The laying of bituminous pavements in this country began in 1869, and

they were first made of tar concrete, or Scrimshaw. Asphalt began

to be used within the next year or two, and its popularity has been

astonishing, as will be seen from the fact that on January 1, 1898, the

area of this kind of pavement laid in the United States was, as nearly

as could be ascertained, thirty million square yards.

There is a notable difference between the European and American

asphalts. The former may be called natural and the latter artificial

pavements. In the former the material, as it comes from the mine, is

ground to a powder, heated, placed upon the foundation prepared for

it, and tamped into approximately the same condition as before it

was disturbed, though usually the product of several mines is mixed

in order to obtain the best percentage of bitumen, but nothing is

added to or taken from the bituminous rock. In the pavement usually

laid in America, on the other hand, only a small proportion of the

material is brought from the asphalt deposits, the principal part of

it (sand) being obtained near at hand. In the one case the cost of

long ocean or rail transportation has to be paid on the entire mass

forming the pavement, while in the other this expense attaches to but

from twelve to fifteen per cent of the material. This, of course, is a

great advantage, and at recent prices it is scarcely possible for the

European rock asphalts to compete with the artificial ones.

The making of a pavement from one of the standard asphalts may be

briefly described as follows: The material as found in Nature has this

composition:

Bitumen 38.14 per cent.

Organic matter, not bitumen 7.63 "

Mineral matter 26.38 "

Water 27.85 "

------

100.00

This is cooked until the water has been driven off, and some of the

mineral matter has settled.

The above analysis is of Trinidad Pitch Lake asphalt, and is a

particularly favorable result. This material is too hard for use in

making a pavement, and it has to be softened or fluxed by the addition

of something which will accomplish this purpose. In order to do this

there is usually added to each one hundred pounds of refined asphalt

about eighteen pounds of heavy petroleum oil. After this addition we

have the asphaltic cement ready to combine with mineral matter, which

is so selected that when asphaltic cement is added at the rate of about

seventeen pounds of the cement to eighty-three pounds of the other

all the particles will be coated, and more could not be added without

making the pavement too soft. What is found to accomplish this best is

fine stone dust and sand.

The asphaltic cement and sand are heated separately to about 300° F.

The stone dust is then added to and mixed with the hot sand in the

proportion of from five to eighty in the case of fine, well-graduated

sand, to fifteen to sixty-seven for coarse sands, having less variation

in size. The asphaltic cement is then added, and the materials are

mixed to a homogeneous mass, which is ready to be taken to the street.

It should reach there at a temperature not less than 250°, and is

spread with hot iron rakes so as to give usually a thickness of two

inches after consolidation. After spreading, it is rolled with a hand

roller, after which a small amount of hydraulic cement is swept over

the surface, and it is thoroughly rolled with a steam roller of not

less than ten tons, the rolling to be continued as long as the roller

makes any impression on the surface.

The foundation is usually of cement concrete about six inches thick,

though asphalt pavements are often laid over old stone pavements.

Between the foundation and the wearing surface there is generally laid

what is called a binder course, one inch thick and formed of small

broken stone, to which has been added asphaltic cement, the same as is

used in making the wearing surface. Five or six pints of this cement

are used to each cubic foot of stone.

[Illustration: KING'S HIGHWAY, BROOKLYN; SIXTEEN FEET IN CENTER OF ROAD

MACADAMIZED.]

The pavement just described is made from Trinidad asphalt, the material

from which nearly all the earlier artificial asphalt pavements in this

country were made, and which was used almost exclusively until within

the last half dozen years.

