The Times 1215-1272
Tenures in land were free or not free; the free tenures were
(1) military service, (2) grand serjeanty, (3) free socage, and (4)
frankalmoin. For military service, in general, every man knows his
place, knows how many days he must fight and with what arms. But this
institution is becoming unstable. Sometimes a substantial payment
called scutage is taken instead. As feudalism became less military and
less rough, daughters were permitted to inherit fiefs. It became
customary to divide the property of a deceased man without a son
equally among his daughters. Lords were receiving homage from all the
daughters and thereby acquiring marriage rights over all of them. Also,
if a son predeceased his father but left a child, that child would
succeed to the father's land in the same way that the deceased would
have. The ill, the aged, women, and ecclesiastics could send a
substitute to military service. There are certain reliefs, and wardship
and marriage fees associated with military tenure. Grand serjeanty was
various and included carrying the banner of the king, or his lance,
carrying his sword at his coronation, carrying his letters, summoning
his barons, conveying his treasure from place to place, being his
steward, marshal, chamberlain or constable. Many serjeanties were
connected with warfare, such as light horsemen, infantry, bowmen,
captains of the national militia, leading the infantry of certain
hundreds, military transport, carriage of armour on a horse, munitions
of war such as lances, arrows or knives. A man could hold by serjeanty
of a mesne lord, such as presiding over the lord's court, riding with
the lord or on his errands, feeding his hounds, or supplying bows and
arrows. Tenure in free socage may involve a nominal service to a lord,
such as the gift every year of a rose, a sparrowhawk, a pair of gloves,
a pair of gilt spurs, or a pound of pepper, or of incense or of wax.
Tenure in socage may originate by a gift of land to a daughter or
younger son, or to some dependant for past services, or a purchase with
a gross sum. There were no wardship or marriage or other fees
associated with a tenure in free socage. Tenure in frankalmoin ["free
alms" for the poor to relieve the king of this burden] was land held by
ecclesiastics in right of their churches and of God. This service was
spiritual, often for saying prayers for the deceased donor so that he
could go from purgatory to heaven, and it was an indefinite service. In
general, land could be alienated or subinfeudated without the lord's
consent and thus come to be held in another tenure. Land escheated
[returned] to the lord if there were no heirs, or in case of felony
after the king has possessed and taken the profits of the land for year
and day. In case of treason, a tenant's lands were all forfeited to the
king. The tenure of socage obligated the tenant to fixed agricultural
services, for which a nominal payment called a "quit rent" could be
substituted. Socage did not entail rights of wardship or marriage.
Socage grew at the expense of the other tenures. The unfree tenure was
villein tenure. Villeins were tied to a piece of land and were bound to
perform for their lord indefinite agricultural services and could be
physically recovered in case they left the land. Villeins were subject
to a lord's court and were not protected by the king's court.
The major types of freemen were: nobles, knights,
ecclesiastics, Jews, and women. The nobles were the earls and barons.
They did not have noble blood, but were tenants in chief of certain
land by the king's will. The king consulted them and they obeyed his
summons and gave him counsel. They were entitled to be judged in cases
of treason or felony, by their peers, that is, each other. Lower in
status are the knights. They were active in royal justice, making
thedecisions in the most important cases. Ecclesiatics were bishops;
abbots; and monks, nuns, and friars, who had taken vows of poverty and
obedience; and clergy. The difference between a monk and a friar was a
cloistered life versus an active life. Jews came to England after the
Conquest and were under the special protection of the king. All they
had belonged to the king. A Jew could lend money for interest, which
was disallowed for Christians. Jews were subject to the courts of
justice, but could also settle their disputes by their own Hebrew law,
They were expelled in 1290. Women could hold land, even by military
tenure, own chattels typically beasts and coins], make a will, make a
contract, and could sue and be sued. They could give evidence in court,
but could not be jurors or judges. Women who had husbands had to defer
to them in certain property matters.
Nobles, doctors, and attorneys wore tunics to the ankle and an
over-tunic almost as long, which was lined with fur and had long
sleeves. A hood was attached to it. A man's hair was short and curled,
with bangs on the forehead. The tunic of merchants and middle class men
reached to the calf. The laborer wore a tunic that reached to the knee,
cloth stockings, and shoes of heavy felt, cloth, or perhaps leather.
Ladies wore a full-length tunic with moderate fullness in the skirt,
and a low belt, and tight sleeves. A lady's hair was concealed by a
round hat tied on the top of her head. Over her tunic, she wore a
cloak. Monks and nuns wore long black robes with hoods.
Baron landholders' semi-fortified stone manor houses were
improved and extended. Many had been licensed to be embattled or
crenelated [wall indented at top with shooting spaces]. They were
usually quadrangular around a central courtyard. The central and
largest room was the hall, where people ate and slept. The hall had a
hearth for fire in the center of the room if the hall was one story
high. Sometimes the lord had a room with a sleeping loft above it. If
the hall was more than one story high, it had a fireplace at one end so
that the smoke could go up and out the roof. Other rooms each had a
fireplace. There were small windows around the top story and on the
inside of the courtyard. They were usually covered with oiled paper.
Windows of large houses were of opaque glass supplied by a glassmaking
craft. The glass was thick, uneven, distorted, and greenish in color.
The walls were plastered. The floor was wood with some carpets. Roofs
were timbered with horizontal beams. Many roofs had tiles supplied by
the tile craft, which baked the tiles in kilns or over an open fire.
Because of the hazard of fire, the kitchen was often a separate
building, with a covered way connecting it to the hall. It had one or
two open fires in fireplaces, and ovens. Sometimes there was a separate
room for a dairy.
Furniture included heavy wood armchairs for the lord and lady,
stools, benches, trestle tables, chests, and cupboards. Outside was an
enclosed garden with cabbages, peas, beans, beetroots, onions, garlic,
leeks, lettuce, watercress, hops, herbs, nut trees for oil, some
flowers, and a fish pond and well. Bees were kept for their honey.
The barons now managed and developed their estates to be as
productive as possible, often using the successful management
techniques of church estates. They kept records of their fields,
tenants, and services owed by each tenant, and duties of the manor
officers, such as supervision of the ploughing and harrowing. Annually,
the manor's profit or loss for the year was calculated. Most manors
were self-supporting except that iron for tools and horseshoes and salt
for curing usually had to be obtained elsewhere. Wine, tar, canvas and
millstones were imports from other countries and bought at fairs, as
was fish, furs, spices, and silks. Sheep were kept in such large
numbers that they were susceptible to a new disease "scab". Every great
household was bound to give alms.
Manors averaged about ten miles distance between each other,
the land in between being unused and called "wasteland". Statutes after
a period of civil war proscribing the retaking of land discouraged the
enclosure of waste land.
Husbandry land held in villeinage was inherited according to
the custom of its manor as administered in the lord's manorial court.
(The royal courts had jurisdiction of land held in socage. i.e. free
tenure.) The heir could be the oldest son, the youngest son, a son
chosen by the father to succeed him, or divided among the sons. If
there were no sons, one of the daughters inherited the land or it was
divided among all the daughters. If there were no heirs, the land went
back to the lord. Land could not be sold or alienated so that the heir
did not inherit, without the consent of the lord. Manorial custom also
determined the manner of descent of goods and chattels. A common custom
for a villein was that his best beast go to his lord as heriot and his
second best beast go to the parish priest as mortuary. Then, after
debts and burial expenses had been paid, a number of tools and utensils
needed for husbandry and housekeeping went with the land to its heir.
These were the "heirlooms", `loom" in old English meaning tool. This
usually included, for a holding of more than 5 acres, a coulter, a
plowshare, a yoke, a cart, an axe, a cauldron, a pan, a dish, and a
cask. Finally, the remaining goods and chattels went one-third to the
widow, one-third to his children except for the heir to the land, and
one-third according to the deceased's last will and testament. A son
might take his share before the death of his father in order to go out
into the world and seek his fortune, for instance in the church or
military, upon which event the father had to pay his lord a fine for
his son permanently leaving the manor. Many country boys became bound
apprentices in nearby boroughs or farm laborers. Others married
heiresses of land. By the custom of "curtesy of the nation", he held
this land for his lifetime if he had a child born of the marriage, even
if his wife predeceased him. If a man remained on the family land, he
had no right to marry. Often, there were agreements over land holdings
that were recorded in the manor books. For instance, it was common for
a father or mother to hand his or her holding over to the heir in
exchange for sustenance in old age. An heir usually did not marry until
after receiving his land. Manorial custom determined whether a father's
consent was necessary for a son or daughter to marry, the nature of any
agreement ("trothplight") between the families as to lands and goods
brought to the marriage, the amount of her marriage portion, and the
son's endowment (her "dower") of lands and goods promised to the bride
at the church door that would provide for her support after his death.
If dower was not specified, it was understood to be one-third of all
lands and tenements. At the next hallmote, if manorial custom required
it, the son would pay a fine to his lord for entry onto the land and
for license to marry. From 1246, priests taught that betrothal and
consummation constituted irrevocable marriage.
Some villeins bought out their servitude by paying a substitute
to do his service or paying his lord a firm (from hence, the words farm
and farmer) sum to hire an agricultural laborer in his place. This made
it possible for a farm laborer to till one continuous piece of land
instead of scattered strips.
Looms were now mounted with two bars. Women did embroidery. The
clothing of most people was made at home, even sandals. The village
tanner and bootmaker supplied long pieces of soft leather for more
protection than sandals. Tanning mills replaced some hand labor. The
professional hunter of wolves, lynx, or otters supplied head coverings.
Every village had a smith and possibly a carpenter for construction of
ploughs and carts. The smith obtained coal from coal fields for heating
the metal he worked. Horse harnesses were homemade from hair and hemp.
There were watermills and/or windmills for grinding grain, for malt,
and/or for fulling cloth. The position of the sails of the windmills
was changed by manual labor when the direction of the wind changed.
Most men wore a knife because of the prevalence of murder and
robbery. It was an every day event for a murderer to flee to sanctuary
in a church, which would then be surrounded by his pursuers while the
coroner was summoned. Usually, the fugitive would confess, pay
compensation, and agree to leave the nation permanently.
County courts were the center of decision-making regarding
judicial, fiscal, military, and general administrative matters. The
writs for the conservation of the peace, directing the taking of the
oath, the pursuit of malefactors, and the observance of watch and ward,
were proclaimed in full county court; attachments were made in
obedience to them in the county court. The county offices were:
sheriff, coroner, escheator, and constable or bailiff. There were 28
sheriffs for 38 counties. The sheriff was usually a substantial
landholder and a knight who had been prominent in the local court. He
usually had a castle in which he kept persons he arrested. He no longer
bought his office and collected certain rents for himself, but was a
salaried political appointee of the King. He employed a deputy or
undersheriff, who was an attorney, and clerks. If there was civil
commotion or contempt of royal authority, the sheriff of the county had
power to raise a posse of armed men to restore order. The coroner
watched the interests of the crown and had duties in sudden deaths,
treasure trove, and shipwreck cases. There were about five coroners per
county and they served for a number of years. They were chosen by the
county court. The escheator was appointed annually by the Treasurer to
administer the Crown's rights in feudal land, which until 1242 had been
the responsibility of the sheriff. He was usually chosen from the local
gentry. The constable and bailiff operated at the hundred and parish
[the geographical area of a church's members] level to detect crime and
keep the peace. They assisted sheriffs and Justices of the Peace,
organized watches for criminals and vagrants at the village level, and
raised the hue and cry along the highway and from village to village in
pursuit of offenders who had committed felony or robbery. The
constables also kept the royal castles; they recruited, fed, and
commanded the castle garrison.
County knights served sheriffs, coroners, escheators, and
justices on special royal commissions of gaol-delivery. They sat in
judgment in the county court at its monthly meetings, attended the two
great annual assemblies when the lord, knights and freeholders of the
county gathered to meet the itinerant justices who came escorted by the
sheriff and weapon bearers. They served on the committees which
reviewed the presentments of the hundreds and village, and carried the
record of the county court to Westminster when summoned there by the
kings' justices. They served on the grand assize. As elected
representatives of their fellow knights of the county, they assessed
any taxes due from each hundred. Election might be by nomination by the
sheriff from a fixed list, by choice, or in rotation. They investigated
and reported on local abuses and grievances. The King's justices and
council often called on them to answer questions put to them on oath.
In the villages, humbler freeholders and sokemen were elected to assess
the village taxes. Six villeins answered for the village's offenses
before the royal itinerant justice.
