On the 23rd of October, 1529, Henry the Eighth came to his manor
of Greenwich;[3] in the November following he went on board the
Treasurer's ship;[4] and about the 20th of the same month arrived at
York Place,[5] now called Whitehall, where he spent his Christmas.
Anno. 1530.--Early in February, 1530, his Majesty was at Hampton
Court,[6] and on the 16th at Battersea, but returned the same day to
York Place.[7] On the 21st he was again at Hampton Court,[8] and on
the 13th of March, the celebrated Hugh Latimer, afterwards Bishop of
Worcester, preached before him and was rewarded with a gratuity of
five pounds, from which time he cannot be traced by these Accounts,
until the 5th of April, when he was at More Park, in Hertfordshire;[9]
and towards the end of that month he was at Windsor.[10] Between
April and July, Henry seems to have resided either at York Place or
Hampton Court: about the middle of July he was evidently at Oking,[11]
or Ockham Park, in Surrey; on the 23rd at Guilford;[12] on the 29th
at Windsor;[13] and returned to Hampton Court between the 10th and
13th of August,[14] where he remained until the 16th, on which day
he went to Easthampstead,[15] and on the 17th was at Asheridge, in
Buckinghamshire.[16] On the 21st he was at Ampthill,[17] where he
appears to have remained until about the 4th of September; on the
5th of that month he was at Hertford,[18] having in passing through
Hitchin on the preceding day, given forty shillings to the Friars
of that place.[19] His Majesty did not quit Hertford Park until the
8th or 9th, when he proceeded to Waltham, at which place we find him
on the 12th.[20] He seems to have been again at More Park on the
21st,[21] soon after which he returned to Hampton Court, where, it is
particularly stated, he was on the 14th of October.[22] He resided
chiefly at that palace, occasionally, however, going to York Place,[23]
and perhaps to Greenwich, until the death of Cardinal Wolsey, on the
29th November, in that year; when, Hall says "he removed from Hampton
Court to Greenwich, where he with Queen Katherine kept a solempne
Christmas; and on the twelfe night he satte in the halle in his
estate, where as were divers enterludes, riche maskes and disportes,
and after that a great banket."[24] "Certain it is, however, that
Henry did not leave Hampton Court until the 8th of December,[25] and
it is most probable that he did not go to Greenwich until about the
14th of that month,[26] though it is unquestionable that he was there
on the 19th."[27] The only evidence of the festivities[28] mentioned
by Hall, are entries of money delivered to the Princess Mary and
Lady Margaret Douglas, the King's niece,[29] "to disport with all
this Christmas;"[30] the large sum of 2615_l._ 9_s._ 6-1/4_d._ paid
for plate, and jewellery, chiefly for the latter, between the 21st of
December, 1530, and the 6th of January, 1531; new year's gifts; and
money lost at play.
A^{o}. 1531.--After Christmas, according to Hall "The King came to
his Manor of Westminster which before was called Yorke Place;"[31]
and we find that on the 17th January, 1531, he is said to have been
there,[32] and where it seems he was on the 28th of that month;[33]
on the 7th and 27th of February;[34] and on the 9th of March.[35]
On the 20th, he appears to have amused himself with shooting at
Tothill,[36] near Bridewell; and on the 23rd he was clearly at his
palace of Bridewell.[37] The divorce then almost wholly occupied his
Majesty's mind, though the only entries which in any way refer to it,
are of books sent to him from different abbots and priors, and the
removal of boat loads of books from one palace to another.[38] Hall
takes no further notice of the king's residence until Whitsuntide,
namely, the 28th of May, after which, he informs us, "The Kyng and
the Queene removed [apparently from Greenwich] to Windsor, and there
continued tyll the xiiij daye of Julye, on which daye the Kyng removed
to Woodstocke, and left hire at Wyndsore, where she laye a whyle, and
after removed to the More, and afterwarde to Esthamstede: and after
this, day, the Kyng and she never saw together."[39] It is evident
from these Accounts that Henry again amused himself with shooting at
Tothill, about the 29th March;[40] that he was at Greenwich on the
13th of April;[41] that he went from it by water on the same day to
York Place;[42] but he returned soon afterwards,[43] and was there on
the 28th of May,[44] whilst Hall's statement that he then proceeded
to Hampton Court is proved by several entries on the 10th, 11th, and
12th of June; especially by a payment of 14_s._ 8_d._ "to the watermen
for carying of the King's stuffe from Greenwich to Hampton Court,
eleven men for two days:"[45] on the 15th he is expressly said to have
been there,[46] and again on the 18th, 22nd, and 24th, when watermen
were paid for waiting "the day the King came from Westminster to
Putney,"[47] an entry which probably referred to their attendance a
short time before. On the 3rd of July, "Henry was at York Place,"[48]
and on the 9th at Windsor;[49] but so far from there being any
corroboration of Hall's assertion, that on the 14th of July, "the King
removed to Woodstock," it may be inferred that he was either at Windsor
or Hampton Court until the 28th,[50] with the exception of the 22nd,
when he was at Chertseye.[51] It is however unquestionable that he
commenced his progress towards the end of July; and the following seems
to have been the itinerary of his journey. At Guilford on the 29th of
July,[52] at, or near, Farnham, in Surrey, on the 2nd of August;[53]
at Odiham on the 4th;[54] at the Vyne in Hampshire, the seat of Lord
Sandys, from the 4th to the 5th,[55] during which time he hunted in
Wolmer forest;[56] on the 8th he was at Easthampstead,[57] whence he
proceeded to Woodstock, where we find him on the 22nd,[58] and probably
also on the 13th.[59] His Majesty remained there until the 2nd or 3rd
of September,[60] and evidently enjoyed every diversion which the
country afforded him, namely, hunting, shooting, hawking, fishing, &c.
