the most distinguished

residents at that time in Richmond."

In the spring of 1785, fortified with a certificate from Governor

Patrick Henry, commending him to the county surveyor, and intrusted by

Henry with the duty of locating two thousand acres of lands in the

western country for a third party, he set out from Richmond, on March

31, alone, on horseback. Following the course of the James River he

crossed the Blue Ridge at the Peaks of Otter, and reached Greenbrier

Court House on April 18. On the 29th he arrived at Clare's, on George's

Creek, where he was joined by Savary. Their surveying operations were

soon begun, each taking a separate course. An Indian rising broke up the

operations of Savary, and both parties returned to Clare's. Gallatin

appeared before the court of Monongalia County, at its October term, and

took the "oath of allegiance and fidelity to the Commonwealth of

Virginia." Clare's, his actual residence, was north of the Virginia

line, but his affections were with the old Dominion. In November the

partners hired from Clare a house at George's Creek, in Springfield

township, and established their residence, after which they returned to

Richmond by way of Cumberland and the Potomac. In February, 1786,

Gallatin made his permanent abode at his new home.

Mention has been made of the intimacy of the young emigrants with Jean

Badollet, a college companion. When they left Geneva he was engaged in

the study of theology, and was now a teacher. He was included in the

original plan of emigration, and the first letters of both Gallatin and

Serre, who had for him an equal attachment, were to him, and year by

year, through all the vicissitudes of their fortune, they kept him

carefully informed of their movements and projects. For two years after

their departure no word was received from him. At last, spurred by the

sharp reproaches of Serre, he broke silence. In a letter written in

March, 1783, informing Gallatin of the troubles in Switzerland, he

excused himself on the plea that their common friend, Dumont, retained

him at Geneva. In answer, Gallatin opened his plans of western

settlement, which included the employment of his fortune in the

establishment of a number of families upon his lands. He suggested to

Badollet to bring with him the little money he had, to which enough

would be added to establish him independently. Dumont was invited to

accompany him. But with a prudence which shows that his previous

experience had not been thrown away upon him, Gallatin recommends his

friend not to start at once, but to hold himself ready for the next, or,

at the latest, the year succeeding, at the same time suggesting the idea

of a general emigration of such Swiss malcontents as were small

capitalists and farmers; that of manufacturers and workmen he

discouraged. It was not, however, until the spring of 1785, on the eve

of leaving Richmond with some families which he had engaged to establish

on his lands, that he felt justified in asking his old friend to cross

the seas and share his lot. This invitation was accepted, and Badollet

joined him at George's Creek.

The settlement beginning to spread, Gallatin bought another farm higher

up the river, to which he gave the name of Friendship Hill. Here he

later made his home.

The western part of Pennsylvania, embracing the area which stretches

from the Alleghany Mountains to Lake Erie, is celebrated for the wild,

picturesque beauty of its scenery. Among its wooded hills the head

waters of the Ohio have their source. At Fort Duquesne, or Pittsburgh,

where the river takes a sudden northerly bend before finally settling in

swelling volume on its southwesterly course to the Mississippi, the

Monongahela adds its mountain current, which separates in its entire

course from the Virginia line the two counties of Fayette and

Washington. The Monongahela takes its rise in Monongalia County,

Virginia, and flows to the northward. Friendship Hill is one of the

bluffs on the right bank of the river, and faces the Laurel Ridge to the

eastward. Braddock's Road, now the National Road, crosses the mountains,

passing through Uniontown and Red Stone Old Fort (Brownsville), on its

course to Pittsburgh. The county seat of Fayette is the borough of Union

or Uniontown. Gallatin's log cabin, the beginning of New Geneva, was on

the right bank of the Monongahela, about twelve miles to the westward of

the county seat. Opposite, on the other side of the river, in Washington

County, was Greensburg, where his friend Badollet was later established.