Reading and writing in the English language was taught. The use
of English ceased to be a mark of vulgarity. In 1258 the first
governmental document was issued in English as well as in Latin and
French, and later Latin started falling into disuse. Boys of noblemen
were taught reading, writing, Latin, a musical instrument, athletics,
riding, and gentlemanly conduct. Girls were taught reading, writing,
music, dancing, and perhaps household nursing and first aid, spinning,
embroidery, and gardening. Girls of high social position were also
taught riding and hawking. Grammar schools taught, in Latin, grammar,
dialectic (ascertaining word meaning by looking at its origin, its
sound (e.g. soft or harsh), its power (e.g. robust and strong sound),
its inflection, and its order; and avoiding obscurity and ambiguity in
statements), and rhetoric [art of public speaking, oratory, and
debate]. The teacher possessed the only complete copy of the Latin
text, and most of the school work was done orally. Though books were
few and precious, the students read several Latin works. Girls and boys
of high social position usually had private teachers for grammar
school, while boys of lower classes were sponsored at grammar schools
such as those at Oxford. Discipline was maintained by the birch or rod.
There was no examination for admission as an undergraduate to
Oxford, but a knowledge of Latin with some skill in speaking Latin was
a necessary background. The students came from all backgrounds. Some
had their expenses paid by their parents, while others had the
patronage of a churchman, a religious house, or a wealthy layman. They
studied the "liberal arts", which derived its name from "liber" or
free, because they were for the free men of Rome rather than for the
economic purposes of those who had to work. The works of Greek authors
such as Aristotle were now available; the European monk Thomas Aquinas
had edited Aristotle's works to reconcile them to church doctrine. He
opined that man's intellectual use of reason did not conflict with the
religious belief that revelation came only from God, because reason was
given to man by God. He shared Aristotle's belief that the earth was a
sphere, and that the celestial bodies moved around it in perfect
circles. Latin learning had already been absorbed without detriment to
the church.
A student at Oxford would become a master after graduating from
a seven year course of study of the seven liberal arts: [grammar,
rhetoric (the source of law), Aristotelian logic (which differentiates
the true from the false), arithmetic, including fractions and ratios,
(the foundation of order), geometry, including methods of finding the
length of lines, the area of surfaces, and the volume of solids, (the
science of measurement), astronomy (the most noble of the sciences
because it is connected with divinity and theology), music and also
Aristotle's philosophy of physics, metaphysics, and ethics; and then
lecturing and leading disputations for two years. He also had to write
a thesis on some chosen subject and defend it against the faculty. A
Master's degree gave one the right to teach. Further study for four
years led to a doctorate in one of the professions: theology and canon
or civil law.
There were about 1,500 students in Oxford. They drank, played
dice, quarreled a lot and begged at street corners. There were mob
fights between students from the north and students from the south and
between students and townsmen. But when the mayor of Oxford hanged two
students accused of being involved in the killing of a townswoman, many
masters and students left for Cambridge. In 1214, a charter created the
office of Chancellor of the university at Oxford. He was responsible
for law and order and, through his court, could fine, imprison, and
excommunicate offenders and expel undesirables such as prostitutes from
the town. He had authority over all crimes involving scholars, except
murder and mayhem. The Chancellor summoned and presided over meetings
of the masters and came to be elected by indirect vote by the masters
who had schools, usually no more than a room or hall with a central
hearth which was hired for lectures. Students paid for meals there.
Corners of the room were often partitioned off for private study. At
night, some students slept on the straw on the floor. Six hours of
sleep were considered sufficient. In 1231, the king ordered that every
student must have his name on the roll of a master and the masters had
to keep a list of those attending his lectures.
In 1221 the friars established their chief school at Oxford.
They were bound by oaths of poverty, obedience, and chastity, but were
not confined within the walls of a monastery. They walked barefoot from
place to lace preaching. They begged for their food and lodgings. They
replaced monks, who had become self-indulgent, as the most vital
spiritual force among the people.
The first college was founded in 1264 by Walter de Merton,
former Chancellor to the King, at Oxford. A college had the living
arrangements of a Hall, with the addition of monastic-type rules. A
warden and about 30 scholars lived and ate meals together in the
college buildings. Merton College's founding documents provided that:
[1] "The house shall be called the House of the Scholars of Merton, and
it shall be the residence of the Scholars forever.
[2] There shall be a constant succession of scholars devoted to the
study of letters, who shall be bound to employ themselves in the study
of Arts or Philosophy, the Canons or Theology. Let there also be one
member of the collegiate body, who shall be a grammarian, and must
entirely devote himself to the study of grammar; let him have the care
of the students in grammar, and to him also let the more advanced have
recourse without a blush, when doubts arise in their faculty.
[3] There is to be one person in every chamber, where Scholars are
resident, of more mature age than the others, who is to make his report
of their morals and advancement in learning to the Warden
[4] The Scholars who are appointed to the duty of studying in the House
are to have a common table, and a dress as nearly alike as possible.
[5] The members of the College must all be present together, as far as
their leisure serves, at the canonical hours and celebration of masses
on holy and other days.
[6] The Scholars are to have a reader at meals, and in eating together
they are to observe silence, and to listen to what is read. In their
chambers, they must abstain from noise and interruption of their
fellows; and when they speak they must use the Latin language.
[7] A Scrutiny shall be held in the House by the Warden and the
Seniors, and all the Scholars there present, three times a year; a
diligent inquiry is to be instituted into the life, conduct, morals,
and progress in learning, of each and all; and what requires correction
then is to be corrected, and excesses are to be visited with condign
punishment. . ."
Educated men (and those of the 1200s through the 1500s),
believed that the earth was the center of the universe and that it was
surrounded by a giant spherical dome on which the stars were placed.
The sun and moon and planets were each on a sphere around the earth
that was responsible for their movements. The origin of the word
"planet" meant "wanderer" because the motion of the planets changed in
direction and speed. Astrology explained how the position of the stars
and planets influenced man and other earthly things. For instance, the
position of the stars at a person's birth determined his character. The
angle and therefore potency of the sun's rays influenced climate,
temperament, and changes of mortal life such as disease and
revolutions. Unusual events such as the proximity of two planets, a
comet, an eclipse, a meteor, or a nova were of great significance. A
star often was thought to presage the birth of a great man or a hero.
There was a propitious time to have a marriage, go on a journey, make
war, and take herbal medicine or be bled by leeches, the latter of
which was accompanied by religious ceremony. Cure was by God, with
medical practitioners only relieving suffering. But there were medical
interventions such as pressure and binding were applied to bleeding.
Arrow and sword wounds to the skin or to any protruding intestine were
washed with warm water and sewn up with needle and silk thread. Ribs
were spread apart by a wedge to remove arrow heads. Fractured bones
were splinted or encased in plaster. Dislocations were remedied.
Hernias were trussed. Bladder stones blocking urination were pushed
back into the bladder or removed through an artificial opening in the
bladder. Surgery was performed by butchers, blacksmiths, and barbers.
Roger Bacon, an Oxford master, began the science of physics. He
read Arab writers on the source of light rays being from the object
seen, the nature of refraction and reflection of light, and the
properties of lenses. He studied the radiation of light and heat. He
studied angles of reflection in plane, spherical, cylindrical, and
conical mirrors, in both their concave and convex aspects. He did
experiments in refraction in different media, e.g. air, water, and
glass, and knew that the human cornea refracted light, and that the
human eye lens was doubly convex. He comprehended the magnifying power
of convex lenses and conceptualized the combination of lenses which
would increase the power of vision by magnification. He realized that
rays of light pass so much faster than those of sound or smell that the
time is imperceptible to humans. He knew that rays of heat and sound
penetrate all matter without our awareness and that opaque bodies
offered resistance to passage of light rays. He knew the power of
parabolic concave mirrors to cause parallel rays to converge after
reflection to a focus and knew that a mirror could be produced that
would start a fire at a fixed distance. These insights made it possible
for jewelers and weavers to use lenses to view their work instead of
glass globes full of water, which distorted all but the center of the
image: "spherical aberration". The lens, whose opposite surfaces were
sections of spheres, took the place of the central parts of the globe
over the image.
He knew about magnetic poles attracting, if different and
repelling, if the same, and the relation of magnets' poles to those of
the heavens and earth. He calculated the circumference of the world and
the latitude and longitude of terrestrial positions. He foresaw sailing
around the world. He studied the planetary motions and astronomical
tables to forecast future events. He did calculations on days in a
month and days in a year which later contributed to the legal
definition of a leap year. His explanation of a rainbow as a result of
natural laws was contrary to theological opinion that a rainbow was
placed in the heavens to assure mankind that there was not to be
another universal deluge.
Bacon began the science of chemistry when he took the empirical
knowledge as to a few metals and their oxides and some of the principal
alkalis, acids, and salts to the abstract level of metals as compound
bodies the elements of which might be separated and recomposed and
changed among the states of solid, liquid, and gas. When he studied
man's physical nature, health, and disease, he opined that the
usefulness of a talisman was not to bring about a physical change, but
to bring the patient into a frame of mind more conducive to physical
healing. He urged that there be experiments in chemistry to develop
medicinal drugs.
He studied different kinds of plants and the differences
between arable land, forest land, pasture land, and garden land.
Bacon was an extreme proponent of the inductive method of
finding truths, e.g. by categorizing all available facts on a certain
subject to ascertain the natural laws governing it. His contribution to
the development of science was abstracting the method of experiment
from the concrete problem to see its bearing and importance as a
universal method of research. He advocated changing education to
include studies of the natural world using observation, exact
measurement, and experiments.
The making and selling of goods diverged e.g. as the cloth
merchant severed from the tailor and the leather merchant severed from
the butcher. These craftsmen formed themselves into guilds, which
sought charters to require all craftsmen to belong to the guild of
their craft, to have legal control of the craft work, and be able to
expel any craftsman for disobedience. These guilds were composed of
master craftsmen, their journeymen, and apprentices. These guilds
determined the wages and working conditions of the craftsmen and
petitioned the borough authorities for ordinances restraining trade,
for instance by controlling the admission of outsiders to the craft,
preventing foreigners from selling in the town except at fairs,
limiting purchases of raw materials to suppliers within the town,
forbidding night work, restricting the number of apprentices to each
master craftsmen, and requiring a minimum number of years for
apprenticeships. In return, these guilds assured quality control. In
some boroughs, they did work for the town, such as maintaining certain
defensive towers or walls of the town near their respective wards. In
some boroughs, fines for infractions of these regulations were split
between the guild and the government.
In some towns, the merchant guilds attempted to directly
regulate the craft guilds. Crafts fought each other. There was a street
battle with much bloodshed between the goldsmiths and the parmenters
and between the tailors and the cordwainers in 1267 in London. There
was also a major fight between the goldsmiths and the tailors in 1268.
The Parish Clerks' Company was chartered in 1233.
The citizens of London had a common seal for the city. London
merchants traveled throughout the nation with goods to sell exempt from
tolls. Most of the London aldermen were woolmongers, vintners,
skinners, and grocers by turns or carried on all these branches of
commerce at once. Jews were allowed to make loans with interest up to
2d. a week for 20s. lent. There are three inns in London. Inns
typically had narrow facades, large courtyards, lodging and refreshment
for the well-off, warehousing and marketing facilities for merchants,
and stabling and repairs for wagons. Caregiving infirmaries such as
"Bethlehem Hospital" were established in London. One was a lunatic
infirmary founded by the sheriff of London. Benefactors conveyed plots
of land with houses to the city for the benefit and use of the
Franciscan friars who came to London as missionaries because the
friars' law forbade them from owning anything. The city held the land
in trust for the beneficiaries, the friars. Only tiles were used for
roofing in London, because wood shingles were fire hazards and fires in
London had been frequent. Some areas near London are disclaimed by the
king to be royal forest land, so all citizens could hunt there and till
their land there without interference by the royal foresters. The
Sheriff's court in London lost its old importance and handled mainly
trespass and debt cases, while important cases went to the Hustings,
which was presided over by the Mayor with the sheriffs and aldermen in
attendance. From the early 1200s, the Mayor's Court took on the work
which the weekly Husting could not manage. This consisted mostly of
assault and robbery cases. Murder and manslaughter cases were left to
the royal courts.
London aldermen were elected by the citizens of their
respective wards in wardmotes, in which was also arranged the watch,
protection against fire, and probably also assessment of the taxes
within the ward. There was much effort by the commoners to influence
the governance of the city. In 1261 they forced their way into the
townmote and by this brute show of strength, which threatened riot,
they made their own candidate mayor. Subsequent elections were
tumultuous.
