on the business of Government, 170;
on the franchise, 171;
on social reform, 176;
on education, 181;
on Socialism, 234
Manchester School, 190, 241
Middle-class, social estimate of, 44;
industrial revolution and, 73;
supremacy of, 168
Mill, James, 155
Mill, John Stuart, on nationality, 12;
influence of, 237;
and the condition of women, 252
Mitchelstown, 301
Molesworth, Sir William, on the Colonial system, 204, 205, 206
Municipal Trading, 285
Nationality, Liberalism and, 12;
French Revolution and, 54, 131;
in Europe, 131, 136, 138, 150, 166;
in American Colonies, 83;
in Ireland, 55, 130, 296
Nightingale, Florence, 218
Nonconformists, condition of, 50;
repeal of disabilities of, 91, 165;
in Universities, 220, 242;
and education, 242, 344;
and Burials Bill, 282;
and Bradlaugh, 283
North, Lord, 43
Owen, Robert, 149, 173
Paine, Thomas, on American Rebellion, 87;
his _Rights of Man_, 108
Palmerston, Lord, foreign policy of, 151, 182, 209, 221;
attacks upon, 213, 222
Parnell Commission, 302
Peel, Sir Robert, and humanitarianism, 154;
and Utilitarianism, 158;
and Catholics, 163, 164;
as Prime Minister, 186;
and Ireland, 187;
and foreign policy, 209, 213
Peterloo, 146
Pitt, William, on the working class, 46;
on Dissenters, 52;
and Reform, 90;
after French Revolution, 98, 126, 132;
on Union with Ireland, 129, 131
Political associations, 82
Poor Law, the old, 77;
reform of, 174
Portugal, affairs of, 151, 210
Price, Dr., 102
Prostitution, 255
Public meetings, 82, 88
Radicals, 102, 106, 120, 121, 144
Radicals, Philosophic, _see_ Utilitarians
{374}
Reform, agitation for, 79, 82, 144, 166;
in 1832, 166;
effect of, 168, 232, 280
Richmond, Duke of, 79, 90, 106
Rights, 29, 112
Russell, Lord John, 44, 140, 166, 205, 209, 222
Salisbury, Lord, 232, 269, 298
Shaftesbury, Lord, 177, 233, 241
Shelburne, Lord, on Ireland, 56;
Liberalism of, 64, 125;
on French War, 132
Slave Trade, 130 _n._, 179
Smith, Adam, 102
Smith, Sydney, 170
Socialism, growth of, 233;
Mill and, 240;
and Social Reform, 328, 333
Social Reform, 32;
Tom Paine and, 116;
after 1832, 171;
after 1867, 231, 237;
after 1880, 279, 286;
since 1906, 326;
cost of, 335, 341
Spain, affairs of, 150, 210
State, Liberal and Tory conceptions of, 30
Tooke, Horne, 79, 106, 123
Toryism, opposite of Liberalism, 19, 21;
and the franchise, 25, 29;
and Empire, 33;
in 1760, 43;
and Ireland, 298;
and Woman Suffrage, 347
Tory philanthropy, 176
Trade Unions, 78, 171, 231;
objects of, 245;
legislation concerning, 78, 160, 244, 326
Transvaal, annexation of, 274;
war with, 288;
second war with, 318
Universities and Nonconformists, 220, 242
Utilitarianism, 155;
and Manchester School, 190;
and Colonial system, 204
Vienna, Treaty of, 139;
breakdown of, 153, 166, 226
Whigs, mental habit of, 58, 62, 169;
and freedom of discussion, 60, 125;
and religious disabilities, 60, 130, 181;
and American Rebellion, 83;
and French Revolution, 106, 118, 125;
and French War, 137;
and Socialism, 234;
and Reform, 147
Whitbread, Samuel, and Education, 47;
on Poor Law, 64;
and Wages Bill, 77, 125
Wilberforce, William, 43, 49, 140, 149
Wilkes, John, 79
Windham, William, 46, 119, 135
Woman Suffrage, 27, 254, 282, 346
Women, social estimate of, 27, 52;
marriage law and, 52, 220, 258, 281;
and Reform agitation, 54, 145;
and French Revolution, 100;
Utilitarianism and, 158;
and Anti-Corn-Law League, 201;
Florence Nightingale and, 218;
education of, 53, 251;
improvement in condition of, 251, 258, 281;
and Contagious Diseases Acts, 255, 258;
and Imperialist reaction, 305;
and local government, 306, 308
Young, Arthur, 102
UNWIN BROTHERS, LIMITED, THE GRESHAM PRESS, WOKING AND LONDON.