Within that time, however, it has been discovered that there are a

number of other deposits of asphalt well adapted to use for street

pavements. A very large deposit containing a high percentage of bitumen

and very little mineral matter is located near the coast in the State

of Bermudez, in Venezuela. Large deposits have been found in several

places in California, and in Utah, Kentucky, and Texas, and a number

of other places. The Kentucky product is classed as a natural rock

asphalt, as it is a sandstone impregnated with bitumen. It has been

mixed with about an equal portion of German rock asphalt and used

with very satisfactory results in Buffalo. These asphalts are quite

different in their composition, and each requires somewhat different

treatment. The Bermudez, being richer in bitumen and softer, requires

the addition of very little flux. The California deposits furnish their

own flux in a liquid asphalt or maltha, which is almost absolutely

pure bitumen, and the use of petroleum residuum is thereby avoided

altogether.

[Illustration: ASPHALT PAVEMENT ON CLINTON AVENUE, BROOKLYN.]

It has been recognized since 1836 that the bitumen which forms the

greater part of natural asphalts can be separated into two substances,

which have been commonly known as petrolene and asphaltene, the former

of which possesses the cementitious qualities essential to the making

of a successful pavement. Instead of the arbitrary names--petrolene

and asphaltene--these substances are sometimes more aptly designated

as active and inert bitumen. It has been found that of the bitumen

extracted from asphalts which have given the most satisfactory results

in making street pavements, sixty-nine per cent or more is soluble in

petroleum naphtha having a specific gravity of 72° Beaumé.

An asphalt pavement can not be economically kept in good condition

unless every defect which may develop is immediately repaired. When

the smooth, hard surface is once broken, disintegration proceeds very

rapidly, and a large hole is soon formed. The more general distribution

of smooth pavements, however, will tend to distribute the traffic

more evenly, and the increasing use of rubber tires and rubber shoes

for horses, to say nothing of the probably quite general use of motor

vehicles, within the next decade will result in the elimination of the

forces at present most destructive to pavements.

Much regret is often expressed that asphalt pavements should be so

frequently opened for the purpose of laying or obtaining access to

subsurface pipes and conduits, and thereby mutilated. As a matter

of fact, there is no pavement at present in use which can be so

effectively and satisfactorily restored as asphalt. When skillfully

done, almost no trace of such an opening can be found.

The first question to arise, when it has been determined to pave a

street, will be the selection of material, or the kind of pavement to

be laid. In determining this, the governing considerations will be the

traffic to be sustained, its density and character, the rate of grade,

and the presence or absence of railroad tracks.

If the traffic be very heavy and the street given up wholly to

business, ease of traction, durability, and economy of maintenance are

of first importance, while quiet, comfortable riding, and beauty can

be sacrificed to them. Many efforts have been made to determine the

relative force required to draw a load over different kinds of surface

under similar conditions. The following is from a table compiled by

Mr. Rudolph Hering, from different authorities, the force being that

necessary to move one ton on a level grade at a speed of three miles an

hour:

KIND OF ROAD. Pounds.

Ordinary dirt road 224

Ordinary cobblestone 140

Good cobblestone 75

Common macadam 64

Very hard, smooth macadam 46

Good stone block 45

Best stone block (London) 36

Asphalt 17

Granite tramway 12½ to 13½

Iron railway 8 to 11½

The question of durability occurs next, and the different kinds of

pavement which may be considered for city streets may be rated as

follows, it being assumed that the traffic is not excessively heavy:

KIND OF PAVEMENT. Life in years.

Best granite block on concrete 30

Granite block laid on sand 20

Belgian trap 20

Cobblestone 18

Asphalt 15

Best wood--rectangular block 10

Vitrified brick 12

Macadam 8

Cedar block--round--on sand 5

No class of municipal work comes so near to the daily life of an

urban population--both the business and the home life--as the surface

improvement of city streets, and no expenditure is too great (provided

the work is skillfully and honestly done) to make them smooth, clean,

sanitary, and beautiful.

TYPICAL CRIMINALS.

BY SAMUEL G. SMITH, LL. D.

