The French army was now preparing to cross the Alps a second time, under
the command of Trivulce. Louis XII had come as far as Lyons in the
company of Caesar Borgia and Giuliano della Rovere, on whom he had
forced a reconciliation, and towards the beginning of the month of May
had sent his vanguard before him, soon to be followed by the main body
of the army. The forces he was employing in this second campaign of
conquest were 1600, lances, 5000 Swiss, 9000 Gascons, and 3500 infantry,
raised from all parts of France. On the 13th of August this whole body,
amounting to nearly 15,000 men, who were to combine their forces with
the Venetians, arrived beneath the walls of Arezzo, and immediately laid
siege to the town.
Ludovico Sforza’s position was a terrible one: he was now suffering from
his imprudence in calling the French into Italy; all the allies he had
thought he might count upon were abandoning him at the same moment,
either because they were busy about their own affairs, or because they
were afraid of the powerful enemy that the Duke of Milan had made for
himself. Maximilian, who had promised him a contribution of 400 lances,
to make up for not renewing the hostilities with Louis XII that had been
interrupted, had just made a league with the circle of Swabia to war
against the Swiss, whom he had declared rebels against the Empire. The
Florentines, who had engaged to furnish him with 300 men-at-arms and
2000 infantry, if he would help them to retake Pisa, had just retracted
their promise because of Louis XII’s threats, and had undertaken to
remain neutral. Frederic, who was holding back his troops for the
defence of his own States, because he supposed, not without reason,
that, Milan once conquered, he would again have to defend Naples, sent
him no help, no men, no money, in spite of his promises. Ludovico Sforza
was therefore reduced to his own proper forces.
But as he was a man powerful in arms and clever in artifice, he did not
allow himself to succumb at the first blow, and in all haste fortified
Annona, Novarro, and Alessandria, sent off Cajazzo with troops to that
part of the Milanese territory which borders on the states of Venice,
and collected on the Po as many troops as he could. But these
precautions availed him nothing against the impetuous onslaught of the
French, who in a few days had taken Annona, Arezzo, Novarro, Voghiera,
Castelnuovo, Ponte Corona, Tartone, and Alessandria, while Trivulce was
on the march to Milan.
Seeing the rapidity of this conquest and their numerous victories,
Ludovico Sforza, despairing of holding out in his capital, resolved to
retire to Germany, with his children, his brother, Cardinal Ascanio
Sforza, and his treasure, which had been reduced in the course of eight
years from 1,500,000 to 200,000 ducats. But before he went he left
Bernardino da Carte in charge of the castle of Milan. In vain did his
friends warn him to distrust this man, in vain did his brother Ascanio
offer to hold the fortress himself, and offer to hold it to the very
last; Ludovico refused to make any change in his arrangements, and
started on the 2nd of September, leaving in the citadel three thousand
foot and enough provisions, ammunition, and money to sustain a siege of
several months.
Two days after Ludovico’s departure, the French entered Milan. Ten days
later Bernardino da Come gave up the castle before a single gun had been
fired. Twenty-one days had sufficed for the French to get possession of
the various towns, the capital, and all the territories of their enemy.
Louis XII received the news of this success while he was at Lyons, and
he at once started for Milan, where he was received with demonstrations
of joy that were really sincere. Citizens of every rank had come out
three miles’ distance from the gates to receive him, and forty boys,
dressed in cloth of gold and silk, marched before him singing hymns of
victory composed by poets of the period, in which the king was styled
their liberator and the envoy of freedom. The great joy of the Milanese
people was due to the fact that friends of Louis had been spreading
reports beforehand that the King of France was rich enough to abolish
all taxes. And so soon as the second day from his arrival at Milan the
conqueror made some slight reduction, granted important favours to
certain Milanese gentlemen, and bestowed the town of Vigavano on
Trivulce as a reward for his swift and glorious campaign. But Caesar
Borgia, who had followed Louis XII with a view to playing his part in
the great hunting-ground of Italy, scarcely waited for him to attain his
end when he claimed the fulfilment of his promise, which the king with
his accustomed loyalty hastened to perform. He instantly put at the
disposal of Caesar three hundred lances under the command of Yves
d’Alegre, and four thousand Swiss under the command of the bailiff of
Dijon, as a help in his work of reducing the Vicars of the Church.
We must now explain to our readers who these new personages were whom we
introduce upon the scene by the above name.