From Woodstock he went to Grafton in Northamptonshire, where he arrived
on the 5th,[61] when the Mayor of Northampton sent him a present of
pears,[62] and where it appears he gave an audience to the Hungarian
Ambassadors, for whom a house was hired at Stony Stratford.[63]
Henry continued at Grafton until about the 10th, when he went to
Ampthill,[64] in Bedfordshire, and purchased some silks and jewellery
on the 15th;[65] and on the 20th we find him at Waltham Abbey,[66]
where he was also on the 9th of October.[67] Hall informs us that about
this time the King caused a solemn obsequy to be kept at that place for
the Duchess of Angouleme, mother of the King of France, who died on the
22nd of September, at which ceremony he assisted, attended by many of
his nobles.[68] On the 23rd of that Month he healed a poor woman at
Havering Bower,[69] though he returned to Waltham before the 25th,[70]
and on or before the 31st he arrived at his palace of Greenwich,[71]
having previously fished at Hunsdon.[72]
It is uncertain how long Henry continued at Greenwich, but perhaps
a few weeks only; for we find the road near Peckham mended, in
expectation of his passing it, on the 23rd of November, on which day
the watermen were likewise paid for removing his "stuff" to Hampton
Court;[73] and on the 4th of December we positively learn that he
was at that place.[74] Hall says "the King kepte his Christemas at
Greenwyche with great solempnite, but all men sayde that there was
no myrthe in that Christemas because the Queene and the ladies were
absent;"[75] there is only one entry, namely of the sum of 56_l._
13_s._ 4_d._ given to the Earl of Angus, on the 15th of December,[76]
which tends to shew where Henry was at that time, and which agrees with
the Chronicler's statement.
Anno. 1532.--On the 16th of January, 1532, it seems his Majesty
was at York Place, and on the 18th, books were sent there to him
from the bookbinder;[77] and we find that plate and furniture were
conveyed there about the same time from Greenwich[78] He was still
at Westminster on the 5th[79] and 22nd of February,[80] and 8th of
March;[81] on the 18th of which month, according to Hall, he gave
an audience to the Speaker and Members of the House of Commons.[82]
No account of Henry's residence occurs after that date until the
8th of April, when Lady Sydney sent him a present of orange pies at
Greenwich,[83] and where he continued until the 16th. Early in April
"sodeynly began a pestylence in Westmynster,"[84] and the disease
evidently extended to Greenwich, for on the 11th of that month several
persons were sent out of that town "by reason of the plage."[85] On
the 16th of April his Majesty went to Westminster,[86] but returned
again to Greenwich before the 26th, upon which day a hawk was brought
to him at that palace.[87] He was, however, at Westminster on the
8th of May,[88] though it may be inferred that he was at Greenwich
on the 15th.[89] There can be little doubt that from the 8th of
April to the end of May he divided his time between those palaces,
for as the parliament was then sitting at Westminster, his presence
was occasionally indispensable; and we learn from Hall, that on the
16th of May, Sir Thomas More delivered the great seal to the King
at that place. On the 1st of June Henry was at Eltham,[90] where he
resided until the 3rd of July,[91] the entries during which period
are excessively curious, as indicative of the manner in which he
passed his time.[92] He arrived at Waltham on or before the 4th of
July,[93] and continued there, or at Hunsdon until about the 21st,
when he commenced his summer progress into Berkshire, Bedfordshire,
Bucks, and Oxfordshire. On the 23rd of July he was at Ampthill,[94]
at which place he continued until the 28th or 29th,[95] when he
proceeded to Grafton; where, on the 31st, a monk brought him a letter
in a purse.[96] He quitted Grafton about the 5th of August, and on
the 6th was at Buckingham;[97] on the 10th, he was at Woodstock,[98]
where he ordered 56_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ to be paid to Doctor Chambers
for the scholars of Oxford, on the 14th.[99] From Woodstock he went
to Langley Park, near Colnbrook, at which place a hundred crowns were
given to him to play at dice on the 18th;[100] and on the 25th he was
at Abingdon.[101] On the 27th he was both there and at Ewelme, the
distance between which does not exceed ten miles: at the former, Sir
Simon Harcourt's servant brought him a brace of greyhounds, and at the
latter an Italian presented him with a melon.[102] His Majesty appears
to have passed through Reading on the 28th,[103] and to have reached
Windsor on the 31st of August,[104] where he remained until the 17th of
September,[105] when he went to Chertsey;[106] but on the 21st he was
at Hampton Court.[107] No notice is to be found of Henry's having been
at Ampthill after the 28th of July; whence, Hall asserts, he proceeded
to Windsor, where he created Anne Boleyn, Marchioness of Pembroke,
on the 1st of September in this year; after which he removed to
Greenwich.[108] It is manifest from these Accounts, that the King was
at Windsor on the 1st of September, but nothing occurs relative to that
ceremony: she is for the first time described in them as Marchioness
of Pembroke, on the 19th of that month. His stay at Hampton Court was
very short, for on the 28th he was at Greenwich.[109] The period had
now arrived which Henry had fixed upon for his interview with Francis,
the French monarch; and having visited his fleet at Sheppey on the
30th,[110] he set out for Dover early in October, and on the 6th was