Again for a long period Gallatin left his family without any word

whatever. His most indulgent friend, Mademoiselle Pictet, could hardly

excuse his silence, and did not hesitate to charge that it was due to

misfortunes which his pride prompted him to conceal. In the early days

of 1786 a rumor of his death reached Geneva, and greatly alarmed his

family. Mr. Jefferson, then minister at Paris, wrote to Mr. Jay for

information. This was Jefferson's first knowledge of the existence of

the young man who was to become his political associate, his philosophic

companion, and his truest friend. Meanwhile Gallatin had attained his

twenty-fifth year and his majority. His family were no longer left in

doubt as to his existence, and in response to his letters drafts were at

once remitted to him for the sum of five thousand dollars, through the

banking-house of Robert Morris. This was, of course, immediately applied

to his western experiment. The business of the partnership now called

for his constant attention. It required the exercise of a great variety

of mental powers, a cool and discriminating judgment, combined with an

incessant attention to details. Nature, under such circumstances, is not

so attractive as she appears in youthful dreams; admirable in her

original garb, she is annoying and obstinate when disturbed. The view of

country which Friendship Hill commands is said to rival Switzerland in

its picturesque beauty, but years later, when the romance of the

Monongahela hills had faded in the actualities of life, Gallatin wrote

of it that "he did not know in the United States any spot which afforded

less means to earn a bare subsistence for those who could not live by

manual labor."

Gallatin has been blamed for "taking life awry and throwing away the

advantages of education, social position, and natural intelligence," by

his removal to the frontier, and his career compared with that of

Hamilton and Dallas, who, like him, foreign born, rose to eminence in

politics, and became secretaries of the treasury of the United States.

But both of these were of English-speaking races. No foreigner of any

other race ever obtained such distinction in American politics as Mr.

Gallatin, and he only because he was the choice of a constituency, to

every member of which he was personally known. It is questionable

whether in any other condition of society he could have secured

advancement by election--the true source of political power in all

democracies. John Marshall, afterwards Chief Justice, recognized

Gallatin's talent soon after his arrival in Richmond, offered him a

place in his office without a fee, and assured him of future distinction

in the profession of the law; but Patrick Henry was the more sagacious

counselor; he advised Gallatin to go to the West, and predicted his

success as a statesman. Modest as the beginning seemed in the country he

had chosen, it was nevertheless a start in the right direction, as the

future showed. It was in no sense a mistake.

Neither did the affairs of the wilderness wholly debar intercourse with

the civilized world. Visiting Richmond every winter, he gradually

extended the circle of his acquaintance, and increased his personal

influence; he also occasionally passed a few weeks at Philadelphia. Two

visits to Maine are recorded in his diary, but whether they were of

pleasure merely does not appear. One was in 1788, in midwinter, by stage

and sleigh. On this excursion he descended the Androscoggin and crossed

Merrymeeting Bay on the ice, returning by the same route in a snowstorm,

which concealed the banks on either side of the river, so that he

governed his course by the direction of the wind. With the intellect of

a prime minister he had the constitution of a pioneer. On one of these

occasions he intended to visit his old friends and hosts, the

Lesderniers, but the difficulty of finding a conveyance, and the rumor

that the old gentleman was away from home, interfered with his purpose.

He remembered their kindness, and later attempted to obtain pensions for

them from the United States government.

But the time now arrived when the current of his domestic life was

permanently diverted, and set in other channels. In May, 1789, he

married Sophie Allègre, the daughter of William Allègre of a French

Protestant family living at Richmond. The father was dead, and the

mother took lodgers, of whom Gallatin was one. For more than a year he

had addressed her and secured her affections. Her mother now refused her

consent, and no choice was left to the young lovers but to marry without

it. Little is known of this short but touching episode in Mr. Gallatin's

life. The young lady was warmly attached to him, and the letter written

to her mother asking forgiveness for her marriage is charmingly

expressed and full of feeling. They passed a few happy months at

Friendship Hill, when suddenly she died. From this time Mr. Gallatin

lost all heart in the western venture, and his most earnest wish was to

turn his back forever upon Fayette County. In his suffering he would

have returned to Geneva to Mademoiselle Pictet, could he have sold his

Virginia lands. But this had become impossible at any price, and he had

no other pecuniary resource but the generosity of his family.

Meanwhile the revolution had broken out in France. The rights of man had

been proclaimed on the Champ de Mars. All Europe was uneasy and alarmed,

and nowhere offered a propitious field for peaceful labor. But Gallatin

did not long need other distraction than he was to find at home.

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