The Tower of London now had outer walls of fortress buildings
surrounded by a wide and deep moat, over which was one stone causeway
and wooden drawbridge. Within this was an inner curtain wall with
twelve towers and an inner moat. The palace within was a principal
residence of English monarchs, whose retinue was extensive, including
the chief officers of state: Lord High Steward, Lord High Chancellor,
Lord High Treasurer, Lord Great Chamberlain, Lord High Constable,
Keeper of the Seals, and the King's Marshall; lesser officials such as
the Chamberlain of the Candles, Keeper of the Tents, Master Steward of
the Larder, Usher of the Spithouse, Marshall of the Trumpets, Keeper of
the Books, Keeper of the Dishes and of the Cups, and Steward of the
Buttery; and numbers of cat hunters, wolf catchers, clerks and limners,
carters, water carriers, washerwomen and laundresses, chaplains,
lawyers, archers, huntsmen, hornblowers, barbers, minstrels, guards and
servitors, and bakers and confectioners. The fortress also contained a
garrison, armory, chapels, stables, forge, wardrobe for a tailor's
workroom and secure storage of valuable clothes, silver plate, and
expensive imports such as sugar, rice, almonds, dried fruits, cinnamon,
saffron, ginger, galingale, zedoary, pepper, nutmeg, and mace. There
was a kitchen with courtyard for cattle, poultry, and pigs; dairy,
pigeon loft, brewery, beehives, fruit stores, gardens for vegetables
and herbs; and sheds for gardeners. There was also a mint, which minted
a gold penny worth 2s. of silver, a jewel house, and a menagerie (with
leopards, lions, a bear, and an elephant). The fortress also served as
a state prison. Most prisoners there had opposed the royal will; they
were usually permitted to live in quarters in the same style they were
used to, including servants and visits by family and friends. But
occasionally prisoners were confined in irons in dark and damp dungeons.
The King's family, immediate circle, and most distinguished
guests dined elegantly in the Great Hall at midday. They would first
wash their hands in hot water poured by servants over bowls. The table
had silver plate, silver spoons, and cups of horn, crystal, maple wood,
or silver laid on a white cloth. Each guest brought his own knife in a
leather sheath attached to a belt or girdle. A procession of servitors
brought the many dishes to which the gentlemen helped the ladies and
the young their seniors by placing the food in scooped-out half-loaves
of bread that were afterwards distributed to the poor. A wine cup was
handed around the table. In the winter after dinner, there would often
be games of chess or dice or songs of minstrels, and sometimes dancing,
juggler or acrobat displays, or storytelling by a minstrel. In the
summer there were outdoor games and tournaments. Hunting with hounds or
hawks was popular with both ladies and gentlemen. The King would go to
bed on a feather mattress with fur coverlet that was surrounded by
linen hangings. His grooms would sleep on trundle beds in the same
room. The queen likewise shared her bedchamber with several of her
ladies sleeping on trundle beds. Breakfast was comprised of a piece of
bread and a cup of wine taken after the daily morning mass in one of
the chapels. Sometimes a round and deep tub was brought into the
bedchamber by servants who poured hot water onto the bather in the tub.
Baths were often taken in the times of Henry III, who believed in
cleanliness and sanitation. Henry III was also noted for his luxurious
tastes. He had a linen table cloth, goblets of mounted cocoa-nut, a
glass cup set in crystal, and silk and velvet mattresses, cushions, and
bolster. He had many rooms painted with gold stars, green and red
lions, and painted flowers. To his sister on her marriage, he gave
goldsmith's work, a chess table, chessmen in an ivory box, silver pans
and cooking vessels, robes of cloth of gold, embroidered robes, robes
of scarlet, blue, and green fine linen, Genoese cloth of gold, two
napkins, and thirteen towels.
In the King's 1235 grant to Oxford, the Mayor and good men were
authorized to take weekly for three years 1/2 d. on every cart entering
the town loaded with goods, if it was from the county, or 1d. if it
came from outside the county; 1/4 d. for every horse load, except for
brushwood; 1/2 d. on every horse, mare, ox, or cow brought to sell; and
1/2 d. for every five sheep, goats, or pigs.
English ships had one mast with a square sail. The hulls were
made of planks overlapping each other. There was a high fore castle
[tower] on the bow, a top castle on the mast, and a high stern castle
from which to shoot arrows down on other ships. There were no rowing
oars, but steering was still by an oar on the starboard side of the
ship. The usual carrying capacity was 30 tuns [big casks of wine each
with about 250 gallons]. On the coasts there were lights and beacons.
Harbors at river mouths were kept from silting up. Ships were loaded
from piers. The construction of London Bridge had just been finished.
Bricks began to be imported for building. About 10% of the population
lived in towns.
Churches had stained glass windows.
Newcastle-on-Tyne received these new rights:
1. -And that they shall justly have their lands and tenures and
mortgages and debts, whoever owes them to them.
2. -Concerning their lands and tenures within the town, right shall be
done to them according to the custom of the city Winton.
3. -And of all their debts which are lent in Newcastle-on-Tyne and of
mortgages there made, pleas shall be held at Newcastle-on-Tyne.
4. -None of them shall plead outside the walls of the City of
Newcastle-on-Tyne on any plea, except pleas of tenures outside the city
and except the minters and my ministers.
5. -That none of them be distrained by any without the said city for
the repayment of any debt to any person for which he is not capital
debtor or surety.
6. -That the burgesses shall be quit of toll and lastage [duty on a
ship's cargo] and pontage [tax for repairing bridges] and have passage
back and forth.
7. -Moreover, for the improvement of the city, I have granted them that
they shall be quit of year's gift and of scotale [pressure to buy ale
at the sheriff's tavern], so that my sheriff of Newcastle-on-Tyne or
any other minister shall not make a scotale.
8. -And whosoever shall seek that city with his merchandise, whether
foreigners or others, of whatever place they may be, they may come
sojourn and depart in my safe peace, on paying - - the due customs and
debts, and any impediment to these rights is prohibited.
9. -We have granted them also a merchant guild.
10. And that none of them [in the merchant guild] shall fight by combat.
The king no longer lives on his own from income from his own
lands, but takes money from the treasury. A tax of a percentage of 1/15
the of personal property was levied in 1225 for a war, in return for
which the king signed the Magna Carta. It was to be paid by all
tenants-in-chief, men of the royal domain, burgesses of the boroughs
and cities, clerical tenants-in-chief, and religious houses. The
percentage tax came to be used frequently and ranged from about 1/40 th
to 1/5 th. In 1294, this tax was bifurcated into one percentage amount
for the rural districts and a higher one for urban districts, because
the burgesses had greater wealth and much of it was hard to uncover
because it was in the possession of customers and debtors. It was
usually 1/10 th for towns and royal domains and 1/15 th in the country.
This amount of money collected by this tax increased with the wealth of
the country.
The king takes custody of lands of lunatics and idiots, as well
as escheats of land falling by descent to aliens. Henry III took 20s.
from his tenants-in-chief for the marriage of his daughter, and two
pounds for the knighting of his son.
By 1250, the king was hiring soldiers at 2s. per day for
knights, and 9d. a day for less heavily armed soldiers, and 6d. a day
for crossbowmen. Some castle-guard was done by watchmen hired at 2d. a
day. Ships were impressed when needed. Sometimes private ships were
authorized to ravage the French coasts and take what spoil they could.
While King Henry III was underage, there was much controversy
as to who should be his ministers of state, such as justiciar,
chancellor, and treasurer. This led to the concept that they should not
be chosen by the king alone. After he came of age, elected men from the
baronage fought to have meetings and his small council in several
conferences called great councils or parliaments (from French "to speak
the mind") to discuss the levying of taxes and the solution of
difficult legal cases, the implementation of the Magna Carta, the
appointment of the king's ministers and sheriffs, and the receipt and
consideration of petitions. The barons paid 1/30 the tax on their
personal property to have three barons of their choice added to the
council. Statutes were enacted. Landholders were given the duty of
electing four of their members in every county to ensure that the
sheriff observed the law and to report his misdemeanors to the
justiciar. They were also given the duty of electing four men from the
county from whom the exchequer was to choose the sheriff of the year.
Earl Montfort and certain barons forced King Henry III to summon a
great council or parliament in 1265 in which the common people were
represented officially by two knights from every county, two burgesses
from every borough, and two representatives from each major port. So
the King's permanent small council became a separate body from
parliament and its members took a specific councilor's oath in 1257 to
give faithful counsel, to keep secrecy, to prevent alienation of
ancient demesne, to procure justice for the rich and poor, to allow
justice to be done on themselves and their friends, to abstain from
gifts and misuse of patronage and influence, and to be faithful to the
queen and to the heir.
The Law
The barons forced successive Kings to sign the Magna Carta
until it became the law of the land. It became the first statute of the
official statute book. Its provisions express the principle that a king
is bound by the law and is not above it. However, there is no redress
if the king breaches the law.
The Magna Carta was issued by John in 1215. A revised version
was issued by Henry III in 1225 with the forest clauses separated out
into a forest charter. The two versions are replicated together, with
the formatting of each indicated in the titles below.
{Magna Carta - 1215}
Magna Carta - 1215 & 1225
MAGNA CARTA - 1225
{John, by the grace of God, King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of
Normandy and Aquitaine, and Count of Anjou: To the Archbishops,
Bishops, Abbots, Earls, Barons, Justiciaries, Foresters, Sheriffs,
Reeves, Ministers, and all Bailiffs and others, his faithful subjects,
Greeting. Know ye that in the presence of God, and for the health of
our soul, and the souls of our ancestors and heirs, to the honor of
God, and the exaltation of Holy Church, and amendment of our realm, by
the advice of our reverend Fathers, Stephen, Archbishop of Canterbury,
Primate of all England, and Cardinal of the Holy Roman Church; Henry,
Archbishop of Dublin; William of London, Peter of Winchester, Jocelin
of Bath and Glastonbury, Hugh of Lincoln, Walter of Worcester, William
of Coventry, and Benedict of Rochester, Bishops; Master Pandulph, the
pope's subdeacon and familiar; Brother Aymeric, Master of the Knights
of the Temple in England; and the noble persons, William Marshall, Earl
of Pembroke; William, Earl of Salisbury; William, Earl of Warren;
William, Earl of Arundel; Alan de Galloway, Constable of Scotland;
Warin Fitz-Gerald, Peter Fitz-Herbert, Hubert de Burgh, Seneshal of
Poitou, Hugh de Neville, Matthew Fitz-Herbert, Thomas Basset, Alan
Basset, Philip Daubeny, Robert de Roppelay, John Marshall, John
Fitz-Hugh, and others, our liegemen:}
HENRY BY THE GRACE OF GOD, KING OF ENGLAND, LORD OF IRELAND, DUKE OF
NORMANDY AND GUYAN AND EARL OF ANJOU, TO ALL ARCHBISHOPS, BISHOPS,
ABBOTS, PRIORS, EARLS, BARONS, SHERIFFS, PROVOSTS, OFFICERS AND TO ALL
BAILIFFS AND OTHER OUR FAITHFUL SUBJECTS WHICH SHALL SEE THIS PRESENT
CHARTER, GREETING.
KNOW YE THAT WE, UNTO THE HONOR OF ALMIGHTY GOD, AND FOR THE SALVATION
OF THE SOULS OF OUR PROGENITORS AND SUCCESSORS KINGS OF ENGLAND, TO THE
ADVANCEMENT OF HOLY CHURCH AND AMENDMENT OF OUR REALM, OF OUR MERE AND
FREE WILL, HAVE GIVEN AND GRANTED TO ALL ARCHBISHOPS, BISHOPS, ABBOTS,
PRIORS, EARLS, BARONS, AND TO ALL FREE MEN OF THIS OUR REALM, THESE
LIBERTIES FOLLOWING, TO BE KEPT IN OUR KINGDOM OF ENGLAND FOREVER.
[I. A CONFIRMATION OF LIBERTIES]
First, we have granted to God, and by this our present Charter
confirmed, for us and our heirs forever, that the English Church shall
be free and enjoy her whole rights and her liberties inviolable. {And
that we will this so to be observed appears from the fact that we of
our own free will, before the outbreak of the dissensions between us
and our barons, granted, confirmed, and procured to be confirmed by
Pope Innocent III the freedom of elections, which is considered most
important and necessary to the English Church, which Charter we will
both keep ourself and will it to be kept with good faith by our heirs
forever.} We have also granted to all the free men of our realm, for us
and our heirs forever, all the liberties underwritten, to have and to
hold to them and their heirs of us and our heirs.
[II. THE RELIEF OF THE KING'S TENANT OF FULL AGE]
If any of our earls, barons, or others who hold of us in chief by
knight's service dies, and at the time of his death his heir is of full
age and owes to us a relief, he shall have his inheritance on payment
of [no more than] the old relief; to wit, the heir or heirs of an earl,
for an entire earldom, 100 pounds [2,000s.]; the heir or heirs of a
baron of an entire barony, {100 pounds} 100 MARKS; the heir or heirs of
an entire knight's fee, 100s. at the most [about 1/3 of a knight's
annual income]; and he who owes less shall give less, according to the
old custom of fees.
[III. THE WARDSHIP OF AN HEIR WITHIN AGE. THE HEIR A KNIGHT]
BUT IF THE HEIR OF SUCH BE UNDER AGE, HIS LORD SHALL NOT HAVE THE WARD
OF HIM, NOR OF HIS LAND, BEFORE THAT HE HAS TAKEN OF HIM HOMAGE. If,
however, any such heir is under age and in ward, he shall have his
inheritance without relief or fine when he comes of age, THAT IS,
TWENTY-ONE YEARS OF AGE. SO THAT IF SUCH AN HEIR NOT OF AGE IS MADE A
KNIGHT, YET NEVERTHELESS HIS LAND SHALL REMAIN IN THE KEEPING OF HIS
LORD UNTO THE AFORESAID TERM.