at the Mote Park, near Maidstone.[111] Hall says that on the 10th
of October the King came to Dover, and very early in the morning of
Friday the 11th, embarked for Calais, where he arrived at ten o'clock
on the same day.[112] From these Accounts it is evident that Henry
went from the Mote to Sheppey by water, thence to Canterbury, where
he slept, and then proceeded to Dover. The payments mentioned "to
the waits of Canterbury;" to the "keeper of the house where the King
lodged" in that city; to the master of the barge and watermen for
rowing him to Sheppey;[113] as well the reward to a man who brought
bills to Dover,[114] occurred after his Majesty had quitted those
places; as the first three were paid on the 11th, and the fourth on the
day, when, from the next item, it is certain the King was at Calais,
namely, on the 12th; and which agrees with Hall's statement. The
proceedings of the royal party whilst in France; the particulars of the
interview between the Monarchs; and of the feastings on the occasion,
are minutely related by that Chronicler, but it is not necessary to
allude more fully to them, than to observe, that the Accounts about
that time are extremely interesting. Among the entries most worthy of
notice, are the present of grapes and pears from the Great Master of
France to Anne Boleyn; the money lost by the King to the Cardinal of
Lorrain, the Duke de Guise, and others, at tennis and dice at Boulogne,
and which amounted in one day to 163_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._; the purchase of a
hat and feather for Henry at that place; a gratuity to the singers of
the French monarch, and to those of the Cardinal of Lorrain; payment
of the doublets given to the guard to wrestle in before the two kings
at Calais; the sum of 700_l._ paid to Cromwell without any reason
being mentioned; the purchase of masking geer, or masquerade dresses;
the large sums paid for jewels, and which amounted during his stay
in France to 3592_l._ 12_s._; the charges of the fool's lodgings and
expenses; Henry's offering to the image of our lady of Boulogne, and
which is especially mentioned by Hall;[115] the presents of hawks from
Francis to Henry; the charges for boats for carrying the King from the
ship to the shore, and again from Calais to his vessel on his return,
&c. The whole amount paid by the person who kept these Accounts from
the time the King left Dover until he again landed there, namely,
thirty-three days, was 4033_l._ 10_s._ 11_d._ Of that sum, as has just
been shewn, all excepting about a ninth, was for jewellery, great
part of which was evidently given as presents to persons in the King
of France's suite. According to Hall, Henry embarked at Calais on the
13th of November at midnight, and arrived at Dover at five in the
morning of the 14th,[116] which agrees with the entry on the 13th of a
payment of 4_s._ 8_d._ "for a boat to bring the King aboarde his ship
at Calys;"[117] and of the same sum "paied to the King's own hands for
his offering to our Lady in the Rock at Dover," on the 14th.[118] It is
certain that Henry remained at Dover until the 16th, when he went to
Sandwich, and seems to have rested there that night, to the friars of
which place he gave 3_l._ 10_s._ "by way of rewarde;"[119] and crossed
the river Stour on the next day[120] on his way to Canterbury, where he
apparently stopped at the house of Sir John Feneux.[121] The waits of
that city again played to the king, and were rewarded with 18_s._ 8_d._
on the 19th,[122] on which day his Majesty arrived at Sittingbourne;
and the "wife of the Lion," or in other words, the wife of the man
who kept the Lion Inn there, received a gratuity of 4_s._ 8_d._[123]
On the 20th, Henry was at Stone Castle, near Dartford, where it may
be inferred he remained that night, as 9_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._ was given
him, which he lost at play to Anne Boleyn, Sir Francis Bryan, and Sir
Francis Weston.[124]
Thence the King removed to Eltham at which place he was on the
24th,[125] and on the 28th he was at Greenwich, where he remained until
the 30th, on which day he went by water to Westminster.[126] On the
1st of December he was at the Tower of London,[127] but on the 9th his
Majesty was again at Greenwich[128] before the 18th of which month, he
had been twice in his barge to the Tower.[129] On the 21st he seems
to have gone to York Place,[130] but if so he returned the same day
to Greenwich,[131] where Hall says he spent his Christmas,[132] and
which is corroborated by the last entry in these Accounts; "Item the
same, [_i. e._ the last] day delivered to the King's grace at night at
Grenewich, ij c. corons, 46_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._" evidently for play.[133]
It would be superfluous to point out all which occurs relative to
Henry's progresses; but it must be observed that he was always attended
by a smith with locks and bolts for his chamber-doors;[134] that money
was given to a footman to be distributed in charity by the way;[135]
that in the hunting season his hounds were sent from one palace to
another, the expenses of removing which are minutely stated;[136]
that he was generally followed by his fools, jester, minions, and
other favourites;[137] and that the celebrated Anne Boleyn frequently
accompanied him.[138] Wherever he went gratuities or rewards were
given to the keepers of the parks or forests through which he passed,
or hunted, not merely to those belonging to the Crown, but to the
keepers of the parks of private persons; and if he went on board one of
his ships, a sum was distributed amongst the crew.