During the eternal wars of Guelphs and Ghibelines and the long exile of
the popes at Avignon, most of the towns and fortresses of the Romagna
had been usurped by petty tyrants, who for the most part hard received
from the Empire the investiture of their new possessions; but ever since
German influence had retired beyond the Alps, and the popes had again
made Rome the centre of the Christian world, all the small princes,
robbed of their original protector, had rallied round the papal see, and
received at the hands of the pope a new investiture, and now they paid
annual dues, for which they received the particular title of duke,
count, or lord, and the general name of Vicar of the Church.
It had been no difficult matter for Alexander, scrupulously examining
the actions and behaviour of these gentlemen during the seven years that
had elapsed since he was exalted to St. Peter’s throne, to find in the
conduct of each one of them something that could be called an infraction
of the treaty made between vassals and suzerain; accordingly he brought
forward his complaints at a tribunal established for the purpose, and
obtained sentence from the judges to the effect that the vicars of the
Church, having failed to fulfil the conditions of their investiture,
were despoiled of their domains, which would again become the property
of the Holy See. As the pope was now dealing with men against whom it
was easier to pass a sentence than to get it carried out, he had
nominated as captain-general the new Duke of Valentinois, who was
commissioned to recover the territories for his own benefit. The lords
in question were the Malatesti of Rimini, the Sforza of Pesaro, the
Manfredi of Faenza, the Riarii of Imola and Farli, the Variani of
Camerina, the Montefeltri of Urbino, and the Caetani of Sermoneta.
But the Duke of Valentinois, eager to keep as warm as possible his great
friendship with his ally and relative Louis XII, was, as we know,
staying with him at Milan so long as he remained there, where, after a
month’s occupation, the king retraced his steps to his own capital, the
Duke of Valentinois ordered his men-at-arms and his Swiss to await him
between Parma and Modena, and departed posthaste for Rome, to explain
his plans to his father viva voce and to receive his final instructions.
When he arrived, he found that the fortune of his sister Lucrezia had
been greatly augmented in his absence, not from the side of her husband
Alfonso, whose future was very uncertain now in consequence of Louis’s
successes, which had caused some coolness between Alfonso and the pope,
but from her father’s side, upon whom at this time she exercised an
influence more astonishing than ever. The pope had declared Lucrezia
Borgia of Aragon life-governor of Spoleto and its duchy, with all
emoluments, rights, and revenues accruing thereunto. This had so greatly
increased her power and improved her position, that in these days she
never showed herself in public without a company of two hundred horses
ridden by the most illustrious ladies and noblest knights of Rome.
Moreover, as the twofold affection of her father was a secret to nobody,
the first prelates in the Church, the frequenters of the Vatican, the
friends of His Holiness, were all her most humble servants; cardinals
gave her their hands when she stepped from her litter or her horse,
archbishops disputed the honour of celebrating mass in her private
apartments.
But Lucrezia had been obliged to quit Rome in order to take possession
of her new estates; and as her father could not spend much time away
from his beloved daughter, he resolved to take into his hands the town
of Nepi, which on a former occasion, as the reader will doubtless
remember, he had bestowed on Ascanio Sforza in exchange for his
suffrage. Ascanio had naturally lost this town when he attached himself
to the fortunes of the Duke of Milan, his brother; and when the pope was
about to take it again, he invited his daughter Lucrezia to join him
there and be present at the rejoicings held in honour of his resuming
its possession.
Lucrezia’s readiness in giving way to her father’s wishes brought her a
new gift from him: this was the town and territory of Sermoneta, which
belonged to the Caetani. Of course the gift was as yet a secret, because
the two owners of the seigneury, had first to be disposed of, one being
Monsignore Giacomo Caetano, apostolic protonotary, the other Prospero
Caetano, a young cavalier of great promise; but as both lived at Rome,
and entertained no suspicion, but indeed supposed themselves to be in
high favour with His Holiness, the one by virtue of his position, the
other of his courage, the matter seemed to present no great difficulty.
So directly after the return of Alexander to Rome, Giacomo Caetano was
arrested, on what pretext we know not, was taken to the castle of Sant’
Angelo, and there died shortly after, of poison: Prospero Caetano was
strangled in his own house. After these two deaths, which both occurred
so suddenly as to give no time for either to make a will, the pope
declared that Sermoneta and all of her property appertaining to the
Caetani devolved upon the apostolic chamber; and they were sold to
Lucrezia for the sum of 80,000 crowns, which her father refunded to her
the day after. Though Caesar hurried to Rome, he found when he arrived
that his father had been beforehand with him, and had made a beginning
of his conquests.