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THE LAND HUNGER: LIFE UNDER MONOPOLY. Descriptive Letters and Other
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MY LIFE
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HOW CRIMINALS ARE MADE AND PREVENTED
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* * * * *
Notes
[1] T. H. Green, _Works_, iii. 367.
[2] L. T. Hobhouse, _Liberalism_, 122.
[3] L. T. Hobhouse, _Liberalism_, 126, 127, 133.
[4] L. T. Hobhouse, _Democracy and Reaction_ (2nd edition), 166.
[5] Bulwer's _Life of Palmerston_, i. 278. Palmerston's list of "Liberals"
of June, 1828, includes 11 Peers and 37 Commoners.
[6] _Representative Government_, chap. xvi.
[7] J. A. Hobson, _Imperialism_ (1905 edition), 319.
[8] Morley's _Life of Cobden_ (popular edition), 529. The reference is to
Russia's assistance of Austria against the Hungarians.
[9] _Daily News_, 16th February, 1912.
[10] There are few modern expressions of a general theory of Tory politics.
_The Letters of an Englishman_ (Constable, 1911, 1912) are almost pure
Toryism. Lord Hugh Cecil's _Conservatism_ is tinged with Liberal ideas on
Free Trade and Foreign Affairs. Mr. Pierse Loftus's _Conservative Party and
the Future_ is essentially Tory, but is rather suggestion for the future
than an expression of the present mind of Toryism. Mr. J. M. Kennedy's
_Tory Democracy_ is the philosophy of Nietzsche masquerading in political
dress, and bears no relation to practical politics, past, present, or
future. Mr. Price Collier's _England and the English_ is the Toryism of an
American who has enjoyed the hospitality of the leisured class, and has
read the _Times_ with some diligence. The cheap reprint is introduced by a
characteristic eulogy from the pen of Lord Rosebery, who seems to have
spent the last twenty-five years, if not in a castle in Spain, at least in
an eighteenth-century nobleman's country house. Neither he nor Mr. Collier
seems to have any knowledge of the industrial North. The _Standard_ has now
opened its columns to a discussion of the principles and proposals of
Toryism, but I have not yet (December, 1912) detected much system in what
has been published. Various periodicals express various shades of Toryism,
from the purity of Mr. W. S. Lilly, through the individualism of Mr. A.
Baumann, to the Protectionist-Social Reform School of "Curio."
[11] But most of the Tory Suffragists stop at a narrow property franchise.
[12] Mr. Lewis Harcourt at the Albert Hall, 28th February, 1911.
[13] T. H. Green, _Works_, iii. cxii.
[14] T. H. Green, _Political Obligation_, s. 122.
[15] _Hansard_, III. cxxiv. 602.
[16] _Letters to a Friend on Votes for Women._
[17] _Speeches reprinted from the Times_, 47.
[18] _National Review_, May, 1912, 420.
[19] _Observer_, leading article, 15th September, 1912.
[20] At the Birmingham Chamber of Commerce, 13th November, 1896.
[21] _Morning Post_, leading article, 22nd August, 1912. The most startling
feature of this passage is its assumption that patriotism can be bought,
and, indeed, cannot be made secure except by being bought. If it be true
that patriotism follows the cash, we are bound to the Argentine Republic
and the United States by as close ties as to Canada, and if the present
flow of British capital continues, our hearts will soon warm towards
Russia. For the Liberal view of Empire, half a century old, see Gladstone's
speech (1855), quoted in Morley's _Life of Gladstone_, i. 363.
[22] See, for example, leading articles in the _Morning Post_, 18th July,
1912, and _Daily Telegraph_, 12th July, 1912.
[23] Morley's _Burke_ (English Men of Letters), 136.
[24] Cole shot a black man because he suspected him of stealing sheep.
Lewis shot another because his daughter said he had insulted her. Both acts
were done in cold blood, and with the approval of local whites. There was
no suggestion in either case that the law was inadequate or could not have
been enforced.
[25] _Morning Post_, leading article, 14th May, 1912.