If the question of a criminal type, defined by certain marks of a

physical nature and emphasized by accompanying mental and moral

characteristics, were confined to the technical speculations of a

special craft of scientists, the public would have little interest in

the spread of the doctrines of Cesare Lombroso and his _confrères_ in

this country. When it is believed, however, that certain men and women

are committed to prison or condemned to death not on account of crimes

in any ethical sense, but because of spontaneous actions from vicious

impulses beyond their control, the subject affects the administration

of law, the theory of punishment, and the safety of society.

Lombroso and the Italian school say that they have discovered a

type of man who is born a criminal, and who may be recognized by a

Mongolian face, abnormal features, ill-shaped ears, unsymmetrical

skull, and various psychical peculiarities, which are the result of

bad organization. This doctrine is illustrated by descriptions of

criminals who have the abnormalities, and in the hands of skillful

writers the case is made very plausible. The theory is in harmony

with so much popular modern thought, which loosely interprets the

doctrine of evolution by a crass materialism, that it has infected

American prison literature, while it has never misled those men to whom

practical experience has given the most right to have an opinion on the

subject. The sense of personal responsibility is still the foundation

of social order, and if in truth there is no such thing, the world is

awake at last from its dream of morality; righteousness is resolved

into heredity, structure, and habit; living is a mere puppet show, and

the wreck of things impends. If Lombroso is right, modern scientific

methods are sure to prove him so, and we shall have at last sound

theories; but we shall have no world in which they can be used, for the

dissolution predicted by Herbert Spencer will have come.

[Illustration: Group 1, No. 1.]

[Illustration: Group 1, No. 2.]

[Illustration: Group 1, No. 3.]

Exceptional opportunities for the study of the abnormal classes in

the institutions of this country and Europe have given me a personal

interest in the question of the criminal type. I have discovered that

the criminal anthropologists do not choose for comparison with the

prison population their normal men from the ranks where the criminal

classes are recruited. Blackwell's Island has no more peculiar

inmates than abound in sections of New York near the East River; the

residents of the Whitechapel district of London may be compared with

the inmates of Pentonville, to the distinct credit of the latter; and

the man in Roquette is no worse off in body than scores whom I have

seen in certain localities south of the Seine. The fact is, no human

body exists which is not in some respects abnormal. The number of

abnormalities and their extent depend upon a variety of circumstances,

among which are food, climate, occupation, and the incidents of birth

itself, as well as the various forms of infantile disease. I will

undertake to find enough physical peculiarities, in any locality, or

among the members of any profession, to establish any physical theory

which may be propounded.

[Illustration: Group 2, No. 1 (forger).]

[Illustration: Group 2, No. 2.]

[Illustration: Group 2, No. 3.]

It occurred to me to try an experiment in a manner entirely different

from the usual criminal researches. Having been very familiar with a

certain prison for many years, I requested the warden, who is a very

able man in his profession, to send me the photographs of ten or a

dozen men whom he regarded as the most representative criminals in his

population of some five hundred persons. The warden was not informed of

the use I intended to make of the material, and supposed it was for

illustration in university class work. Later, he gave me the Bertillon

measurements of the men, with an epitome of their history. A number of

these men I have known for years. So far from this selection supporting

the modern theory of a criminal type, it confutes it in a conspicuous

manner. The abnormalities are slight, and there is as great a diversity

among the men as could be asked. It must be remembered that these cases

were selected by a shrewd and competent official, solely upon their

criminal record, and not in the interests of any theory whatever.

Of course, the men do not look well, but neither would any ordinary

company of citizens if their heads were shaved and they were put in

prison dress. I am always shocked by the changed appearance of the men

after the prison transformation. Young embezzlers of elegant figure,

who have moved in good society without a question, easily look the

rascal behind prison walls.