Upon the personal character of Henry the Eighth, it has been remarked
in the preface, these Accounts throw much light; and as whatever
relates to the private conduct of eminent persons, is by far the most
pleasing, and perhaps most useful part of antiquarian inquiries, the
information here presented on that of Henry, is both valuable and
interesting.[139]
His Majesty's principal amusement was gambling in its most extensive
and diversified shapes, and all his relaxations from the duties of his
station in a greater or less degree partook of it. The philosopher will
be at no loss to account for the fact; for it is the frequent attendant
upon that satiety which unlimited power is sure to produce, though it
is often equally the passion of those who want even the necessaries of
life. That Henry, tired of more rational enjoyment, and incapable of
finding a permanent relief from the ennui of greatness, should have
indulged to excess in games of chance is not surprising; and to shew
the extent to which that passion was carried, it is sufficient to state
that the whole amount paid for his losses at cards, dice, tennis, and
other games, together with those lost in wagers amounted in three
years to 3243_l._ 5_s._ 10_d._ It is not a little singular that though
passionately addicted to gambling himself he was sufficiently careful
of the morals of his subjects to issue a proclamation in the 18th year
of his reign, forbidding them to play at cards and bowls.
Of his "out-of-door" amusements, shooting at the rounds, hunting,
hawking, fishing, horse-racing, bowls, and tennis, were the chief;
and in his palaces many hours were daily passed at "the tables" or
back-gammon, shovel-board, dice, and cards: wagers on races run against
dogs, or at shooting or hunting; payments to people for making dogs
perform tricks; gratuities to persons for different feats, as eating a
buck, riding two horses at once; and others of a similar description
are continually mentioned. Music and literature also occasionally
lent their aids to his enjoyments; and that he encouraged the latter
is manifest from the exhibitions he founded at the Universities, his
occasional gratuities to scholars, and his support of boys at St.
Paul's, and other schools, both in this country and Paris. His love
of architecture is shewn by the money he expended in building, at his
different residences, and we find that he spent on York Place, from
April, 1530 to July, 1532, 2400_li._, besides 10_l._ 19_s._ 2_d._ for
glazing it, and 20_l._ 0_s._ 8-1/2_d._ for iron work, on the house
at More Park, 60_l._ in April, and 50_l._ in June, 1530; and on his
buildings at Hunsdon 1533_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._ between May, 1530, and
April, 1532; forming a total, exclusive of repairs and alterations,
of 4064_li._ 5_s._ 10_d._ within three years. Nor was he indifferent
to painting, as several entries occur of money given to painters for
their works; but as they have been commented upon by Horace Walpole in
his "Anecdotes of Painting," they afford no new information on that
interesting subject. That writer also gives several entries relative
to Hans Holbein from the "Book of Quarterly Payments" in the library
of the Royal Society; and as they are intimately connected with the
allusion here made to Henry's taste for the arts, accurate copies have
been made of them from that manuscript.
After the death of Jane Seymour, the King was not a little perplexed
in his choice of her successor: the Duchess Dowager of Milan was first
thought of, but she is said to have declined that honor, because nature
had not prepared her for it, by endowing her with two heads! Walpole
informs us, that the first of these entries refers to Holbein's having
been sent to paint her portrait in December, 1538:
December, A^{o}. 30 Henry VIII. 1538. "Item, Payde to Hans Holbyn, one
of the kingis paynters, by the kingis commaundement, certefyed by my
lord pryviseales lettre x_li._ for his costs and chargs at this tyme
sent abowte certeyn his gracs affares into the parties of High Burgony,
by way of his gracs rewarde, x_li._"
That the painter was abroad at Christmas, in that year, is evident from
the entries of payments then made to the royal establishment;
"Item, for Hans Holbyn, paynter, nihil."
A letter from Nicholas Wotton, who with the Richard Bearde there
mentioned, were deputed to negociate the marriage between Henry and Ann
of Cleves, illustrates the next entry; for it proves that "his Grace's
affairs" meant to paint the portrait of that lady, and of her sister,
Amelia. Wotton's letter, which has been printed by Mr. Ellis,[140] is
dated at Duren, the 11th of August, 1539: after describing Ann, he
says, "your Grace's servante, Hanze Albein, hath taken the effigies of
my Ladye Anne and the Lady Amelye, and hathe expressyd theyr imaiges
verye lyvelye."
July, 31 Henry VIII. A^{o}. 1539. "Item, to Mr. Richard Bearde, one of
the gromes of the kingis privichamber, and Hans Holbyn, paynter, by
like lettre sent into the parties of High Almayne, upon certain his
Gracis affaires for the costes and chardgis of them both, xl_li._; And
to Hans Holben for the prepairacion of such things as he is appoynted
to carie with him, xiij_li._ vj_s._ viij_d._, in all, the somme of
liij_li._ vj_s._ viij_d._"
The history of that portrait, which, however "lyvelye," was not
faithful, though such the ambassadors obviously meant to describe it,
has been told by Walpole and Granger, and is repeated by Mr. Ellis.