[26] The grossest modern example of Tory Imperialism is Mr. Bonar Law's
proposal, while claiming the right to close English markets to foreign
manufacturers, to keep those of India, whether Indians like it or not, open
to English manufacturers. It is matched by his proposal that it should be
left to the Dominions to say whether or not our own food supplies should be
free or taxed.
[27] The _Times_ recently spoke of "insolence" when a meeting of East
Lancashire manufacturers and Members of Parliament criticized Sir Edward
Grey's policy in Persia. We may be wrong in the North. But we shall always
think for ourselves. The same journal has made a vicious attack upon the
Supreme Court of India, because it interferes with the arbitrary acts of
executive officers.
[28] Moray's _Life of Cobden_, ii. 361. The _Review of Reviews_ furnished
another example of this vicious reaction when it urged (October, 1912) that
England must not put pressure upon Turkey to reform its government of
Macedonia, because such action would impair our authority over the Moslem
of India. In other words, because of our Empire, we must connive at murder,
rape, and every form of brigandage.
[29] _Parliamentary History_, xxv. 472.
[30] _Wilberforce Correspondence_, i. 219.
[31] _Annual Register_, 1793, 113.
[32] _Parl. Hist._, xxx. 810.
[33] Walpole's _Life of Lord John Russell_, i. 56.
[34] The first exception to this rule was Mr. Smith the banker, who was
made Earl Carrington in 1797.
[35] Scottish borough members were exempt. But Scottish boroughs were the
most rotten of all rotten boroughs. An English county member must have L600
a year, a borough member L300. The qualifications were often fictitious.
[36] _Annual Register_, 1796, 52.
[37] _Parl. Hist._, xxii. 422.
[38] _State Trials_, xxiii. 229.
[39] Speech on Seditious Societies, 17th November, 1795.
[40] Londonderry to Brougham, 31st August, 1829, _Castlereagh
Correspondence_, i. 121.
[41] Speech on _Revolutionary Principles_, 13th December, 1792. Compare the
argument which is used to-day against the enfranchisement of working women.
Toryism knows no sex.
[42] Speech on _Bull-baiting_, 24th May, 1802.
[43] _Ibid._
[44] _Speech_, 24th April, 1807.
[45] _Parl. Hist._, xxxiv. 162, 165 (1798). The publication of reports of
debates began in 1771, or rather, was then first permitted.
[46] _Hansard_, I. xli. 1045 (1819).
[47] _Hansard_, I. xxxviii. 1171 (1818).
[48] _Hansard_, I. xli. 388 (1819).
[49] _Hansard_, I. xli. 914. The resolutions were no more "disgraceful"
than those of the ordinary Trade Union Congress of to-day.
[50] Arnould's _Life of Denman_, i. 253.
[51] In 1817 no less than 1,200 persons were sent to prison for offences
against the Game Laws.
[52] _Hansard_, I., xxxix. 1435, 1439.
[53] Beaufoy's speech, _Annual Register_, 1787.
[54] Burke's _Memoirs of the English Catholics_, ii. 459, 466.
[55] _Speeches: On Repeal of the Test Act_, 2nd March, 1790.
[56] _Strictures on Female Education_ (1799), i. 106.
[57] _Legacy to Young Ladies_ (1826).
[58] _Legacy to his Daughters_ (1784).
[59] Lucy Aikin's _Memoir of Mrs. Barbauld_ (1825), xvi.
[60] See further, the writer's _Emancipation of English Women_, ch. 3.
[61] _Speeches_, 26th May, 1797.
[62] _Hansard_, I. xli. 391.
[63] _Parl. Hist._, xxxi. 1384.
[64] Fitzmaurice's _Life of Shelburne_, ii. 367.
[65] _Parl. Hist._, xxxiv. 416.
[66] _Parl. Hist._, xix. 1100.
[67] _Leviathan_, ii. ch. xvii.
[68] _On Civil Government_, ch. viii.
[69] _Letter to Sir Hercules Langrishe_ (1792). Compare his _Speech at
Bristol previous to the Election_ (1780).
[70] _Speeches_, vol. vi. 310 (23rd March, 1797). Compare Granville, in the
_Annual Register_, 1808, 196.
[71] Burke, _French Revolution_.
[72] _Parl. Hist._, xxxii. 961 (1796).