The first group are murderers. No. 1 murdered his daughter because she

insisted upon going to a party against his wishes. He has the head of

a philosopher. It was his first crime. It may be noted that tattooing

is supposed to be common among criminals. This man is tattooed, but

committed no crime until fifty years of age, and was a deputy sheriff

for some years. No. 2 did not kill his victim, but the assault was

murderous, and the escape from death was accidental. It is difficult

to discuss the negro in crime without entering into racial and social

questions beyond the present limits. No. 3 has a very good head, an

excellent ear, and, barring the expression, a pleasing face. He has a

life sentence for murder. He is the worst man in the prison. I have

for years believed him to be insane. His family is criminal. His

father murdered his mother in a brutal manner before the child's eyes,

when No. 3 was only eight years old. He himself has committed several

desperate assaults, growing out of his persistent mania of persecution.

No. 3 is not morally responsible, and there are usually two or three

such prisoners out of a thousand subjects.

The second group are very diverse in structure and temperament, but

have committed the same kind of crime. No. 1 is a confidence man and a

forger. He is a crafty and an habitual criminal, has served terms in

various prisons, is keen of intellect, well educated, has traveled in

many countries, and is a citizen of the world.

No. 2 is a confirmed forger, and has served several terms in prison

for the same offense. He is a skillful bookkeeper, has an attractive

manner, and as soon as he is out in the world secures employment and

plans his next crime.

No. 3 is a counterfeiter. His head is small, but of excellent shape,

and he has rather a refined physical organization. His criminal record

is bad, and he has served at least one term before for the same

offense. His imagination, temperament, and vices would select him as a

person who would be guilty of a very different and more fleshly kind

of crime. The group is formed by the correlation of crime; they have

nothing in common in physical organization.

[Illustration: Group 3, No. 1.]

[Illustration: Group 3, No. 2.]

[Illustration: Group 3, No. 3.]

The third group are thieves. No. 1 is a confirmed criminal, and has

served several terms in prison. He is the tallest man in the list.

His head is "long" and well formed, and his features are regular. His

expression indicates power of sustained thought, and his peculiar

appearance is not due to his kind of crime, but to his habit of

mind. He is a pessimist of the first rank, and hates the world, his

fellow-men, and perhaps himself most of all. He will not work when at

liberty, thinks that society is totally depraved, and that war upon it

is the only proper mission in life. He is pre-eminently the antisocial

man.

No. 2 is really a pleasing fellow. He is tender, sympathetic, and

pious. Under proper circumstances he might have made an admirable

Sunday-school superintendent. He is plausible, insinuating, and

winning. In temperament, feeling, and social habit he is the complete

antithesis to No. 1. He is a most dangerous criminal, and has a black

and varied record.

No. 3 is a man of lower grade of organization and habit, but he is a

criminal by profession. He is an idle and worthless vagabond, but he

is an accomplished thief. He makes an excellent prisoner, obedient to

the rules, industrious, and seemingly anxious to improve. In fact, the

prison furnishes his best environment, for it is only there that he is

at peace with himself and his world.

[Illustration: Contrasts, No. 1.]

[Illustration: Contrasts, No. 2.]

The last two men presented are contrasts. No. 1 is an accidental

criminal. His previous history and character give strong grounds for

the belief that, under pressure of want for the necessaries of life,

he was led astray by a man older and stronger than himself. It is not

likely that he would repeat his fault. No. 2, on the other hand, is a

sexual pervert of the worst kind, whose case seems so hopeless that

perpetual imprisonment is indicated as the only relief for him, and the

only safety for society. Apart from the expression of his eyes, caused

by an irregular focus, there is nothing marked about the face. The head

is of a pronounced "broad" type, but, on the other hand, he comes from

a province of Germany where that type is dominant.

To complete the experiment, I submitted these portraits to a number

of gentlemen, and to no two of them at the same time, for their

opinions of the cases. The informal committee represented the different

professions which might be expected to fit men for observation, for

there was a lawyer, a physician, a railway president, a criminal judge,

and a college professor. Each of them is eminent in his special field.