[IV. NO WASTE SHALL BE MADE BY A GUARDIAN IN WARD'S LANDS]
The guardian of the land of any heir thus under age shall take
therefrom only reasonable issues, customs, and services, without
destruction or waste of men or goods. And if we commit the custody of
any such land to the sheriff or any other person answerable to us for
the issues of the same land, and he commits destruction or waste, we
will take an amends from him and recompense therefore. And the land
shall be committed to two lawful and discreet men of that fee, who
shall be answerable for the issues of the same land to us or to
whomsoever we shall have assigned them. And if we give or sell the
custody of any such land to any man, and he commits destruction or
waste, he shall lose the custody, which shall be committed to two
lawful and discreet men of that fee, who shall, in like manner, be
answerable to us as has been aforesaid.
[V. GUARDIANS SHALL MAINTAIN THE INHERITANCE OF THEIR WARDS AND OF
BISHOPRICKS, ETC.]
The guardian, so long as he shall have the custody of the land, shall
keep up and maintain the houses, parks, fishponds, pools, mills, and
other things pertaining thereto, out of the issues of the same, and
shall restore to the heir when he comes of age, all his land stocked
with {ploughs and tillage, according as the season may require and the
issues of the land can reasonably bear} PLOUGHS AND ALL OTHER THINGS,
AT THE LEAST AS HE RECEIVED IT. ALL THESE THINGS SHALL BE OBSERVED IN
THE CUSTODIES OF VACANT ARCHBISHOPRICKS, BISHOPRICKS, ABBEYS, PRIORIES,
CHURCHES, AND DIGNITIES, WHICH APPERTAIN TO US; EXCEPT THIS, THAT SUCH
CUSTODY SHALL NOT BE SOLD.
[VI. HEIRS SHALL BE MARRIED WITHOUT DISPARAGEMENT]
Heirs shall be married without loss of station. {And the marriage shall
be made known to the heir's nearest of kin before it is agreed.}
[VII. A WIDOW SHALL HAVE HER MARRIAGE, INHERITANCE, AND QUERENTINE
(period of forty days during which the widow has a privilege of
remaining in the mansion house of which her husband died seized). THE
KING'S WIDOW, ETC.]
A widow, after the death of her husband, shall immediately and without
difficulty have her marriage portion [property given to her by her
father] and inheritance. She shall not give anything for her marriage
portion, dower, or inheritance which she and her husband held on the
day of his death, and she may remain in her husband's house for forty
days after his death, within which time her dower shall be assigned to
her. IF THAT HOUSE IS A CASTLE AND SHE LEAVES THE CASTLE, THEN A
COMPETENT HOUSE SHALL FORTHWITH BE PROVIDED FOR HER, IN WHICH SHE MAY
HONESTLY DWELL UNTIL HER DOWER IS ASSIGNED TO HER AS AFORESAID; AND IN
THE MEANTIME HER REASONABLE ESTOVERS OF THE COMMON [NECESSARIES OR
SUPPLIES SUCH AS WOOD], ETC.
No widow shall be compelled [by penalty of fine] to marry so long as
she has a mind to live without a husband, provided, however, that she
gives security that she will not marry without our assent, if she holds
of us, or that of the lord of whom she holds, if she holds of another.
[VIII. HOW SURETIES SHALL BE CHARGED TO THE KING]
Neither we nor our bailiffs shall seize any land or rent for any debt
as long as the debtor's goods and chattels suffice to pay the debt AND
THE DEBTOR HIMSELF IS READY TO SATISFY THEREFORE. Nor shall the
debtor's sureties be distrained as long as the debtor is able to pay
the debt. If the debtor fails to pay, not having the means to pay, OR
WILL NOT PAY ALTHOUGH ABLE TO PAY, then the sureties shall answer the
debt. And, if they desire, they shall hold the debtor's lands and rents
until they have received satisfaction of that which they had paid for
him, unless the debtor can show that he has discharged his obligation
to them.
{If anyone who has borrowed from the Jews any sum of money, great or
small, dies before the debt has been paid, the heir shall pay no
interest on the debt as long as he remains under age, of whomsoever he
may hold. If the debt falls into our hands, we will take only the
principal sum named in the bond.}
{And if any man dies indebted to the Jews, his wife shall have her
dower and pay nothing of that debt; if the deceased leaves children
under age, they shall have necessaries provided for them in keeping
with the estate of the deceased, and the debt shall be paid out of the
residue, saving the service due to the deceased's feudal lords. So
shall it be done with regard to debts owed persons other than Jews.}
[IX. THE LIBERTIES OF LONDON AND OTHER CITIES AND TOWNS CONFIRMED]
The City of London shall have all her old liberties and free customs,
both by land and water. Moreover, we will and grant that all other
cities, boroughs, towns, and ports shall have all their liberties and
free customs.
{No scutage or aid shall be imposed in our realm unless by common
counsel thereof, except to ransom our person, make our eldest son a
knight, and once to marry our eldest daughter, and for these only a
reasonable aid shall be levied. So shall it be with regard to aids from
the City of London.}
{To obtain the common counsel of the realm concerning the assessment of
aids (other than in the three aforesaid cases) or of scutage, we will
have the archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, and great barons
individually summoned by our letters; we will also have our sheriffs
and bailiffs summon generally all those who hold lands directly of us,
to meet on a fixed day, but with at least forty days' notice, and at a
fixed place. In all such letters of summons, we will explain the reason
therefor. After summons has thus been made, the business shall proceed
on the day appointed, according to the advice of those who are present,
even though not all the persons summoned have come.}
{We will not in the future grant permission to any man to levy an aid
upon his free men, except to ransom his person, make his eldest son a
knight, and once to marry his eldest daughter, and on each of these
occasions only a reasonable aid shall be levied.}
[X. NONE SHALL DISTRAIN FOR MORE SERVICE THAN IS DUE.]
No man shall be compelled to perform more service for a knight's fee
nor any freehold than is due therefrom.
[XI. COMMON PLEAS SHALL NOT FOLLOW THE KING'S COURT]
People who have Common Pleas shall not follow our Court traveling about
the realm, but shall be heard in some certain place.
[XII. WHERE AND BEFORE WHOM ASSIZES SHALL BE TAKEN. ADJOURNMENT FOR
DIFFICULTY]
{Land assizes of novel disseisin, mort d'ancestor and darrein
presentment shall be heard only in the county where the property is
situated, and in this manner: We or, if we are not in the realm, our
Chief Justiciary, shall send two justiciaries through each county four
times a year [to clear and prevent backlog], and they, together with
four knights elected out of each county by the people thereof, shall
hold the said assizes in the county court, on the day and in the place
where that court meets.}
ASSIZES OF NOVEL DISSEISIN, MORT D'ANCESTOR SHALL BE HEARD ONLY IN THE
COUNTY WHERE THE PROPERTY IS SITUATED, AND IN THIS MANNER: WE, OR IF WE
ARE NOT IN THE REALM, OUR CHIEF JUSTICIARY, SHALL SEND JUSTICIARIES
THROUGH EACH COUNTY ONCE A YEAR, AND THEY TOGETHER WITH KNIGHTS OF THAT
COUNTY SHALL HOLD THE SAID ASSIZES IN THE COUNTY.
{If the said assizes cannot be held on the day appointed, so many of
the knights and freeholders as were present on that day shall remain as
will be sufficient for the administration of justice, according to the
amount of business to be done.}
AND THOSE THINGS THAT AT THE COMING OF OUR FORESAID JUSTICIARIES, BEING
SENT TO TAKE THOSE ASSIZES IN THE COUNTIES, CANNOT BE DETERMINED, SHALL
BE ENDED BY THEM IN SOME OTHER PLACE IN THEIR CIRCUIT; AND THOSE THINGS
WHICH FOR DIFFICULTY OF SOME ARTICLES CANNOT BE DETERMINED BY THEM,
SHALL BE REFERRED TO OUR JUSTICES OF THE BENCH AND THERE SHALL BE ENDED.
[XIII. ASSIZES OF DARREIN PRESENTMENT]
ASSIZES OF DARREIN PRESENTMENT SHALL ALWAYS BE TAKEN BEFORE OUR
JUSTICES OF THE BENCH AND THERE SHALL BE DETERMINED.
[XIV. HOW MEN OF ALL SORTS SHALL BE AMERCED AND BY WHOM]
A freeman shall be amerced [made to pay a fine to the King] for a small
offense only according to the degree thereof, and for a serious offense
according to its magnitude, saving his position and livelihood; and in
like manner a merchant, saving his trade and merchandise, and a villein
saving his tillage, if they should fall under our mercy. None of these
amercements shall be imposed except by the oath of honest men of the
neighborhood.
Earls and barons shall be amerced only by their peers, and only in
accordance with the seriousness of the offense.
{No amercement shall be imposed upon a cleric's lay tenement, except in
the manner of the other persons aforesaid, and without regard to the
value of his ecclesiastical benefice.}
NO MAN OF THE CHURCH SHALL BE AMERCED EXCEPT IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE
SERIOUSNESS OF THE OFFENSE AND AFTER HIS LAY TENEMENT, BUT NOT AFTER
THE QUANTITY OF HIS SPIRITUAL BENEFICE.
[XV. MAKING OF BRIDGES AND BANKS]
No town or freeman shall be compelled to build bridges over rivers OR
BANKS except those bound by old custom and law to do so.
[XVI. DEFENDING OF BANKS]
NO BANKS [LAND NEAR A RIVER] SHALL BE DEFENDED [USED BY THE KING ALONE,
E.G. FOR HUNTING], FROM HENCEFORTH, BUT SUCH AS WERE IN DEFENSE IN THE
TIME OF KING HENRY [II] OUR GRANDFATHER, BY THE SAME PLACES AND IN THE
SAME BOUNDS AS IN HIS TIME.
[XVII. HOLDING PLEAS OF THE CROWN]
No sheriff, constable, coroners, or other of our bailiffs shall hold
pleas of our Crown [but only justiciars, to prevent disparity of
punishments and corruption].
{All counties, hundreds, wapentakes, and tithings (except our demesne
manors) shall remain at the old rents, without any increase.}
[XVIII. THE KING'S DEBTOR DYING, THE KING SHALL BE FIRST PAID]
If anyone holding a lay fee of us dies, and our sheriff or our bailiff
show our letters patent [public letter from a sovereign or one in
authority] of summons for a debt due to us from the deceased, it shall
be lawful for such sheriff or bailiff to attach and list the goods and
chattels of the deceased found in the lay fee to the value of that
debt, by the sight and testimony of lawful men [to prevent taking too
much], so that nothing thereof shall be removed therefrom until our
whole debt is paid; then the residue shall be given up to the executors
to carry out the will of the deceased. If there is no debt due from him
to us, all his chattels shall remain the property of the deceased,
saving to his wife and children their reasonable shares.
{If any freeman dies intestate, his chattels shall be distributed by
his nearest kinfolk and friends, under supervision of the Church,
saving to each creditor the debts owed him by the deceased.}
[XIX. PURVEYANCE FOR A CASTLE]
No constable or other of our bailiffs shall take grain or other
chattels of any man without immediate payment, unless the seller
voluntarily consents to postponement of payment. THIS APPLIES IF THE
MAN IS NOT OF THE TOWN WHERE THE CASTLE IS. BUT IF THE MAN IS OF THE
SAME TOWN AS WHERE THE CASTLE IS, THE PRICE SHALL BE PAID TO HIM WITHIN
40 DAYS.
[XX. DOING OF CASTLE-GUARD]
No constable shall compel any knight to give money for keeping of his
castle in lieu of castle-guard when the knight is willing to perform it
in person or, if reasonable cause prevents him from performing it
himself, by some other fit man. Further, if we lead or send him into
military service, he shall be excused from castle-guard for the time he
remains in service by our command.
[XXI. TAKING OF HORSES, CARTS, AND WOOD]
No sheriff or bailiff of ours, or any other man, shall take horses or
carts of any freeman for carriage without the owner's consent. HE SHALL
PAY THE OLD PRICE, THAT IS, FOR CARRIAGE WITH TWO HORSES, 10d. A DAY;
FOR THREE HORSES, 14d. A DAY. NO DEMESNE CART OF ANY SPIRITUAL PERSON
OR KNIGHT OR ANY LORD SHALL BE TAKEN BY OUR BAILIFFS.
Neither we nor our bailiffs will take another man's wood for our
castles or for other of our necessaries without the owner's consent.
[XXII. HOW LONG FELONS' LANDS SHALL BE HELD BY THE KING]
We will hold the lands of persons convicted of felony for only a year
and a day [to remove the chattels and movables], after which they shall
be restored to the lords of the fees.
[XXIII. IN WHAT PLACE WEIRS SHALL BE REMOVED]
All fishweirs [obstructing navigation] shall be entirely removed by the
Thames and Medway rivers, and throughout England, except upon the
seacoast.
