It was the determination of that great statesman, according to that which

he considered the legitimate practice of the government, to restore the

administration to the State Council, which executive body ought of right

to be appointed by the states-general. In the states-general, as in the

states-particular, a constant care was to be taken towards strengthening

the most popular element, the "community" of each city, the aggregate,

that is to say, of its guild-representatives and its admitted burghers.

This was, in the opinion of the Prince, the true theory of the

government--republican in all but form--under the hereditary protection,

not the despotic authority, of a family, whose rights were now nearly

forfeited. It was a great step in advance that these views should come

to be thus formally announced, not in Holland and Zealand only, but by

the deputies of the states-general, although such a doctrine, to the

proud stomach of Don John, seemed sufficiently repulsive. Not less so

was the cool intimation with which the paper concluded, that if he should

execute his threat of resigning, the country would bear his loss with

fortitude, coupled as was that statement with a declaration that, until

his successor should be appointed, the State Council would consider

itself charged ad interim with the government. In the meantime,

the Governor was requested not to calumniate the estates to foreign

governments, as he had so recently done in his intercepted letter to the

Empress-dowager.

Upon receiving this letter, "Don John," says a faithful old chronicler,

"found that the cranes had invited the frog to dinner." In truth, the

illustrious soldier was never very successful in his efforts, for which

his enemies gave him credit, to piece out the skin of the lion with that

of the fox. He now felt himself exposed and outwitted, while he did not

feel conscious of any very dark design. He answered the letter of the

states by a long communication, dated from Namur Castle, 28th of August.

In style, he was comparatively temperate, but the justification which he

attempted of his past conduct was not very happy. He noticed the three

different points which formed the leading articles of the accusation

brought against him, the matter, namely, of the intercepted letters, of

the intrigues with the German colonels, and the seizure of Namur. He did

not deny the authorship of the letters, but contented himself with a

reference to their date, as if its priority to his installation as

Governor furnished a sufficient palliation of the bad faith which the

letters revealed. As to the despatches of Escovedo, he denied

responsibility for any statements or opinions which they might contain.

As the Secretary, however, was known to be his most confidential friend,

this attempt to shuffle off his own complicity was held to be both lame

and unhandsome. As for the correspondence with the colonels, his defence

was hardly more successful, and rested upon a general recrimination upon

the Prince of Orange. As that personage was agitating and turbulent, it

was not possible, the Governor urged, that he should himself remain

quiet. It was out of his power to execute the treaty and the edict, in

the face of a notorious omission on the part of his adversary to enforce

the one or to publish the other. It comported neither with his dignity

nor his safety to lay down his weapons while the Prince and his adherents

were arming. He should have placed himself "in a very foolish position,"

had he allowed himself unarmed to be dictated to by the armed. In

defence of himself on the third point, the seizure of Namur Castle,

he recounted the various circumstances with which the reader is already

acquainted. He laid particular stress upon the dramatic manner in which

the Vicomte De Gand had drawn his curtains at the dead of night; he

narrated at great length the ominous warning which he had likewise

received from the Duke of Aerschot in Brussels, and concluded with a

circumstantial account of the ambush which he believed to have been laid

for him by Count De Lalain. The letter concluded with a hope for an

arrangement of difficulties, not yet admitted by the Governor to be

insurmountable, and with a request for a formal conference, accompanied

by an exchange of hostages.

While this correspondence was proceeding between Namur and Brussels,

an event was occurring in Antwerp which gave much satisfaction to Orange.

The Spanish Fury, and the recent unsuccessful attempt of Don John to

master the famous citadel, had determined the authorities to take the

counsel which the Prince had so often given in vain, and the fortress

of Antwerp was at length razed to the ground, on the side towards the

city.--It would be more correct to say that it was not the authorities,

but the city itself which rose at last and threw off the saddle by which

it had so long been galled. More than ten thousand persons were

constantly at work, morning, noon, and night, until the demolition was

accomplished. Grave magistrates, great nobles, fair ladies, citizens and

their wives, beggars and their children, all wrought together pell-mell.

All were anxious to have a hand in destroying the nest where so many

murders had been hatched, whence so much desolation had flown. The task

was not a long one for workmen so much in earnest, and the fortress was

soon laid low in the quarter where it could be injurious to the

inhabitants. As the work proceeded, the old statue of Alva was

discovered in a forgotten crypt, where it had lain since it had been

thrown down by the order of Requesens. Amid the destruction of the

fortress, the gigantic phantom of its founder seemed to start suddenly

from the gloom, but the apparition added fresh fuel to the rage of the

people. The image of the execrated Governor was fastened upon with as

much fierceness as if the bronze effigy could feel their blows, or

comprehend their wrath. It was brought forth from its dark hiding-place

into the daylight. Thousands of hands were ready to drag it through the

streets for universal inspection and outrage. A thousand sledge-hammers

were ready to dash it to pieces, with a slight portion, at least, of the

satisfaction with which those who wielded them would have dealt the same

blows upon the head of the tyrant himself. It was soon reduced to a

shapeless mass. Small portions were carried away and preserved for

generations in families as heirlooms of hatred. The bulk was melted

again and reconverted, by a most natural metamorphosis, into the cannon

from which it had originally sprung.

The razing of the Antwerp citadel set an example which was followed in

other places; the castle of Ghent, in particular, being immediately

levelled, amid demonstrations of universal enthusiasm. Meantime, the

correspondence between Don John and the estates at Brussels dragged its

slow length along, while at the same time, two elaborate letters were

addressed to the King, on the 24th of August and the 8th of September, by

the estates-general of the Netherlands. These documents, which were long

and able, gave a vigorous representation of past evils and of the present

complication of disorders under which the commonwealth was laboring.

They asked, as usual, for a royal remedy; and expressed their doubts

whether there could be any sincere reconciliation so long as the present

Governor, whose duplicity and insolence they represented in a very strong

light, should remain in office. Should his Majesty, however, prefer to

continue Don John in the government, they signified their willingness,

in consideration of his natural good qualities, to make the best of the

matter. Should, however, the estrangement between themselves and the

Governor seem irremediable, they begged that another and a legitimate

prince of the blood might be appointed in his place.

ETEXT EDITOR'S BOOKMARKS:

Country would bear his loss with fortitude

Its humility, seemed sufficiently ironical

Not upon words but upon actions

Perfection of insolence

Was it astonishing that murder was more common than fidelity?

The Rise of the Dutch Republic — Volume 26: 1577, part III · 第 3 / 3 段