Another fortune also had been making prodigious strides during Caesar’s
stay in France, viz. the fortune of Gian Borgia, the pope’s nephew, who
had been one of the most devoted friends of the Duke of Gandia up to the
time of his death. It was said in Rome, and not in a whisper, that the
young cardinal owed the favours heaped upon him by His Holiness less to
the memory of the brother than to the protection of the sister. Both
these reasons made Gian Borgia a special object of suspicion to Caesar,
and it was with an inward vow that he should not enjoy his new dignities
very long that the Duke of Valentinois heard that his cousin Gian had
just been nominated cardinal ’a latere’ of all the Christian world, and
had quitted Rome to make a circuit through all the pontifical states
with a suite of archbishops, bishops, prelates, and gentlemen, such as
would have done honour to the pope himself.
Caesar had only come to Rome to get news; so he only stayed three days,
and then, with all the troops His Holiness could supply, rejoined his
forces on the borders of the Euza, and marched at once to Imola. This
town, abandoned by its chiefs, who had retired to Forli, was forced to
capitulate. Imola taken, Caesar marched straight upon Forli. There he
met with a serious check; a check, moreover, which came from a woman.
Caterina Sforza, widow of Girolamo and mother of Ottaviano Riario, had
retired to this town, and stirred up the courage of the garrison by
putting herself, her goods and her person, under their protection.
Caesar saw that it was no longer a question of a sudden capture, but of
a regular siege; so he began to make all his arrangements with a view to
it, and placing a battery of cannon in front of the place where the
walls seemed to him weakest, he ordered an uninterrupted fire, to be
continued until the breach was practicable.
When he returned to the camp after giving this order, he found there
Gian Borgia, who had gone to Rome from Ferrara and was unwilling to be
so near Caesar without paying him a visit: he was received with effusion
and apparently the greatest joy, and stayed three days; on the fourth
day all the officers and members of the court were invited to a grand
farewell supper, and Caesar bade farewell to his cousin, charging him
with despatches for the pope, and lavishing upon him all the tokens of
affection he had shown on his arrival.
Cardinal Gian Borgia posted off as soon as he left the supper-table, but
on arriving at Urbino he was seized with such a sudden and strange
indisposition that he was forced to stop; but after a few minutes,
feeling rather better, he went an; scarcely, however, had he entered
Rocca Cantrada when he again felt so extremely ill that he resolved to
go no farther, and stayed a couple of days in the town. Then, as he
thought he was a little better again, and as he had heard the news of
the taking of Forli and also that Caterina Sforza had been taken
prisoner while she was making an attempt to retire into the castle, he
resolved to go back to Caesar and congratulate him on his victory; but
at Fassambrane he was forced to stop a third time, although he had given
up his carriage for a litter. This was his last halt: the same day he
sought his bed, never to rise from it again; three days later he was
dead.
His body was taken to Rome and buried without any ceremony in the church
of Santa Maria del Populo, where lay awaiting him the corpse of his
friend the Duke of Gandia; and there was now no more talk of the young
cardinal, high as his rank had been, than if he had never existed. Thus
in gloom and silence passed away all those who were swept to destruction
by the ambition of that terrible trio, Alexander, Lucrezia, and Caesar.
Almost at the same time Rome was terrified by another murder. Don
Giovanni Cerviglione, a gentleman by birth and a brave soldier, captain
of the pope’s men-at-arms, was attacked one evening by the sbirri, as he
was on his way home from supping with Don Elisio Pignatelli. One of the
men asked his name, and as he pronounced it, seeing that there was no
mistake, plunged a dagger into his breast, while a second man with a
back stroke of his sword cut off his head, which lay actually at his
feet before his body had time to fall.
The governor of Rome lodged a complaint against this assassination with
the pope; but quickly perceiving, by the way his intimation was
received, that he would have done better to say nothing, he stopped the
inquiries he had started, so that neither of the murderers was ever
arrested. But the rumour was circulated that Caesar, in the short stay
he had made at Rome, had had a rendezvous with Cerviglione’s wife, who
was a Borgia by birth, and that her husband when he heard of this
infringement of conjugal duty had been angry enough to threaten her and
her lover, too: the threat had reached Caesar’s ears, who, making a long
arm of Michelotto, had, himself at Forli, struck down Cerviglione in the
streets of Rome.