[XXIV. IN WHAT CASE A PRAECIPE IN CAPITE IS NOT GRANTABLE]
The [royal] writ called "praecipe in capite" [for tenements held in
chief of the Crown] shall not in the future be granted to anyone
respecting any freehold if thereby a freeman [who has a mesne lord] may
not be tried in his lord's court.
[XXV. THERE SHALL BE BUT ONE MEASURE THROUGHOUT THE REALM]
There shall be one measure of wine throughout our realm, one measure of
ale, and one measure of grain, to wit, the London quarter, and one
breadth of dyed cloth, russets, and haberjets, to wit, two {ells} YARDS
within the selvages. As with measures so shall it also be with weights.
[XXVI. INQUISITION OF LIFE AND LIMB]
Henceforth nothing shall be given or taken for a writ of inquisition
upon life or limb, but it shall be granted freely and not denied.
[XXVII. TENURE OF THE KING IN SOCAGE AND OF ANOTHER BY KNIGHT'S
SERVICE. PETTY SERJEANTY.]
If anyone holds of us by fee farm, socage, or burgage, and also holds
land of another by knight's service, we will not by reason of that fee
farm, socage, or burgage have the wardship of his heir, or the land
which belongs to another man's fee. Nor will we have the custody of
such fee farm, socage, or burgage unless such fee farm owe knight's
service. We will not have the wardship of any man's heir, or the land
which he holds of another by knight's service, by reason of any petty
serjeanty which he holds of us by service of rendering us knives,
arrows, or the like.
[XXVIII. WAGES OF LAW SHALL NOT BE WITHOUT WITNESS]
In the future no [royal] bailiff shall upon his own unsupported
accusation put any man to trial or oath without producing credible
witnesses to the truth of the accusation.
[XXIX. NONE SHALL BE CONDEMNED WITHOUT TRIAL. JUSTICE SHALL NOT BE SOLD
OR DELAYED.]
No freeman shall be taken, imprisoned, disseised OF HIS FREEHOLD OR
LIBERTIES OR FREE CUSTOMS, OR BE outlawed, banished, or in any way
ruined, nor will we prosecute or condemn him, except by the lawful
judgment of his peers or by the law of the land.
To no one will we sell [by bribery], to none will we deny or delay,
right or justice.
[XXX. MERCHANT STRANGERS COMING INTO THIS REALM SHALL BE WELL USED]
All merchants shall have safe conduct to go and come out of and into
England, and to stay in and travel through England by land and water,
to buy and sell, without evil tolls, in accordance with old and just
customs, except, in time of war, such merchants as are of a country at
war with us. If any such be found in our realm at the outbreak of war,
they shall be detained, without harm to their bodies or goods, until it
be known to us or our Chief Justiciary how our merchants are being
treated in the country at war with us. And if our merchants are safe
there, then theirs shall be safe with us.
{Henceforth anyone, saving his allegiance due to us, may leave our
realm and return safely and securely by land and water, except for a
short period in time of war, for the common benefit of the realm.}
[XXXI. TENURE OF A BARONY COMING INTO THE KING'S HANDS BY ESCHEAT]
If anyone dies holding of any escheat, such as the honor of
Wallingford, Nottingham, Boulogne, {Lancaster,} or other escheats which
are in our hands and are baronies, his heir shall not give any relief
or do any service to us other than he would owe to the baron, if such
barony had been in the baron's hands. And we will hold the escheat in
the same manner in which the baron held it. NOR SHALL WE HAVE, BY
OCCASION OF ANY BARONY OR ESCHEAT, ANY ESCHEAT OR KEEPING OF ANY OF OUR
MEN, UNLESS HE WHO HELD THE BARONY OR ESCHEAT ELSEWHERE HELD OF US IN
CHIEF.
Persons dwelling outside the forest [in the county] need not in the
future come before our justiciaries of the forest in answer to a
general summons unless they are impleaded or are sureties for any
person or persons attached for breach of forest laws.
[XXXII. LANDS SHALL NOT BE ALIENED TO THE PREJUDICE OF THE LORD'S
SERVICE]
NO FREEMAN FROM HENCEFORTH SHALL GIVE OR SELL ANY MORE OF HIS LAND, BUT
SO THAT OF THE RESIDUE OF THE LANDS THE LORD OF THE FEE MAY HAVE THE
SERVICE DUE TO HIM WHICH BELONGS TO THE FEE.
{We will appoint as justiciaries, constables, sheriffs, or bailiffs
only such men as know the law of the land and will keep it well.}
[XXXIII. PATRONS OF ABBEYS SHALL HAVE THE CUSTODY OF THEM WHEN VACANT]
All barons who had founded abbeys of which they have charters of
English Kings or old tenure, shall have the custody of the same when
vacant, as is their due.
All forests which have been created in our time shall forthwith be
disafforested. {So shall it be done with regard to river banks which
have been enclosed by fences in our time.}
{All evil customs concerning forests and warrens [livestock grounds in
forests], foresters and warreners, sheriffs and their officers, or
riverbanks and their conservators shall be immediately investigated in
each county by twelve sworn knights of such county, who are chosen by
honest men of that county, and shall within forty days after this
inquest be completely and irrevocably abolished, provided always that
the matter has first been brought to our knowledge, or that of our
justiciars, if we are not in England.}
{We will immediately return all hostages and charters delivered to us
by Englishmen as security for the peace or for the performance of loyal
service.}
{We will entirely remove from their offices the kinsmen of Gerald de
Athyes, so that henceforth they shall hold no office in England:
Engelard de Cigogne, Peter, Guy, and Andrew de Chanceaux, Guy de
Cigogne, Geoffrey de Martigny and his brothers, Philip Mark and his
brothers, and Geoffrey his nephew, and all their followers.}
{As soon as peace is restored, we will banish from our realm all
foreign knights, crossbowmen, sergeants, and mercenaries, who have come
with horses and arms, to the hurt of the realm.}
{If anyone has been disseised or deprived by us, without the legal
judgment of his peers, of lands, castles, liberties, or rights, we will
immediately restore the same, and if any disagreement arises on this,
the matter shall be decided by judgment of the twenty- five barons
mentioned below in the clause for securing the peace. With regard to
all those things, however, of which any man was disseised or deprived,
without the legal judgment of his peers, by King Henry [II] our Father
or our Brother King Richard, and which remain in our hands or are held
by others under our warranty, we shall have respite during the term
commonly allowed to the Crusaders, excepting those cases in which a
plea was begun or inquest made on our order before we took the cross;
when, however, we return from our pilgrimage, or if perhaps we do not
undertake it, we will at once do full justice in these matters.}
{Likewise, we shall have the same respite in rendering justice with
respect to the disafforestation or retention of those forests which
Henry [II] our Father or Richard our Brother afforested, and concerning
custodies of lands which are of the fee of another, which we hitherto
have held by reason of the fee which some person has held of us by
knight's service, and to abbeys founded on fees other than our own, in
which the lord of that fee asserts his right. When we return from our
pilgrimage, or if we do not undertake it, we will forthwith do full
justice to the complainants in these matters.}
[XXXIV. IN WHAT ONLY CASE A WOMAN SHALL HAVE AN APPEAL OF DEATH]
No one shall be arrested or imprisoned upon a woman's appeal for the
death of any person other than her husband [since no woman was expected
to personally engage in trial by combat].
[XXXV. AT WHAT TIME SHALL BE KEPT A COUNTY COURT, SHERIFF'S TURN AND A
LEET COURT (COURTS OF CRIMINAL JURISDICTION EXCEPTING FELONIES)]
NO COUNTY COURT FROM HENCEFORTH SHALL BE HELD, BUT FROM MONTH TO MONTH;
AND WHERE GREATER TIME HAS BEEN USED, THERE SHALL BE GREATER. NOR SHALL
ANY SHERIFF, OR HIS BAILIFF, KEEP HIS TURN IN THE HUNDRED BUT TWICE IN
THE YEAR; AND NO WHERE BUT IN DUE PLACE AND ACCUSTOMED TIME, THAT IS,
ONCE AFTER EASTER, AND AGAIN AFTER THE FEAST OF SAINT MICHAEL. AND THE
VIEW OF FRANKPLEDGE [THE RIGHT OF ASSEMBLING THE WHOLE MALE POPULATION
OVER 12 YEARS EXCEPT CLERGY, EARLS, BARONS, KNIGHTS, AND THE INFIRM, AT
THE LEET OR SOKE COURT FOR THE CAPITAL FRANKPLEDGES TO GIVE ACCOUNT OF
THE PEACE KEPT BY INDIVIDUALS IN THEIR RESPECTIVE TITHINGS] SHALL BE
LIKEWISE AT THE FEAST OF SAINT MICHAEL WITHOUT OCCASION, SO THAT EVERY
MAN MAY HAVE HIS LIBERTIES WHICH HE HAD, OR USED TO HAVE, IN THE TIME
OF KING HENRY [II] OUR GRANDFATHER, OR WHICH HE HAS SINCE PURCHASED.
THE VIEW OF FRANKPLEDGE SHALL BE SO DONE, THAT OUR PEACE MAY BE KEPT;
AND THAT THE TYTHING BE WHOLLY KEPT AS IT HAS BEEN ACCUSTOMED; AND THAT
THE SHERIFF SEEK NO OCCASIONS, AND THAT HE BE CONTENT WITH SO MUCH AS
THE SHERIFF WAS WONT TO HAVE FOR HIS VIEW-MAKING IN THE TIME OF KING
HENRY OUR GRANDFATHER.
[XXXVI. NO LAND SHALL BE GIVEN IN MORTMAIN]
IT SHALL NOT BE LAWFUL FROM HENCEFORTH TO ANY TO GIVE HIS LAND TO ANY
RELIGIOUS HOUSE, AND TO TAKE THE SAME LAND AGAIN TO HOLD OF THE SAME
HOUSE [THEREBY EXTINGUISHING THE FEUDAL RIGHTS OF THE TEMPORAL LORD].
NOR SHALL IT BE LAWFUL TO ANY HOUSE OF RELIGION TO TAKE THE LANDS OF
ANY, AND TO LEASE THE SAME TO HIM OF WHOM HE RECEIVED IT. IF ANY FROM
HENCEFORTH GIVE HIS LANDS TO ANY RELIGIOUS HOUSE, AND THEREUPON BE
CONVICTED, THE GIFT SHALL BE UTTERLY VOID, AND THE LAND SHALL ACCRUE TO
THE LORD OF THE FEE.
{All fines unjustly and unlawfully given to us, and all amercements
levied unjustly and against the law of the land, shall be entirely
remitted or the matter decided by judgment of the twenty-five barons
mentioned below in the clause for securing the peace, or the majority
of them, together with the aforesaid Stephen, Archbishop of Canterbury,
if he himself can be present, and any others whom he may wish to bring
with him for the purpose; if he cannot be present, the business shall
nevertheless proceed without him. If any one or more of the said
twenty-five barons has an interest in a suit of this kind, he or they
shall step down for this particular judgment, and be replaced by
another or others, elected and sworn by the rest of the said barons,
for this occasion only.}
{If we have disseised or deprived the Welsh of lands, liberties, or
other things, without legal judgment of their peers, in England or
Wales, they shall immediately be restored to them, and if a
disagreement arises thereon, the question shall be determined in the
Marches by judgment of their peers according to the law of England as
to English tenements, the law of Wales as to Welsh tenements, the law
of the Marches as to tenements in the Marches. The same shall the Welsh
do to us and ours.}
{But with regard to all those things of which any Welshman was
disseised or deprived, without legal judgment of his peers, by King
Henry [II] our Father or our Brother King Richard, and which we hold in
our hands or others hold under our warranty, we shall have respite
during the term commonly allowed to the Crusaders, except as to those
matters whereon a suit had arisen or an inquisition had been taken by
our command prior to our taking the cross. Immediately after our return
from our pilgrimage, or if by chance we do not undertake it, we will do
full justice according to the laws of the Welsh and the aforesaid
regions.}
{We will immediately return the son of Llywelyn, all the Welsh
hostages, and the charters which were delivered to us as security for
the peace.}
{With regard to the return of the sisters and hostages of Alexander,
King of the Scots, and of his liberties and rights, we will do the same
as we would with regard to our other barons of England, unless it
appears by the charters which we hold of William his father, late King
of the Scots, that it ought to be otherwise; this shall be determined
by judgment of his peers in our court.}
[XXXVII. SUBSIDY IN RESPECT OF THIS CHARTER, AND THE CHARTER OF THE
FOREST, GRANTED TO THE KING.]