After that time several entries occur of the payment of Holbein's
quarterly wages, of some of which the annexed are copies:
"Item, to Hans Holbyn, vij_li._ x_s._"
In 1539 he was paid half a year's wages in advance;
"Item, payde to Hans Holbyn, the kyngis paynter, in advauncement of his
wages, for one half yere beforehand, the same half yere accompted and
reconnyd from Michaelmas last past, the somme of xv_li._"
At Michaelmas, 32 Hen. VIII. A^{o}. 1540, he is thus mentioned;
"Item, for Hans Holbyn, paynter, ii_li._ q^{r} [~p]us [p-] warr."
At Christmas, in that year;
"Item, for Hans Holbyn, paynter, ii_li._ q^{r} [~p]us manibus."
At Midsummer, 1541, after his name "nihil q^{r} [~p]us" occurs.
On another occasion his wages were also paid in advance;
"Item, Paide by the kyngis highnes commaundement certefied by my lorde
Pryviseales lettres to Hans Holbenne paynter, in the advauncement of
his hole yeres wagis before hande, aftre the rate of xxx_li._ by yere,
which yeres advauncement is to be accompted from this present Mich',
And shall ende ultimo Septembris next commynge, the somme of xxx_li._"
Among other curious entries in that MS. are, a new year's gift of
a skreen to Henry, from Luke Hornebaund, painter, who is mentioned
by Walpole, and whose wages were lv_s._ vj_d._ per quarter; and the
following:
The costs of the scaffold erected in Westminster Hall for the trial of
the persons involved in Anne Boleyn's fate.;
December 30, Hen. VIII. A^{o}. 1538, "Item, payde to Jamys Nedeham by
the kyngis commaundement certefyed by my lorde prvyseall for the costs
and chargs of the Scaffold made in the king[s] halle at West[^m] at
the condempnacion of the late malefactors and traytours there, the
some of xxviij_li._ xix_d._ ob. for the makinge and stuf of the saide
Scaffolde, as apperith by rekenyng therof made more at large doth
appere, xxviij_li._ xix_d._ ob."
January, 31 Hen. VIII. 1540, "To the Quenes pleyers for playing before
the kinge, iiij_li._;" also, "to the kingis pleyers for pleyng before
the king, vj_l._ xiij_s._ iiij_d._;" "to the princis pleyers for
playnge before the king, iiij_li._;" and a grant for life of 2_l._
2_s._ 4_d._ per annum to "Richard Parrowe, one of the King's interlude
players," in February, 1540.
The expences of preparing beds at Dartford and Rochester, for the king
and Anne of Cleves;
January, 31 Hen. VIII A^{o}. 1540.--"Item, to Edward Lloid yoman of the
Warderobe of Beddes and John Askowe grome of the same, for themself and
a Smythe that was with them to set up twoo bedds of the kingis, one at
Dertford and an other at Rochestre, and for making redy there for the
Quenes Grace, by the space of xxx days, the yoman at ij_s_ the dey, the
grome at xx_d._ and the Smythe at xij_d._ the day, as apperith by a
bill, signed with the Lorde Chamberlains hande, vij_li._"
In January, 32 Hen. VIII. A^{o}. 1541.--"To the Ducke of Suffolkis
pleyers for pleyinge in the kingis hawle on twelf even, the somme of
xx_s._;" and we learn from another entry that the names of three of the
King's players were Robert Histow, George Birche, and Richard Parrowe,
and that the quarterly wages of the three were 1_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._
Henry's fondness for jewellery was profusely gratified; and in the
period embraced by these accounts the enormous sum of 10,801_l._
8_s._ 9_d._ was expended in precious stones, gold chains, &c. besides
1517_li._ to his goldsmith for plate. A considerable share of his
attention was, it is well known, directed to his navy, and the few
entries relating to it are of much interest. Horses or geldings,
particularly racing horses, and horses "that did run," as well as
"riding boys," clothes bought for the boys "that ride the running
horses," and riding caps for them, are constantly spoken of; and dogs
for the chace were a frequent, and doubtlessly, acceptable present. At
the christenings of the children of some of the chief noblemen, and of
those of his favourites, Henry was sometimes a sponsor; and the sums
paid to the nurse and midwife on such occasions are carefully noticed.
The inferior attendants of the Court, as huntsmen, falconers, and
those of the king's guard, received small presents on their marriages,
which varied from two to five pounds, according to their situations,
or the degree of favor which they enjoyed: on the marriage of the son
of "Master Nevill", however, the king gave him ten pounds. Gifts to
minstrels, to the astronomer, to physicians, to the keepers of the
clocks at the different palaces, to posts and servants for bringing
letters, to copyists, to the master of his barge, and the keepers of
his Majesty's dogs, bears, hawks, &c. are very numerous. His fools,
jester, and minions are prominent characters in these Accounts, and the
information afforded respecting them tends to illustrate the manners of
the age.
Although it would be preposterous to follow a recent example of
attempting to remove the stains on Henry the Eighth's character--stains
which throw all common crimes into the shade--it would be no less
absurd to deny him the common merit of having a few redeeming traits
in his disposition. Besides the instances which have been alluded
to of his taste for architecture, music, painting, and literature,
we frequently find payments which must have originated in the best
feelings of the human heart; and of which it will be sufficient to
cite, gifts "to an old poor man by the king's charitable alms that
laboured to obtain a bill to be signed;" to a footman, "to relieve him
in his sickness;" to a French fletcher, "towards his surgery;" to the
almoner, "for two sick men at Waltham;" to a "sick priest at Hampton
Court;" to "a poor man that had thirteen children, for their relief;"
to "little Guilliam, in way of reward, because he was sick in London;"
to "three sick women at Greenwich;" to "a poor woman in Chertsey, to
purchase out the great seal;" to "a blind woman, being a harper;" "to
a poor woman for to redeem her husband out of prison;" to "a poor
woman, to obtain her husbands freedom, and hers in London;" to "a
frantick man;" to "Great William, for his surgery, when he was sick at
London," &c. These could only have emanated from momentary emotions of
benevolence; and they prove that, like even greater monsters, Henry's
heart was not entirely shut to the wants and sufferings of his fellow
creatures. It is true that pity was a stranger to his breast when
either his pride, or safety, or lust, or revenge was in question; but
he was undoubtedly compassionate upon less selfish occasions.