Another unexpected death followed so quickly on that of Don Giovanni
Cerviglione that it could not but be attributed to the same originator,
if not to the same cause. Monsignore Agnelli of Mantua, archbishop of
Cosenza, clerk of the chamber and vice-legate of Viterbo, having fallen
into disgrace with His Holiness, how it is not known, was poisoned at
his own table, at which he had passed a good part of the night in
cheerful conversation with three or four guests, the poison gliding
meanwhile through his veins; then going to bed in perfect health, he was
found dead in the morning. His possessions were at once divided into
three portions: the land and houses were given to the Duke of
Valentinois; the bishopric went to Francesco Borgia, son of Calixtus
III; and the office of clerk of the chamber was sold for 5000 ducats to
Ventura Bonnassai, a merchant of Siena, who produced this sum for
Alexander, and settled down the very same day in the Vatican.
This last death served the purpose of determining a point of law
hitherto uncertain: as Monsignore Agnelli’s natural heirs had made some
difficulty about being disinherited, Alexander issued a brief; whereby
he took from every cardinal and every priest the right of making a will,
and declared that all their property should henceforth devolve upon him.
But Caesar was stopped short in the midst of his victories. Thanks to
the 200,000 ducats that yet remained in his treasury, Ludovico Sforza
had levied 500 men-at-arms from Burgundy and 8000 Swiss infantry, with
whom he had entered Lombardy. So Trivulce, to face this enemy, had been
compelled to call back Yves d’Alegre and the troops that Louis XII had
lent to Caesar; consequently Caesar, leaving behind a body of pontifical
soldiery as garrison at Forli and Imola, betook himself with the rest of
his force to Rome.
It was Alexander’s wish that his entry should be a triumph; so when he
learned that the quartermasters of the army were only a few leagues from
the town, he sent out runners to invite the royal ambassadors, the
cardinals, the prelates, the Roman barons, and municipal dignitaries to
make procession with all their suite to meet the Duke of Valentinois;
and as it always happens that the pride of those who command is
surpassed by the baseness of those who obey, the orders were not only
fulfilled to the letter, but beyond it.
The entry of Caesar took place on the 26th of February, 1500. Although
this was the great Jubilee year, the festivals of the carnival began
none the less for that, and were conducted in a manner even more
extravagant and licentious than usual; and the conqueror after the first
day prepared a new display of ostentation, which he concealed under the
veil of a masquerade. As he was pleased to identify himself with the
glory, genius, and fortune of the great man whose name he bore, he
resolved on a representation of the triumph of Julius Caesar, to be
given on the Piazzi di Navona, the ordinary place for holding the
carnival fetes. The next day, therefore, he and his retinue started from
that square, and traversed all the streets of Rome, wearing classical
costumes and riding in antique cars, on one of which Caesar stood, clad
in the robe of an emperor of old, his brow crowned with a golden laurel
wreath, surrounded by lictors, soldiers, and ensign-bearers, who carried
banners whereon was inscribed the motto, ’Aut Caesar aut nihil’.
Finally, on the fourth Sunday, in Lent, the pope conferred upon Caesar
the dignity he had so long coveted, and appointed him general and
gonfaloniere of the Holy Church.
In the meanwhile Sforza had crossed the Alps and passed the Lake of
Como, amid acclamations of joy from his former subjects, who had quickly
lost the enthusiasm that the French army and Louis’s promises had
inspired. These demonstrations were so noisy at Milan, that Trivulce,
judging that there was no safety for a French garrison in remaining
there, made his way to Navarra. Experience proved that he was not
deceived; for scarcely had the Milanese observed his preparations for
departure when a suppressed excitement began to spread through the town,
and soon the streets were filled with armed men. This murmuring crowd
had to be passed through, sword in hand and lance in rest; and scarcely
had the French got outside the gates when the mob rushed out after the
army into the country, pursuing them with shouts and hooting as far as
the banks of the Tesino. Trivulce left 400 lances at Novarra as well as
the 3000 Swiss that Yves d’Alegre had brought from the Romagna, and
directed his course with the rest of the army towards Mortara, where he
stopped at last to await the help he had demanded from the King of
France. Behind him Cardinal Ascanio and Ludovico entered Milan amid the
acclamations of the whole town.
Neither of them lost any time, and wishing to profit by this enthusiasm,
Ascanio undertook to besiege the castle of Milan while Ludovico should
cross the Tesino and attack Novarra.