ESCUAGE [SERVICE OF THE SHIELD, A TENURE IN KNIGHTS' SERVICE] FROM
HENCEFORTH SHALL BE TAKEN AS IT WAS WONT TO BE IN THE TIME OF KING
HENRY [II] OUR GRANDFATHER; RESERVING TO ALL ARCHBISHOPS, BISHOPS,
ABBOTS, PRIORS, TEMPLERS, HOSPITALLERS, EARLS, BARONS, AND ALL PERSONS
AS WELL SPIRITUAL AS TEMPORAL; ALL THEIR FREE LIBERTIES AND FREE
CUSTOMS, WHICH THEY HAVE HAD IN TIME PASSED. AND ALL THESE CUSTOMS AND
LIBERTIES AFORESAID, WHICH WE HAVE GRANTED TO BE HELD WITHIN THIS OUR
REALM, AS MUCH AS PERTAINS TO US AND OUR HEIRS, WE SHALL OBSERVE.
{All the customs and liberties aforesaid, which we have granted to be
enjoyed, as far as it pertains to us towards our people throughout our
realm, let all our subjects, whether clerics or laymen, observe, as far
as it pertains toward their dependents.}
AND ALL MEN OF THIS OUR REALM, AS WELL SPIRITUAL AS TEMPORAL (AS MUCH
AS IN THEM IS) SHALL OBSERVE THE SAME AGAINST ALL PERSONS IN LIKE WISE.
AND FOR THIS OUR GIFT AND GRANT OF THESE LIBERTIES, AND OF OTHER
CONSTRAINED IN OUR CHARTER OF LIBERTIES OF OUR FOREST, THE ARCHBISHOPS,
BISHOPS, ABBOTS, PRIORS, EARLS, BARONS, KNIGHTS, FREEHOLDERS, AND OUR
OTHER SUBJECTS, HAVE GIVEN UNTO US THE FIFTEENTH PART OF ALL THEIR
MOVABLES. AND WE HAVE GRANTED UNTO THEM ON THE OTHER PART, THAT NEITHER
WE, NOR OUR HEIRS, SHALL PROCURE OR DO ANY THING WHEREBY THE LIBERTIES
IN THIS CHARTER CONTAINED SHALL BE INFRINGED OR BROKEN. AND IF ANY
THING BE PROCURED BY ANY PERSON CONTRARY TO THE PREMISES, IT SHALL BE
HAD OF NO FORCE NOR EFFECT.
[ENFORCEMENT]
{Whereas we, for the honor of God and the reform of our realm, and in
order the better to allay the discord arisen between us and our barons,
have granted all these things aforesaid. We, willing that they be
forever enjoyed wholly and in lasting strength, do give and grant to
our subjects the following security, to wit, that the barons shall
elect any twenty-five barons of the realm they wish, who shall, with
their utmost power, keep, hold, and cause to be kept the peace and
liberties which we have granted unto them and by this our present
Charter have confirmed, so that if we, our Justiciary, bailiffs, or any
of our ministers offends in any respect against any man, or
transgresses any of these articles of peace or security, and the
offense is brought before four of the said twenty-five barons, those
four barons shall come before us, or our Chief Justiciary if we are out
of the realm, declaring the offense, and shall demand speedy amends for
the same. If we or, in case of our being out of the realm, our Chief
Justiciary fails to afford redress within forty days from the time the
case was brought before us or, in the event of our having been out of
the realm, our Chief Justiciary, the aforesaid four barons shall refer
the matter to the rest of the twenty-five barons, who, together with
the commonalty of the whole country, shall distrain and distress us to
the utmost of their power, to wit, by capture of our castles, lands,
and possessions and by all other possible means, until compensation is
made according to their decision, saving our person and that of our
Queen and children; as soon as redress has been had, they shall return
to their former allegiance. Anyone in the realm may take oath that, for
the accomplishment of all the aforesaid matters, he will obey the
orders of the said twenty-five barons and distress us to the utmost of
his power; and we give public and free leave to everyone wishing to
take oath to do so, and to none will we deny the same. Moreover, all
such of our subjects who do not of their own free will and accord agree
to swear to the said twenty-five barons, to distrain and distress us
together with them, we will compel to do so by our command in the
aforesaid manner. If any one of the twenty-five barons dies or leaves
the country or is in any way hindered from executing the said office,
the rest of the said twenty-five barons shall choose another in his
stead, at their discretion, who shall be sworn in like manner as the
others. In all cases which are referred to the said twenty-five barons
to execute, and in which a difference arises among them, supposing them
all to be present, or in which not all who have been summoned are
willing or able to appear, the verdict of the majority shall be
considered as firm and binding as if the whole number had been of one
mind. The aforesaid twenty-five shall swear to keep faithfully all the
aforesaid articles and, to the best of their power, to cause them to be
kept by others. We will not procure, either by ourself or any other,
anything from any man whereby any of these concessions or liberties may
be revoked or abated. If any such procurement is made, let it be null
and void; it shall never be made use of either by us or by any other.}
[AMNESTY]
{We have also fully forgiven and pardoned all ill-will, wrath, and
malice which has arisen between us and our subjects, both clergy and
laymen, during the disputes, to and with all men. Moreover, we have
fully forgiven and, as far as it pertains to us, wholly pardoned to and
with all, clergy and laymen, all offenses made in consequence of the
said disputes from Easter in the sixteenth year of our reign until the
restoration of peace. Over and above this, we have caused letters
patent to be made for Stephen, Archbishop of Canterbury, Henry,
Archbishop of Dublin, the above-mentioned Bishops, and Master Pandulph,
for the aforesaid security and concessions.}
{Wherefore we will that, and firmly command that, the English Church
shall be free and all men in our realm shall have and hold all the
aforesaid liberties, rights, and concessions, well and peaceably,
freely, quietly, fully, and wholly, to them and their heirs, of us and
our heirs, in all things and places forever, as is aforesaid. It is
moreover sworn, as will on our part as on the part of the barons, that
all these matters aforesaid shall be kept in good faith and without
deceit. Witness the above-named and many others. Given by our hand in
the meadow which is called Runnymede, between Windsor and Staines, on
the fifteenth day of June in the seventeenth year of our reign.}
THESE BEING WITNESSES: LORD S. ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY, E. BISHOP OF
LONDON, F. BISHOP OF BATHE, G. OF WINCESTER, H. OF LINCOLN, R. OF
SALISBURY, W. OF ROCHESTER, X. OF WORCESTER, F. OF ELY, H. OF HEREFORD,
R. OF CHICHESTER, W. OF EXETER, BISHOPS; THE ABBOT OF ST. EDMONDS, THE
ABBOT OF ST. ALBANS, THE ABBOT OF BELLO, THE ABBOT OF ST. AUGUSTINES IN
CANTERBURY, THE ABBOT OF EVESHAM, THE ABBOT OF WESTMINSTER, THE ABBOT
OF BOURGH ST. PETER, THE ABBOT OF REDING, THE ABBOT OF ABINDON, THE
ABBOT OF MALMBURY, THE ABBOT OF WINCHCOMB, THE ABBOT OF HYDE, THE ABBOT
OF CERTESEY, THE ABBOT OF SHERBURN, THE ABBOT OF CERNE, THE ABBOT OF
ABBOREBIR, THE ABBOT OF MIDDLETON, THE ABBOT OF SELEBY, THE ABBOT OF
CIRENCESTER, H. DE BURGH JUSTICE, H. EARL OF CHESTER AND LINCOLN, W.
EARL OF SALISBURY, W. EARL OF WARREN, G. DE CLARE EARL OF GLOUCESTER
AND HEREFORD, W. DE FERRARS EARL OF DERBY, W. DE MANDEVILLE EARL OF
ESSEX, H. DE BYGOD EARL OF NORFOLK, W. EARL OF ALBEMARLE, H. EARL OF
HEREFORD, F. CONSTABLE OF CHESTER, G. DE TOS, H. FITZWALTER, R. DE
BYPONTE, W. DE BRUER, R. DE MONTEFICHET, P. FITZHERBERT, W. DE AUBENIE,
F. GRESLY, F. DE BREUS, F. DE MONEMUE, F. FITZALLEN, H. DE MORTIMER, W.
DE BEUCHAMP, W. DE ST. JOHN, P. DE MAULI, BRIAN DE LISLE, THOMAS DE
MULTON, R. DE ARGENTEYN, G. DE NEVIL, W. DE MAUDUIT, F. DE BALUN, AND
OTHERS. GIVEN AT WESTMINSTER THE 11TH DAY OF FEBRUARY THE 9TH YEAR OF
OUR REIGN.
WE, RATIFYING AND APPROVING THESE GIFTS AND GRANTS AFORESAID, CONFIRM
AND MAKE STRONG ALL THE SAME FOR US AND OUR HEIRS PERPETUALLY, AND BY
THE TENOUR OF THESE PRESENTS, DO RENEW THE SAME; WILLING AND GRANTING
FOR US AND OUR HEIRS, THAT THIS CHARTER, AND ALL SINGULAR HIS ARTICLES,
FOREVER SHALL BE STEADFASTLY, FIRMLY, AND INVIOLABLY OBSERVED; AND IF
ANY ARTICLE IN THE SAME CHARTER CONTAINED, YET HITHERTO PERADVENTURE
HAS NOT BEEN KEPT, WE WILL, AND BY ROYAL AUTHORITY, COMMAND, FROM
HENCEFORTH FIRMLY THEY BE OBSERVED.
Felonies are serious crimes which can be punished by loss of
life or member. By common law, they now consist of homicide, mayhem,
wounding, false imprisonment, arson, rape, robbery, burglary, and
larceny. A felon's lands go to his lord or to the king and his chattels
are confiscated. If a man accused of felony flies, he can be outlawed.
Treason was a special felony, which was punishable by hanging after
being drawn behind a horse along the rough road to the gibbet. Petty
treason was treason to one's lord and included adultery with the lord's
wife, violation of his daughter, and forgery of his seal. High treason
was to the king and include clipping of the king's coin and making
counterfeit money. A traitor's land was forfeited to the king. Treason
had no benefit of clergy.
Statutes which were enacted after the Magna Carta follow:
Nuisance is recognized by this statute: "Every freeman, without
danger, shall make in his own wood, or in his land, or in his water,
which he has within our Forest, mills, springs, pools, clay pits,
dikes, or arable ground, so that it does not annoy any of his
neighbors."
Anyone taking a widow's dower after her husband's death must
not only return the dower, but pay damages in the amount of the value
of the dower from the time of death of the husband until her recovery
of seisin.
Widows may bequeath the crop of their ground as well of their
dowers as of their other lands and tenements.
Freeholders of tenements on manors shall have sufficient
ingress and egress from their tenements to the common pasture and as
much pasture as suffices for their tenements.
"Grain shall not be taken under the pretense of borrowing or
the promise of after-payment without the permission of the owner."
"A parent or other who forcefully leads away and withholds, or
marries off, an heir who is a minor (under 14), shall yield the value
of the marriage and be imprisoned until he has satisfied the king for
the trespass. If an heir 14 years or older marries without his Lord's
permission to defraud him of the marriage and the Lord offers him
reasonable and convenient marriage, without disparagement, then the
Lord shall hold his land beyond the term of his age, that, of twenty
one years, so long that he may receive double the value of the marriage
as estimated by lawful men, or after as it has been offered before
without fraud or collusion, and after as it may be proved in the King's
Court. Any Lord who marries off a ward of his who is a minor and cannot
consent to marriage, to a villain or other, such as a burgess, whereby
the ward is disparaged, shall lose the wardship and all its profits if
the ward's friends complain of the Lord. The wardship and profit shall
be converted to the use of the heir, for the shame done to him, after
the disposition and provision of his friends." (The "marriage" could be
annulled by the church.)
"If an heir of whatever age will not marry at the request of
his Lord, he shall not be compelled thereunto; but when he comes of
age, he shall pay to his Lord the value of the marriage before
receiving his land, whether or not he himself marries."
"Interest shall not run against any minor, from the time of
death of his ancestor until his lawful age; so nevertheless, that the
payment of the principal debt, with the interest that was before the
death of his ancestor shall not remain."
The value of debts to be repaid to the king or to any man shall
be reasonably determined by the debtor's neighbors and not by
strangers. A debtors' plough cattle or sheep cannot be taken to satisfy
a debt.
The wards and escheats of the king shall be surveyed yearly by
three people assigned by the King. The sheriffs, by their counsel,
shall approve and let to farm such wards and escheats as they think
most profitable for the King. The Sheriffs shall be answerable for the
issues thereof in the Exchequer at designated times. The collectors of
the customs on wool exports shall pay this money at the two designated
times and shall make yearly accounts of all parcels in ports and all
ships.
By statute leap year was standardized throughout the nation,
"the day increasing in the leap year shall be accounted in that year",
"but it shall be taken and reckoned in the same month wherein it grew
and that day and the preceding day shall be counted as one day."
"An English penny [1 d.], called a sterling, round and without
any clipping, shall weigh 32 wheat grains dry in the middle of the ear."
Measurements of distance were standardized to twelve inches to
a foot, three feet to a yard, and so forth up to an acre of land.