Independently of gifts in charity, and to persons supposed to be
healed by the King's touching them, payments of 10_l._ per month were
regularly made to Dr. Baugh for his Majesty's private alms. Henry's
principal associates, besides his fool, jester, Thomas Smith, Mark
Smeton, the two Williamses, Domingo, and one or two other minions,
all of whom appear to have been wholly supported and clothed at his
expence, were his favorites, Sir Francis Bryan, Sir Henry Norris, Lord
Rochford, Sir Francis Weston, Sir Edward Seymour, the Serjeant of the
Cellar, and a few others; and on perusing the evidence here afforded
of the favor which they enjoyed, and the intimacy to which they were
admitted, the mind is impressed with horror at the reflection of how
few of them escaped falling victims to his suspicion, jealousy, or
revenge. But when the partners of his bed and throne met a similar
fate, it would have been a subject of surprise had the companions of
his hours of revelry and enjoyment, or the sharers of his sports and
amusements been spared. Of Anne Boleyn and her family, numerous curious
particulars will be found, many of which tend to show the manner in
which she was treated at court from November, 1529, until her elevation
to the throne; and as every thing which relates to her is of great
interest, the following abstract of them may be acceptable.
The precise time when Henry's attachment to her commenced is uncertain,
but three years before her marriage, the Master of the Robes paid for
some purple velvet for her; and on the 28th, for stuff prepared for her
use. In December following, 180_l._ were given to her by the King's
order: in April, 1530, her servant was paid for finding a hare;[141]
and in May, the taylor and skinner were paid for her dresses; and bows,
arrows, and other articles for shooting were bought for her.[142] The
large share of the king's affection which she then possessed, and which
was perhaps deemed to be the harbinger of her subsequent honors, is
evident from the fact of the Mayor of London having sent her a present
of cherries on the 5th of June; and the servant who brought them was
rewarded with 6_s._ out of the privy purse. More bows were purchased
for her on the 10th of that month; and in an entry in July as well as
in the December preceding a person called George Taylor, is expressly
styled, "my Lady Anne's servant." Linen cloth for her was paid for in
September, in which month ten shillings were given for a cow that one
of her greyhounds had killed. A remarkable entry occurs in November, in
that year, from which it appears that Anne Boleyn had pawned one of her
jewels to her sister Mary, and that Henry ordered 20_l._ to be given to
redeem it; a few days afterwards, about twenty yards of crimson satin
were purchased for her use. In December, eight guineas were given for
budge skins or furs for her; on the 21st of that month she received
twenty shillings in silver: the next day linen cloth for her shirts was
paid for, and she was repaid 5_l._, which she had given to Henry Webb
by the King's command. On the 23rd, the same sum was given to her for
playing money, in groats, and on the 30th, Henry gave her 100_l._ as a
New Years' gift. In February, 1531, her mercer's bill was again paid,
and on the 17th, her servant Taylor, received 11_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._ to be
"employed about my Lady Anne Rochford's business;" before the end of
which month a farm was purchased for her at Greenwich, and for which
86_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ were given. Her desk was garnished with laten and
gold in April following; when her embroiderer was paid for work done
for her. Early in May, 40_l._ were given her "to play;" on the 22nd,
having lost 12_l._ 7_s._ 6_d._ at bowls to the Sergeant of the Cellar,
that sum was paid to him out of the Privy Purse by his Majesty's
commands; and on the 10th, eight yards of crimson cloth of gold were
bought for her. From that time nothing more is said of Anne Boleyn
until December, when her taylor's bill amounting to 28_l._ 6_s._ 4_d._
for her clothes was discharged; shortly after which her skinner's bill
of 40_l._ 15_s._ 8_d._ was likewise paid. On the 29th of May, 1532, the
King's watermen were remunerated for conveying her to Durham House. In
June a splendid cloak and night-gown were purchased, and the price of
all the materials, is detailed with the minuteness of a milliner's bill
of the present day, from which it seems that both were made of black
satin; that the former was edged, and the latter lined with velvet of
the same colour; and that the cloak cost altogether 9_l._ 4_s._ 8_d._;
whilst the night-gown was lined with black taffeta, and cost 10_l._
15_s._ 8_d._: at the same time sixteen yards of green damask were also
purchased for her.