There besiegers and besieged were sons of the same nation; for Yves
d’Alegre had scarcely as many as 300 French with him, and Ludovico 500
Italians. In fact, for the last sixteen years the Swiss had been
practically the only infantry in Europe, and all the Powers came, purse
in hand, to draw from the mighty reservoir of their mountains. The
consequence was that these rude children of William Tell, put up to
auction by the nations, and carried away from the humble, hardy life of
a mountain people into cities of wealth and pleasure, had lost, not
their ancient courage, but that rigidity of principle for which they had
been distinguished before their intercourse with other nations. From
being models of honour and good faith they had become a kind of
marketable ware, always ready for sale to the highest bidder. The French
were the first to experience this venality, which later-on proved so
fatal to Ludovico Sforza.
Now the Swiss in the garrison at Novarra had been in communication with
their compatriots in the vanguard of the ducal army, and when they found
that they, who as a fact were unaware that Ludavico’s treasure was
nearly exhausted, were better fed as well as better paid than
themselves, they offered to give up the town and go over to the
Milanese, if they could be certain of the same pay. Ludovico, as we may
well suppose, closed with this bargain. The whole of Novarra was given
up to him except the citadel, which was defended by Frenchmen: thus the
enemy’s army was recruited by 3000 men. Then Ludovico made the mistake
of stopping to besiege the castle instead of marching on to Mortara with
the new reinforcement. The result of this was that Louis XII, to whom
runners had been sent by Trivulce, understanding his perilous position,
hastened the departure of the French gendarmerie who were already
collected to cross into Italy, sent off the bailiff of Dijon to levy new
Swiss forces, and ordered Cardinal Amboise, his prime minister, to cross
the Alps and take up a position at Asti, to hurry on the work of
collecting the troops. There the cardinal found a nest-egg of 3000 men.
La Trimouille added 1500 lances and 6000 French infantry; finally, the
bailiff of Dijon arrived with 10,000 Swiss; so that, counting the troops
which Trivulce had at Mortara, Louis XII found himself master on the
other side of the Alps of the first army any French king had ever led
out to battle. Soon, by good marching, and before Ludovico knew the
strength or even the existence of this army, it took up a position
between Novarra and Milan, cutting off all communication between the
duke and his capital. He was therefore compelled, in spite of his
inferior numbers, to prepare for a pitched battle.
But it so happened that just when the preparations for a decisive
engagement were being made on both sides, the Swiss Diet, learning that
the sons of Helvetia were on the point of cutting one another’s throats,
sent orders to all the Swiss serving in either army to break their
engagements and return to the fatherland. But during the two months that
had passed between the surrender of Novarra and the arrival of the
French army before the town, there had been a very great change in the
face of things, because Ludovico Sforza’s treasure was now exhausted.
New confabulations had gone on between the outposts, and this time,
thanks to the money sent by Louis XII, it was the Swiss in the service
of France who were found to be the better fed and better paid. The
worthy Helvetians, since they no longer fought for their own liberty,
knew the value of their blood too well to allow a single drop of it to
be spilled for less than its weight in gold: the result was that, as
they had, betrayed Yves d’Alegre, they resolved to betray Ludovico
Sforza too; and while the recruits brought in by the bailiff of Dijon
were standing firmly by the French flag, careless of the order of the
Diet, Ludovico’s auxiliaries declared that in fighting against their
Swiss brethren they would be acting in disobedience to the Diet, and
would risk capital punishment in the end—a danger that nothing would
induce them to incur unless they immediately received the arrears of
their pay. The duke, who had spent the last ducat he had with him, and was
entirely cut off from his capital, knew that he could not get money till
he had fought his way through to it, and therefore invited the Swiss to
make one last effort, promising them not only the pay that was in
arrears but a double hire. But unluckily the fulfilment of this promise
was dependent on the doubtful issue of a battle, and the Swiss replied
that they had far too much respect for their country to disobey its
decree, and that they loved their brothers far too well to consent to
shed their blood without reward; and therefore Sforza would do well not
to count upon them, since indeed the very next day they proposed to
return to their homes. The duke then saw that all was lost, but he made
a last appeal to their honour, adjuring them at least to ensure his
personal safety by making it a condition of capitulation. But they
replied that even if a condition of such a kind, would not make
capitulation impossible, it would certainly deprive them of advantages
which they had a right to expect, and on which they counted as
indemnification for the arrears of their pay. They pretended, however,
at last that they were touched by the prayers of the man whose orders
they had obeyed so long, and offered to conceal him dressed in their
clothes among their ranks. This proposition was barely plausible; far
Sforza was short and, by this time an old man, and he could not possibly
escape recognition in the midst of an army where the oldest was not past
thirty and the shortest not less than five foot six. Still, this was his
last chance, and he did not reject it at once, but tried to modify it so
that it might help him in his straits. His plan was to disguise himself
as a Franciscan monk, so that mounted on a shabby horse he might pass
for their chaplain; the others, Galeazzo di San Severing, who commanded
under him, and his two brothers, were all tall men, so, adopting the
dress of common soldiers, they hoped they might escape detection in the
Swiss ranks.