Goods which could only be sold by the standard weights and
measures (such as ounces, pounds, gallons, bushels) included sacks of
wool, leather, skins, ropes, glass, iron, lead, canvas, linen cloth,
tallow, spices, confections cheese, herrings, sugar, pepper, cinnamon,
nutmeg, wheat, barley, oats, bread, and ale. The prices required for
bread and ale were based on the market price for the wheat, barley, and
oats from which they were made.
The punishment for repeated violations of required measures,
weights, or prices of bread and ale by a baker or brewer; selling of
spoiled or unwholesome wine, meat, fish by brewers, butchers, or cooks;
or a steward or bailiff receiving a bribe was reduced to placement in a
pillory with a shaven head so that these men would still be fit for
military service and not overcrowd the gaols.
Forest penalties were changed so that "No man shall lose either
life or member [limb] for killing of our deer. But if any man be taken
and convicted for taking our venison, he shall make a grievous fine, if
he has anything. And if he has nothing to lose, he shall be imprisoned
for a year and a day. And after that, if he can find sufficient
sureties, he shall be delivered, and, if not, he shall abjure the realm
of England."
The Forest Charter provided that: Every freeman may allow his
pigs to eat in his own wood in the King's forest. He may also drive his
pigs through the King's forest and tarry one night within the forest
without losing any of his pigs. But people having greyhounds must keep
them out of the forest so they don't maim the deer.
The Forest Charter also allowed magnates traveling through the
King's forest on the King's command to come to him, to kill one or two
deer as long as it was in view of the forester if he was present, or
while having a horn blown, so it did not seem to be theft.
After a period of civil war, the following statutes were
enacted:
"All persons, as well of high as of low estate, shall receive justice
in the King's Court; and none shall take any such revenge or distress
by his own authority, without award of our court, although he is
damaged or injured, whereby he would have amends of his neighbor either
higher or lower." The penalty is a fine according to the trespass.
A fraudulent conveyance to a minor or lease for a term of years made to
defraud a Lord of a wardship shall be void. A Lord who maliciously and
wrongfully alleges this to a court shall pay damages and costs.
If a Lord will not render unto an heir his land when he comes of age or
takes possession away from an heir of age or removes anything from the
land, he shall pay damages. (The king retained the right to take
possession of an heir's land for a year or, in lieu of this, to take
one year's profit from the land in addition to the relief.)
Kinsmen of a minor heir who have custody of his land held in socage
shall make no waste, sale, nor destruction of the inheritance and shall
answer to the heir when he comes of age for the issues of the land,
except for the reasonable costs of these guardians.
No lord may distrain any of his tenants. No one may drive animals taken
by distraint out of the county where they have been taken.
"Farmers during their terms, shall not make waste, sale, nor exile of
house, woods, and men, nor of any thing else belonging to the tenements
which they have to farm".
Church law required that planned marriages be publicly
announced [banns]by the priest so that any impediment could be made
known. If a marriage was clandestine or both parties knew of an
impediment, or it was within the prohibited degrees of consanguinity,
the children would be illegitimate. According to church rules, a man
could bequeath his personal property subject to certain family rights.
These were that if only the wife survived, she received half the
property. Similarly, if children survived, but no wife, they received
half the property. When the wife and children survived, each party
received one third. The church hoped that the remaining fraction would
go to the church as a reward for praying for the deceased's soul. It
taught that dying without a will was sinful. Adults were to confess
their sins at least yearly to their parish priest, which confession
would be confidential.
Ecclesiastical offenses included fornication, adultery, incest, and
bigamy, for which the punishment was usually whipping or a money
payment. Heresy and sorcery were so infrequent that there was no
machinery aptly suited for their suppression.
Henry de Bracton, a royal justice and the last great
ecclesiastical attorney, wrote an unfinished treatise: A Tract on the
Laws and Customs of England, systematizing and organizing the law of
the court rolls with definitions and general concepts and describing
court practice and procedure. It was influenced by his knowledge of
Roman legal concepts, such as res judicata, and by his own opinions,
such as that the law should go from precedent to precedent. He also
argued that the will and intent to injure was the essence of murder, so
that neither an infant nor a madman should be held liable for such and
that degrees of punishment should vary with the level of moral guilt in
a killing. He thought the deodand to be unreasonable.
Bracton defines the requirements of a valid and effective gift,
still applicable in 2000, as: "It must be complete and absolute, free
and uncoerced, extorted neither by fear nor through force. Let money or
service play no part, lest it fall into the category of purchase and
sale, for if money is involved there will then be a sale, and if
service, the remuneration for it. If a gift is to be valid the donor
must be of full age, for if a minor makes a gift it will be ineffective
since (if he so wishes) it shall be returned to him in its entirety
when he reaches full age. Also let the donor hold in his own name and
not another's, otherwise his gift may be revoked. And let him, at the
least, be of sound mind and good memory, though an invalid, ill and on
his death bed, for a gift make under such conditions will be good if
all the other [requirements] of a valid gift are met. For no one,
provided he is of good memory, ought to be kept from the administration
or disposition of his own property when affected by infirmity, since it
is only then that he must make provision for his family, his household
and relations, given stipends and settle his bequests; otherwise such
persons might suffer damage without fault. But since charters are
sometimes fraudulently drawn and gifts falsely taken to be made when
they are not, recourse must therefore be had to the country and the
neighborhood so that the truth may be declared."
In Bracton's view, a villein could buy his own freedom and the
child of a mixed marriage was free unless he was born in the tenement
of his villein parent.
Judicial Procedure
The Royal Court spawned several courts with different
specialties and became more like departments of state than offices of
the King's household. The justices were career civil servants
knowledgeable in the civil and canon law. The Court of the King's Bench
(a marble slab in Westminster upon which the throne was placed)
traveled with the king and primarily heard criminal cases and pleas of
the Crown. Any use of force, however trivial, was interpreted as breach
of the royal peace and could be brought before the King's Bench. Its
records were the coram rege rolls. The Court of Common Pleas primarily
heard civil cases brought by one subject against another. Pursuant to
the Magna Carta, it sat only at one place, the Great Hall in
Westminster. It had concurrent jurisdiction with the King's Bench over
trespass cases. Its records were the de banco rolls. The Court of the
Exchequer with its subsidiary department of the Treasury was in almost
permanent session at Westminster, primarily collecting the Crown's
revenue and enforcing the Crown's rights. A department of the Exchequer
watched over the affairs of the Jews. There was no sharp line demarking
the jurisdictions of these courts. No pleas could be brought against
the king; rather a petition was addressed to him, which he would answer
by an executive writ.
Appeals from these courts could be made to the king and/or his
small council. In 1234, the justiciar as the principal royal executive
officer and chief presiding officer over the Royal Court ended. In
1268, a chief justiciar was appointed to hold pleas before the king.
About the same time the presiding justice of the Court of Common Pleas
also came to be styled chief justice. Henceforth, a justiciar was a
royal officer who dealt only with judicial work. The justiciars were no
longer statesmen or politicians, but rather men learned in the law.
Membership in or attendance at the great council or parliament
no longer rested upon feudal tenure, but upon a writ of summons which
was, to a degree, dependent on the royal will.
Crown pleas included issues of the King's property, fines due
to him, murder (a body found with no witnesses to a killing), homicide
(a killing for which there were witnesses), rape, wounding, mayhem,
consorting, larceny, robbery, burglary, arson, poaching, unjust
imprisonment, selling cloth by nonstandard widths, selling wine by
nonstandard weights. Crown causes were pled by the king's serjeants or
servants at law, who were not clerics. Apprentices at law learned
pleading from them.
Between the proprietary action and the possessory assizes there
is growing use in the king's courts of writs of entry, by which a
tenant may be ordered to give up land, e.g. by a recent flaw in a
tenant's title, for a term which has expired, by a widow for her late
husband's land, or by an heir who has become of full age from his
guardian. For instance: " ...Command Tertius that ... he render to
Claimant, who is of full age, as it is said, ten acres ...which he
claims to be his right and inheritance and into which the said Tertius
has no entry save by Secundus, to whom Primus demised [gaged] them, who
had only the wardship thereof while the aforesaid Claimant was under
age, as he says...". But most litigation about land is still through
the writ of right for proprietary issues and the assizes of novel
disseisin and mort d'ancestor for possessory issues. Actions for debt;
covenant; and account, e.g by a lord to his bailiff and receiver of his
money, were actions in the king's court.
Royal itinerant justices, who were members of the royal courts,
traveled on eyre on regular circuits to the counties every seven years.
They had an administrative function as well as a judicial function.
They gave interrogatories to local assizes of twelve men to determine
what had happened there since the last eyre. Information was aquired on
royal proprietary rights, escheats, wardships, treasury matters, and
official misdoings of royal officers, sheriffs, coroners, and bailiffs,
which could be dealt with in an administrative way. (These
administrative duties ceased in the first half of the 1300s.) All
boroughs had to send twelve burgesses who were to indict any burgesses
suspected of breaking the royal law. Every crime, every invasion of
royal rights, and every neglect of police duties was to be presented
and tried. Suspects were held in gaol until their cases could be heard
and gaol breaks were common. Punishment after trial was prison for
serious crimes, expulsion from the realm for less serious crimes, and
pledges for good behavior for lesser crimes. Fines and amercements both
for individual criminal offenses and local communities' faults brought
revenue into the Exchequer as profits of justice. The king could
increase fines and amercements or pardon a person found guilty. The
visitation of these justices was anticipated with trepidation. In 1237,
the residents of Cornwall hid in the woods rather than face the
itinerant justices. (The court of the justices in eyre lasted until
1971.)
Royal coroners held inquests on all sudden deaths to determine
whether they were accidental or not. If not, royal justices held trial.
They also had duties in treasure trove and shipwreck cases.
Justices of assize, Justices of the Peace, and itinerant
justices operated at the county level. The traditional county courts
had lost much jurisdiction to the royal courts and were now limited to
personal actions in causes involving usually no more than 40s. The
great majority of cases had to do with 1) writ of right for recovery of
land, 2) the possessory assizes for the protection of possession, 3)
debt for recovery of money owed, such as rent 4) detinue for detention
of a chattel, such as beasts and 5) convenant for breach of a contract,
later to be limited to contracts under seal. There were also pleas of
trespass and claims of fugitive villeins and their goods, nuisances,
and encroachments. The action of trespass had broken free of the
criminal law, which had been divided into the two categories of felony
and trespass. But then the field of tort began to separate itself from
that of crime and the more serious trespasses remained criminal while
the less serious attached themselves to the civil sphere.
The sheriff still constitutes and conducts the court, assisted by
elected coroners. The earl of the county had little to do with its
court except to take one-third of its profits of justice.The county
court met every three or four weeks, usually in the sheriff's castle
located in the chief borough of the county, but some met in the open
air. It is attended by suitors, certain freeholders of the county who
are bound to attend it, that is, to do suit to it. They are the judges
of the court.
The hundred court decided cases of theft, viewing of boundaries
of land, claims for tenurial services, claims for homage, relief, and
for wardship; enfeoffments made, battery and brawls not amounting to
felony, wounding and maiming of beasts, collection of debts, trespass,
detinue, and covenant, which now requires a sealed writing; defamation,
and inquiries and presentments arising from the assizes of bread and
ale and measures. The action of debt was used for five main purposes:
1) money lent, 2) the price of goods sold, 3) arrears of rent due upon
a lease for years, 4) money due from a surety, and 5) a debt confessed
by a sealed document. A paid bailiff had responsibility for the hundred
court, which met every three weeks. Freeholders of these hundreds owe
suit to it; these suitors are the judges.
Twice a year the sheriff visited each hundred in the county to
hold a turn, a court for small offenses, such as encroachment of public
land, brewing and baking contrary to government regulations, and use of
dishonest weights and measures. Everyone who held freehold land in the
hundred except the greater magnates had to attend or be fined for
absence. The sheriff annually viewed frankpledge, in which every layman
without land that could be forfeited for felony, including villeins,
were checked for being in a tithing, a group of neighbors responsible
for each other's good conduct. This applied to every boy who had
reached the age of twelve. He had to swear on the Bible "I will be a
lawful man and bear loyalty to our lord the King and his heirs, and I
will be justiciable to my chief tithing man, so help me God and the
saints." Each tithing man paid a penny to the sheriff. The sheriff was
the judge in his turn. Coordinate with the sheriff's turn was a leet
court, which had private jurisdiction over the same small offences. If
a county or a hundred court gave a false judgment, it had to pay a fine.
Manorial courts were those in which a lord had for his tenants.
It was presided over by the lord, or his steward, who decided the
outcomes of cases, with or without the villeins attending it, based on
the customs of the manor. It had a civil jurisdiction, and dealt
typically with land issues and minor offenses, such as, actions when
the amount at stake is less than 40 s., of debt, detinue, trespass and
covenant. 40s. was the equivalent of around 13 oxen or 80 sheep.
Usually, the lord's court had a single manor with a single vill.