The committee was manifestly handicapped by the shorn head, the prison

dress, and the lack of the accessories of masculine ornamentation, such

as collars and cravats. The committee was asked to name the crimes,

and to group the men according to their criminal record. Each opinion

differed from the other, and all were wide of the mark. The shrewd

lawyer thought the accidental criminal "might be guilty of anything."

It was only the college professor, the last man of the company from

whom anything might properly be expected, who was able to select the

worst two cases with the remark, "These men are degenerates." But while

the committee was at work on the photographs the writer was at work on

the committee, and actually discovered more anomalies of organization

in these distinguished citizens than are apparent in the criminals.

After this remark it is necessary to withhold their names, though some

of them are men of national reputation.

It is time to reassert with increasing emphasis the personal

responsibility of the individual, and to insist upon the enthronement

and guidance of conscience. There are certainly social and economic

reasons for crime, some of which the writer has pointed out elsewhere,

but the chief fact in human life is the power of self-determination.

The chief causes of crime, outside of personal and moral degradation,

are psychical and not physical. The reader of history can not fail

to have noted that relation of prevalent ideas to conduct which is

so conspicuous in human affairs. The scenes of blood and desolation

characteristic of the French Revolution are directly traceable to the

doctrines which prepared the way for anarchy, but not for rational

freedom.

We have had our attention directed to the contagion of suicide which

has marked the last half decade. But Lecky tells us that suicide was

made practically unknown in the civilized world by the spread of

Christianity and its beliefs in the dignity and sanctity of man. The

present contagion will disappear not as the result of food, or raiment,

or houses, or any other material good, but by a revival of practical

faith in the human soul and its capacity, in human righteousness and

its obligation.

A CENTURY OF GEOLOGY.

BY PROF. JOSEPH LE CONTE.

[_Concluded._]

THE AGE OF THE EARTH.

Until almost the beginning of the present century the general belief in

all Christian countries was that not only the earth and man, but the

whole cosmos, began to exist about six thousand to seven thousand years

ago; furthermore, that all was made at once without natural process,

and have remained substantially unchanged ever since. This is the old

doctrine of the supernatural origin and substantial permanency of the

earth and its features. Among intelligent and especially scientific men

this doctrine, even in the eighteenth century, began to be questioned,

although not publicly; for in 1751 Buffon was compelled by the Sorbonne

to retract certain views concerning the age of the earth, published in

his Natural History in 1749.[1] Remnants of the old belief lingered

even into the early part of the present century, and may even yet be

found hiding away in some of the remote corners of civilized countries.

But with the birth of geology, and especially through the work of

Hutton in Scotland, Cuvier in France, and William Smith in England,

the much greater--the inconceivably great--antiquity of the earth and

the origin of its present forms, by gradual changes which are still

going on, was generally acknowledged. Indeed, as already said, this is

the fundamental idea of geology, without which it could not exist as a

science.

Geology has its own measures of time--in eras, periods, epochs,

ages, etc.--but it is natural and right that we should desire more

accurate estimates by familiar standards. How old, then, is the

earth, especially the inhabited earth, in years? Geologists have

attempted to answer this question by estimates based on the rates of

sedimentation and erosion, or else on the rate of changes of organic

forms by struggle for life and survival of the fittest. Physicists have

attempted to answer the same question by calculations based on known

laws of dissipation of energy in a cooling body, such as the sun or the

earth. The results of the two methods differ widely. The estimates of

the geologists are enormous, and growing ever greater as the conditions

of the problem are better understood. Nothing less than several hundred

million years will serve his purpose. The estimates of the physicists

are much more moderate, and apparently growing less with each revision.

The latest results of King and Kelvin give only twenty to thirty

millions.[2] This the geologist declares is absurdly inadequate. He can

not work freely in so narrow a space--he has not elbow room.

Appletons' Popular Science Monthly, March 1900 Vol. 56, Nov. 1899 to April, 1900 · 第 2 / 11 段