In August in this year, her future elevation became so certain that
the wife of one of the most distinguished courtiers of the time, in
imitation of the example set nearly two years before by the Mayor of
London, endeavoured to propitiate her favour by a present; as on the
17th of that month, Lady Russell, afterwards Countess of Bedford sent
her a stag and a greyhound, which she gave to the King, who ordered
40_s._ to be paid to the servant who brought them. On the 1st of
September, Anne Boleyn was created Marchioness of Pembroke, and on the
19th of that month, the Master of the Robes was paid for stuff which
was delivered to her servant, probably for the costume in which she
appeared at the ceremony; and about a fortnight afterwards certain
silks were provided by him for her apparel, the costs of which were
56_l._ She accompanied Henry to Calais in October, 1532; and her
reception by Francis the First as well as the prominent part which
she performed in the festivities that attended the interview between
the two Monarchs, are fully described by Hall. From these Accounts we
learn that the Great Master sent her a present of grapes and pears at
Calais on the 14th of October; that on the 11th of November, fifteen
shillings were paid to her which she had won of Henry at cards at that
place; that on the 20th a few days after her return from France, she,
Sir Francis Bryan and Sir Francis Weston, formed a party with the King
at Pope Julius' game at Stone Castle in Kent; and again on the 25th,
26th and 31st at Greenwich, on which occasions his Majesty was as usual
unsuccessful; that on the 28th she won 11_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ of Henry
at Cards; and on the 25th of December more stuff was bought for her
clothes. It is to be observed, that according to some authorities,
Anne Boleyn was privately married to Henry, early in November, 1532,
immediately after their arrival at Dover from Calais; but nothing is to
be found in these accounts either corroborative of, or contradictory
to, the assertion. During the three years the whole sum expended for
her clothes, &c. was 468_l._ 6_s._ 1_d._, and within the same time she
received in money 218_l._ These sums are not, it is true, remarkable
for their amount, but they are sufficient to shew the manner in which
she was treated by Henry, and the place which she occupied in his
affections. Before concluding these observations relative to this
celebrated woman, the singular manner in which her sister and herself
are described must be pointed out. Until December, 1530, she is merely
spoken of as "my Lady Anne," but from February to May, 1531, with one
exception, she is called "Lady Ann Rochford," though from that time
until her creation to the Marquisate of Pembroke, she is again styled
"Lady Ann," after which event she is mentioned either as "my Lady
Marquess," or "my Lady Marquess of Pembroke." Her sister Mary too,
though married, is called Lady Mary Rochford. Rochford was the title of
their father when elevated to the Earldom of Wiltshire, and was then
borne by their brother George, who having become involved in his royal
sister's supposed crime, died, like her, upon a scaffold.
Before these proofs of the esteem in which Anne Boleyn was held by
Henry are contrasted with her subsequent fate, it is impossible to
avoid reflecting on the little regard which was then paid to the
virtuous Katherine. That her name should be but twice mentioned speaks
volumes on her secluded situation; and whilst all that wealth and power
could command were lavished on the new favourite, the magnanimous wife
was equally neglected by her husband, his satellites, and the world.
Remorse seems, however, at length to have touched Henry's heart, for
a few years after her death, namely, in November, 1539, the following
entry occurs in the "Book of Quarterly Payments," in the Library of the
Royal Society.
"Item, to Mrs. Blanch Twyford, by the Lord Privy Seal's letter, for her
long and painful service done unto the Princess Dowager, by way of the
King's reward--66_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._"
Mrs. Twyford was bequeathed 10_l._ by Katherine's will.
The Princess, afterwards Queen, Mary, is frequently noticed, but
all which we learn is, that she was ill in June or July, 1531, and
apparently again in March, 1532; and that from 10_l._ to 20_l._ were
occasionally given to her for pocket-money, or to be distributed in
charity. The Duke of Richmond, Henry's natural son, is also spoken of;
as well as his niece, the Lady Margaret Douglas, daughter of the Earl
of Angus, but she is here called Lady Margaret Anguishe.
A few entries are strongly indicative of the superstition of the age;
the most striking of which are the King's offerings to the images of
our Lady at Calais, Boulogne, Dover, Walsingham and of the Pue; and of
persons being "touched for the evil," to whom 22_l._ 2_s._ 6_d._ were
paid in three years, each having received 7_s._ 6_d._, and which proves
the number "touched" in that period to have been fifty-nine. They came
wherever his Majesty was, whether in town, or on his progresses, and
even at Calais.
A few entries require to be separately noticed, as well as being
referred to in the index; namely, the PRESENTS brought to the King,
the PRICES OF LABOUR, SERVANTS' WAGES and LIVERIES, the VALUE OF LAND,
HOUSE RENT, and the different kinds of MONEY which are mentioned.
Upon the presents brought, few remarks are required, for it will at
once be seen that they chiefly consisted of articles of food of every
description, including fish, poultry, game, baked lampreys, swans,
pies, fruit, meat, puddings, brawn, cranes, birds; of dogs, horses,
foxes, hawks, deer, mules, wild boars, and on one occasion, a lion; of
fishing-rods, whistles, wood-knives, &c. and indeed whatever was then
in common use.
Nor were these offerings sent only by the higher classes of society;
even the poorest of Henry's subjects presented him with something which
they fancied would be acceptable to his palate. The bringer uniformly
received a gratuity "in reward" proportionate to the value of the gift;
thus, the German who brought a lion was paid 6_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._; he who
brought a stag, 20_s._; Lady Sidney's servant for bringing quince pies,
6_s._ 8_d._; and Dyrick's wife of Greenwich received the same sum for
a capon and chickens. Similar gratuities were given to the gardeners
of the king's different seats for bringing fruit and herbs; and as
no gift was too contemptible to be accepted, the money thus paid "in
reward" sometimes exceeded the value of the donation. In most cases
these offerings were doubtlessly tendered as testimonies of respect,
but in many the "reward" was, perhaps, the real motive. As the index
contains a reference to every thing presented to Henry, it is needless
to enlarge on the subject.