The cities and boroughs, having a degree of organization and
independence, had municipal courts whose jurisdiction was determined by
privileges.given by charter from the king or by prescription of ancient
origin. Court was held by the sheriff, and after a time by its mayor,
at the borough's weekly meeting of its burgesses. The burgesses would
take the profits of the court and the tolls and house-rents that had
been paid to the sheriff.
Still in existence is the old self-help law of hamsocne, the
thief hand-habbende, the thief back-berend, the old summary procedure
where the thief is caught in the act, AEthelstan's laws, and Edward the
Confessor's laws. Under the name of "actio furti" [appeal of larceny]
is the old process by which a thief can be pursued and goods
vindicated. As before and for centuries later, deodands were forfeited
to the king to appease God's wrath. These chattel which caused the
death of a person were usually oxen, carts, cart teams, horses, boats,
cauldrons, or millwheels. Then they were forfeited to the community,
which paid the king their worth. Sometimes the justices named the
charitable purpose for which the deodand was to be spent, such as the
price of a boat to go to the repair of a bridge.
Five cases from a county court are:
1) "John Croc was drowned from his horse and cart in the water of
Bickney. Judgment: misadventure. The price of the horse and cart is
4s.6d. deodand."
2) "Willam Ruffus was crushed to death by a certain trunk. The price
of the trunk is 4d., for which the sheriff is to answer. 4d. deodand."
3) "William le Hauck killed Edric le Poter and fled, so he is -to be
exacted and outlawed. He was in the tithing of Reynold Horloc in
Clandon of the abbot of Chertsey (West Clandon), so it is in mercy. His
chattels were 4 s., for which the bailiff of the abbot of Chertsey is
to answer."
4) "Richard de Bregsells, accused of larceny, comes and denies the
whole and puts himself on the country for good or ill. The twelve
jurors and four vills say that he is not guilty, -so he is quit."
5) William le Wimpler and William Vintner sold wine contrary to the
statute, so they are in mercy.
Other cases dealt with issues of entry, e.g. whether land was
conveyed or just rented; issues of whether a man was free, for which
his lineage was examined; issues of to which lord a villein belonged;
issues of nuisance such as making or destroying a bank, ditch, or
hedge; diverting a watercourse or damming it to make a pool;
obstructing a road, and issues of what grazing rights were conveyed in
pasture land, waste, woods, or arable fields between harvest and
sowing. Grazing right disputes usually arose from the ambiguous
language in the grant of land "with appurtenances".
Courts awarded specific relief as well as money damages. If a
landlord broke his covenant to lease land for a term of years, the
court restored possession to the lessee. If a lord did not perform the
services due to his superior lord, the court ordered him to perform the
services. The courts also ordered repair by a lessee.
Debts of country knights and freeholders were heard in the
local courts; debts of merchants and burgesses were heard in the courts
of the fairs and boroughs; debts due under wills and testaments were
heard in the ecclesiastical courts. The ecclesiastical courts deemed
marriage to legitimize bastard children whose parents married, so they
inherited personal property and money of their parents. Proof was by
compurgation. Church law required excommunication to be in writing with
the reasons therefore, and a copy given to the excommunicant. A church
judge was required to employ a notary or two men to write down all acts
of the judge and to give a copy to the parties to protect against
unjust judges. No cleric was allowed to pronounce or execute a sentence
of death or to take part in judicial tests or ordeals. Anyone knowingly
accepting a stolen article was required to restore it to its owner.
Heretics were to be excommunicated.
Trial by combat is still available, although it is extremely
rare for it to take place. In the appeal of felony, when offered
combat, a defendant could choose between combat and recourse to a
verdict of his neighbors.
The manor court imposed penalties on those who did not perform
their services to the manor and the lord wrote down the customs of the
manor for future use in other courts.
By statute, no fines could be taken of any man for fair
pleading in the Circuit of Justiciars, county, hundred, or manor courts.
Various statutes relaxed the requirements for attendance at
court of those who were not involved in a case as long as there were
enough to make the inquests fully. And "every freeman who owes suit to
the county, tything, hundred, and wapentake, or to the Court of his
Lord, may freely make his attorney attend for him." All above the rank
of knight were exempted from attendance on the sheriff's turn, unless
specifically summoned. Prelates and barons were generally excepted from
the county courts by the charters of their estates. Charters of
boroughs often excepted their representatives at the county court when
there were no justices. Some barons and knights paid the sheriff to be
excused. The king often relieved the simple knights by special license.
There was frequently a problem of not having enough knights to hold the
assizes. Henry III excused the attendance at hundred courts of all but
those who were bound to special service, or who were concerned in suits.
Trespass has become a writ of course in the common law. It
still involves violence, but its element of breach of the peace extends
to those breaches which do not amount to felony. It can include assault
and battery, physical force to land, and physical force to chattels,
e.g. assaulting and beating the plaintiff, breaking into his close, or
carrying off his goods. One found guilty is fined and imprisoned. As in
criminal matters, if a defendant does not appear at court, his body can
be seized and imprisoned, and if he cannot be found, he may be
outlawed. Trespass to goods results in damages, rather than the return
of the goods.
Various cases from the manors of the abbey of Bec in 1248-1249
are:
1. Ragenilda of Bec gives 2s. for having married without licence.
Pledge, William of Pinner. The same Ragenilda demands against Roger
Loft and Juliana his wife a certain messuage which belonged to Robert
le Beck, and a jury of -twelve lawful men is granted her in
consideration of the said fine, and if she recovers seisin she will
give in all 5s. And twelve jurors are elected, to wit, John of Hulle,
William Maureward, Robert Hale Walter But, Walter Sigar, William
Brihtwin, Richard Horseman, Richard Leofred, William John's son, Hugh
Cross, Richard Pontfret and Robert Croyser, John Bisuthe and Gilbert
Bisuthe who are sworn. And they say that the said Ragenilda has the
greater right. Therefore let her have seisin.
2. Richard Guest gives 12d. and if he recovers will give 2s. to have a
jury of twelve lawful men as to whether he has the greater right in a
certain headland at Eastcot which Ragenilda widow of William Andrews
holds, or the said Ragenilda. Pledges for the fine, John Brook and
Richard of Pinner. And the said Ragenilda comes and says that she has
no power to bring that land into judgment because she has no right in
it save by reason of the wardship of the son and heir of her husband,
who is under age. And Richard is not able to deny this. Therefore let
him await [the heir's] full age.
3. Walter Hulle gives 13s.4d. for licence to dwell on the land of the
Prior of Harmondsworth so long as he shall live and as a condition
finds pledges, to wit, William Slipper, John Bisuthe, Gilbert Bisuthe,
Hugh Tree, William John's son, John Hulle, who undertake that the said
Walter shall do to the lord all the services and customs which he would
do if he dwelt on the lord's land and that his heriot shall be secured
to the lord in case he dies there [i.e. at Harmondsworth].
4. Geoffrey Sweyn demands the moiety of one virgate of land which John
Crisp and Alina Hele hold, and he gives 2s. to have a jury, and if he
recovers will give 20s. And the said jurors come and say upon their
oath that the said Geoffrey has no right in the said land. Therefore
let the said tenants go thence without day and let the said Geoffrey
pay 2s. Pledges, Hugh Bussel and Godfrey Francis.
5. Juliana Saer's daughter demands as her right the moiety of one
messuage with a croft, which messuage William Snell and Goda his wife,
sister of the said Juliana hold. And they have made accord by leave [of
the court] to the effect that the said William and Goda give to the
said Juliana a barn and the curtilage nearest the Green and two selions
[a ridge of land between two furrows] in the western part of the said
croft [a small enclosed field]. And the said William put himself in
mercy. Fine, 12d.
6. Hugh of Stanbridge complains of Gilbert Vicar's son and William of
Stanbridge that the wife of the said Gilbert who is of [Gilbert's]
mainpast and the said William unjustly etc. beat and unlawfully struck
him and dragged him by his hair out of his own proper house, to his
damage 40s. and to his dishonor 20s., and [of this] he produces suit.
And Gilbert and William come and defend all of it fully. Therefore let
each of them go to his law six-handed. Afterwards they make accord to
this effect that in case the said Hugh shall hereafter in any manner
offend against [Gilbert and William] and thereof shall be convicted he
will give the lord 6s.8d. by way of penalty and will make amends to
[Gilbert and William] according to the judgment of six lawful men, and
the others on their part will do the like by him. And Hugh put himself
in mercy. Fine, 3s. Pledges, John Tailor and Walter Brother.
7. Breakers of the assize [of beer:] William Idle (fined 6d.), maud
carter's widow (6d.), Walter Carter.
8. John Witriche in mercy for carrying off thorns. Fine, 6d.
9. Robert Dochi in mercy (fine, 2d.) for divers trespasses. Pledges,
Gilbert Priest's son, Ralph Winbold and Walter Green.
10. Ailwin Crisp in mercy for his cow caught in the lord's pasture when
ward had been made. Fine, 12d.
11. John Bernard in mercy for his beasts caught by night in the lord's
meadow. Fine, 2s.
12. Richard Love gives 12d. to have a jury of twelve touching a rod of
land which Robert of Brockhole and Juliana his wife hold. This action
is respited to the next court [when the jurors are to come] without
further delay. Afterwards the jurors come and say upon their oath that
the said Richard has the greater right in the said land. Therefore let
him have seisin.
13. William Blackbeard in mercy for not coming with his law as he was
bound to do. Pledges, Geoffrey of Wick and Geoffrey Payn. Fine, 6d.
14. It was presented that Stephen Shepherd by night struck his sister
with a knife and grievously wounded her. Therefore let him be committed
to prison. Afterwards he made -fine with 2s. Pledge, Geoffrey of wick.
15. It was presented that Robert Carter's son by night invaded the
house of Peter Burgess and in felony threw stones at his door so that
the said Peter raised the hue. Therefore let the said Robert be
committed to prison. Afterwards he made fine with 2s.
16. Nicholas Drye, Henry le Notte (fine, 12d.) and Thomas Hogue (fine,
12d.) were convicted for that they by night invaded the house of Sir
Thomas the Chaplain and forcibly expelled thence a man and woman who
had been taken in there as guests. Therefore they are in mercy. Pledges
of the said Thomas, Richard of Lortemere and Jordan of Paris. Pledges
of the said Henry, Richard Pen...and Richard Butry.
17. Adam Moses gives half a sextary of wine to have an inquest as to
whether Henry Ayulf accused him of the crime of larceny and used
opprobrious and contumelious words of him. Afterwards they made accord
and Henry finds security for an amercement. Fine, 12d.
18. Isabella Sywards in mercy for having sold to Richard Bodenham land
that she could not warrant him.
19. All the ploughmen of great Ogbourne are convicted by the oath of
twelve men....because by reason of their default [the land] of the lord
was ill ploughed whereby the lord is damaged to the amount of 9s....
And Walter Reaper is in mercy for concealing [i.e. not giving
information as to] the said bad ploughing. Afterwards he made fine with
the lord with 1 mark.
20. From Ralph Joce 6s.8d. for his son, because he [the son] unlawfully
carried off grain from the lord's court. Pledge,Geoffrey Joce.
21. From Henry Pink 12d. for a trespass by waylaying.
22. From Eve Corner 6d. for a trespass of her pigs.
23. From Ralph Scales 6d. for timber carried off.
24. From William Cooper 12d. for ploughing his own land with the lord's
plough without licence.
25. From Hugh Newman 12d. for trespass in the wood.
26. From Richard Penant 12d. for the same.
27. From Helen widow of Little Ogbourne 6d. for the same.
28. From Nicholas Siward 6d. for a false complaint against William
Pafey.
29. From William Pafey 12d. for fighting with the said Nicholas.
30. From the widow of Ralph Shepherd 6d. for a trespass in Pencombe.
31. Richard Blund gives a half-mark and if he recovers will -give two
marks and a half to have a jury of the whole court, to inquire whether
he has the greater right in a virgate of land which Hugh Frith holds in
wardship with Cristiana daughter of Simon White, or the said Cristiana.
Pledges for the fine, Richard Dene, William Hulle, John of Senholt,
Hugh Smith, and William Ketelburn. And the whole court say upon their
oath that the said Richard has greater right in the said land than
anyone else. Therefore let him recover his seisin.
32 -....Miller gives 2d. [the Latin translates as 4s.] for a trespass
against the assize of beer and because the lord's grain has been ill
kept at the mill. Pledges, John Orped and Joce Serjeant.
33. Noah gives 2s. in the same way for an inquest as to one acre.
Afterwards they submit themselves to arbitrators, who adjudge that the
said Robert shall pay 3s. to the said Roger and 6s. to the said Gilbert
and 7s. to the said Noah, and that he will do so [Robert] finds pledges.
34. Ralph Bar in mercy for having beaten one of the lord's men.
Pledges, Herbert Rede and Ralph Brunild.
35. For the common fine of the township, a half-mark.
36. John Boneffiant found pledges, to wit, William Smith and William of
Bledlow, that he will not eloign himself from the lord's land and that
he will be prompt to obey the lord's summons.