Scarcely were these plans settled when the duke heard that the
capitulation was signed between Trivulce and the Swiss, who had made no
stipulation in favour of him and his generals. They were to go over the
next day with arms and baggage right into the French army; so the last
hope of the wretched Ludovico and his generals must needs be in their
disguise. And so it was. San Severino and his brothers took their place
in the ranks of the infantry, and Sforza took his among the baggage,
clad in a monk’s frock, with the hood pulled over his eyes.
The army marched off; but the Swiss, who had first trafficked in their
blood, now trafficked in their honour. The French were warned of the
disguise of Sforza and his generals, and thus they were all four
recognised, and Sforza was arrested by Trimouille himself. It is said
that the price paid for this treason was the town of Bellinzona; for it
then belonged to the French, and when the Swiss returned to their
mountains and took possession of it, Louis XII took no steps to get it
back again.
When Ascanio Sforza, who, as we know, had stayed at Milan, learned the
news of this cowardly desertion, he supposed that his cause was lost and
that it would be the best plan for him to fly, before he found himself a
prisoner in the hand’s of his brother’s old subjects: such a change of
face on the people’s part would be very natural, and they might propose
perhaps to purchase their own pardon at the price of his liberty; so he
fled by night with the chief nobles of the Ghibelline party, taking the
road to Piacenza, on his way to the kingdom of Naples. But when he
arrived at Rivolta, he remembered that there was living in that town an
old friend of his childhood, by name Conrad Lando, whom he had helped to
much wealth in his days of power; and as Ascanio and his companions were
extremely tired, he resolved to beg his hospitality for a single night.
Conrad received them with every sign of joy, putting all his house and
servants at their disposal. But scarcely had they retired to bed when he
sent a runner to Piacenza, to inform Carlo Orsini, at that time
commanding the Venetian garrison, that he was prepared to deliver up
Cardinal Ascanio and the chief men of the Milanese army. Carlo Orsini
did not care to resign to another so important an expedition, and
mounting hurriedly with twenty-five men, he first surrounded Conrads
house, and then entered sword in hand the chamber wherein Ascanio and
his companions lay, and being surprised in the middle of their sleep,
they yielded without resistance. The prisoners were taken to Venice, but
Louis XII claimed them, and they were given up. Thus the King of France
found himself master of Ludovico Sforza and of Ascania, of a legitimate
nephew of the great Francesco Sforza named Hermes, of two bastards named
Alessandro and Cortino, and of Francesco, son of the unhappy Gian
Galeazza who had been poisoned by his uncle.
Louis XII, wishing to make an end of the whole family at a blow, forced
Francesco to enter a cloister, shut up Cardinal Ascanio in the tower of
Baurges, threw into prison Alessandro, Cartino, and Hermes, and finally,
after transferring the wretched Ludovico from the fortress of
Pierre-Eucise to Lys-Saint-George he relegated him for good and all to
the castle of Loches, where he lived for ten years in solitude and utter
destitution, and there died, cursing the day when the idea first came
into his head of enticing the French into Italy.
The news of the catastrophe of Ludovico and his family caused the
greatest joy at Rome, for, while the French were consolidating their
power in Milanese territory, the Holy See was gaining ground in the
Romagna, where no further opposition was offered to Caesar’s conquest.
So the runners who brought the news were rewarded with valuable
presents, and it was published throughout the whole town of Rome to the
sound of the trumpet and drum. The war-cry of Louis, France, France, and
that of the Orsini, Orso, Orso, rang through all the streets, which in
the evening were illuminated, as though Constantinople or Jerusalem had
been taken. And the pope gave the people fetes and fireworks, without
troubling his head the least in the world either about its being Holy
Week, or because the Jubilee had attracted more than 200,000 people to
Rome; the temporal interests of his family seeming to him far more
important than the spiritual interests of his subjects.