Of the PRICE OF LABOUR the best evidence, besides the wages of
servants, which will be more particularly noticed, are the sums paid
for different articles purchased. We learn, also, that two men in July,
1530, were paid 13_s._ 4_d._. for ten days' work in mowing, _i. e._,
8_d._ a-day each. In February, 1532, the hire of seven horses, and the
expences of the same number of men for sixteen days, sent into Wales,
and other places, at 1_s._ 8_d._ per day for each man, amounted to
9_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._, and in July in the same year 1_l._ was paid for the
hire of ten men for three days, in drawing the fishponds at Ampthill,
at 8_d._ a day each.
The WAGES OF SERVANTS differed of course according to their situations;
those of a Falconer were generally a groat a day, and he was allowed
one penny a day for the food of each hawk intrusted to his care; but
those of Nicholas Clamp, one of the principal falconers, were 10_l._
per annum. A Huntsman received 35_s._ 5_d._ a quarter, and as well as
most of the other servants, he had 4_d._ per day for his board wages.
The allowance for the board of the boys of the stable was 1_s._ 8_d._
per week each; and of the boys that "run the King's geldings," or as
they are sometimes called, "the King's riding boys," 2_s._ a week each,
whilst on one occasion we find six days' meals for them paid for at the
rate for each of them five pence a day. The keeper of the Barbary horse
was allowed 1_s._ 8_d._ per week for his board, his wages being 4_l._
a year; the Hen-taker was however better paid, as he received 45_s._
7_d._ a quarter. The regular wages of the King's watermen were 10_s._
a quarter; but it would appear that they were paid extra upon every
occasion when they were employed. Sexton the Fool's, servant's wages,
were 15_s._ a quarter. The gardeners of York Place and of Beaulie, or
New Hall, in Suffolk, received about 12_l._ per annum; the gardener
of Greenwich 20_l._ a year; and the gardeners of Windsor and Wanstead
4_1._ a year.
Of the VALUE OF LAND, only one entry affords positive information. It
relates to land bought to enlarge the little Park of Windsor, for which
purpose 4_l._ were paid for two acres of meadow; but some idea may be
formed on the subject from the following items: a farm at Greenwich,
purchased for Anne Boleyn in February, 1531, cost 66_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._
but unfortunately we have no idea of its extent; in November, 1530,
fourteen loads of Hay, and six loads of Oats cost, with the carriage to
Greenwich Park, probably from the immediate neighbourhood, 6_l._ 2_s._
8_d._; and in January, 1532, is an entry of 7_l._ 4_s._ 4_d._ for the
same quantity of hay at 5_s._ 6_d._ the load, and of six loads of oats
at 9_s._ the load, including the carriage to the same place: hence we
find that the carriage cost 13_s._ 4_d._; but in May following oats
were 6_s._ 6_d._ the load.
Of the RENT OF HOUSES we have the subjoined particulars; that of a
House for the Henchmen, or to use the words of the MS. "of the house
where the Henchmen lie," was 2_l._ per annum, whilst that "of the one
hired for Lord Rochford at Greenwich was 10_l._ a year." When some
ambassadors proposed going to Waltham, a house was hired for them, and
the owner was paid 20_s._; and it appears from "the Book of Quarterly
Payments" before mentioned, that "the rent of a house in London for the
standing of the great standards with the rich coats of the guards for
half a year" was 17_s._ 4_d._
LIVERIES. Independently of the falconers, huntsmen, watermen, and
other servants, the King's painters regularly received liveries, the
cost of which was generally 22_s._ 6_d._: this sum included 2_s._, the
allowance for the badges which were affixed to them; but we find Patch
the Fool's man, allowed 23_s._ 4_d._ for his livery coat, and to others
26_s._ 8_d._ were sometimes given for that purpose.
The following are the sums accounted for monthly, from November 1529 to
December 1532:
£ _s._ _d._
1529 November 1910 15 9
December 1449 9 6
1530 January 4120 13 6[143]
February 4750 4 3[144]
March 2561 6 7
April 881 18 0
May 667 11 9
June 421 12 4
July 418 12 9
August 130 4 9
September 309 9 11
October 1025 13 4
November 642 6 0
December 4464 16 9[145]
1531 January 943 8 7
February 528 8 2-1/2
March 500 10 3-3/4
April 516 17 6-1/2
May 632 7 8
June 393 6 6
July 399 19 9
August 1554 18 0
September 592 16 9
October 347 12 0
November 525 16 4
December 620 19 9
1532 January 3043 9 5[146]
February 323 2 6
March 318 16 5
April 846 17 7
May 273 19 9
June 736 12 9
July 8007 9 11[147]
August 645 15 1
September 525 4 1
October 2539 3 1[148]
November 3954 7 9[149]
December 961 10 6
------------------
Total amount accounted for, 53,488 5 4-3/4
Besides pounds, shillings, pence, &c. the following coins are
frequently mentioned, an account of the value of which between 1529 and
1532, may be acceptable:--