[73] _Parl. Hist._, xxxiv. 1429.
[74] Fitzmaurice's _Life of Shelburne_, iii. 88, 435. His ideas on
education he tried to enforce on his own estates. But "the clergy opposed
his lordship's intentions, lest the children should become Dissenters,
although it was engaged that the children of Church people should go to
Church with their parents." _Ibid._, 438 n.
[75] Fitzmaurice, iii. 497, 498.
[76] _Ibid._, ii. 329.
[77] _Ibid._, 360.
[78] _Ibid._, iii. 438.
[79] _Ibid._, iii. 365.
[80] Letter to Lord Holland, 12th October, 1792.
[81] _Speeches_, vi. 383.
[82] M. Halevy suggests that the Wesleyan revival, which began in the
middle of the eighteenth century, was largely if not wholly responsible for
the social changes. But, except in so far as it increased dissent in
religion, the liberating influence of Wesleyanism was small. The Wesleyans
are, to this day, the most conservative of Nonconformists, and their
mystical piety was utterly opposed to the rationalistic freethinking of the
Revolution.
[83] Arthur Young's _Annals_, xxv. _passim._
[84] 39 Geo. III, c. 81; 39 & 40 Geo. III, c. 106.
[85] _Letters to his Son_, 19th December, 1767.
[86] Walpole's _George III_, iii. 197; Chesterfield's _Letters_, 12th
April, 1768.
[87] _Annual Register_, 1770, 72.
[88] _Annual Register_, 1769, 125.
[89] _Annual Register_, 1769, 197 _et seq._
[90] Stephen's _Memoirs of Horne Tooke_, _passim._
[91] William Knox, in a letter to Grenville, _Grenville Papers_, iv. 336.
Knox wrote the pamphlet _State of the Nation_, to which Burke replied in
his celebrated _Observations_.
[92] For the views of Fox, see Lord Russell's _Correspondence of C. J.
Fox_, I. 146; Walpole's _Last Journals_, ii. 241; and for those of the
elder Pitt, _Chatham Correspondence_, ii. 367. The Duke of Richmond set up
a claim to an old French peerage, by way of preparing an asylum for himself
when George III had finally established his despotism. Burke's
_Correspondence_, ii. 112.
[93] _Speech at Bristol previous to the Election_ (1780). The union between
English reformers and American rebels was marked by deeds as well as words.
In 1770 the Assembly of South Carolina subscribed L1,500 to the Society of
the Friends of the Bill of Rights. _A. R._ 1770, 224.
[94] _A. R._ 1780, 51. See also Sir George Savile's _Address to the
Freeholders of York_, 169.
[95] _A. R._ 1780, 55.
[96] Watson's _Anecdotes of His Own Time_.
[97] _Parl. Hist._, xxix. 509.
[98] See, for instance, Luxford's case, mentioned by Fox in _Parl. Hist._,
xxix. 557, and contrast the judge and the juries in William Hone's trials
(1817).
[99] See the speech of Calcagus to the British, in Tacitus' _Agricola_, c.
30.
[100] In her _Vindication of the Rights of Woman_ (1792).
[101] _Political Arithmetic_ (1774), 95.
[102] _Thoughts on Scarcity_ (1795).
[103] _Wealth of Nations_, Bk. IV., cix.
[104] _Reports_, 1806, iii. 2.
[105] _On Civil Liberty_ (1776), 72.
[106] _Political Justice_ (1793), ii. 190.
[107] _Memoir of Major Cartwright_, i. 244.
[108] I use the term "Radicals" for these early extremists because it is
the most convenient. But the word was not actually introduced till the end
of the French War in 1816.
[109] P. 3.
[110] P. 22.
[111] P. 37.
[112] _Memoir_, i. 191.
[113] In 1793 the Society published a _Report on the State of the
Representation_, which showed that 309 members were returned by private
patronage, 163 of them by Peers (_Annual Register_, 1793).
[114] _Parl. Hist._, xxxi. 793.
[115] _Speeches_, v. 97, 115 (1795).
[116] _Hansard_, I. xxxviii. 1118. The voting on Burdett's resolution was
106 to 0. _Ibid._, 1185.
[117] _Speeches_, 17th May, 1794.
[118] The minority in the Commons ranged between forty and sixty. In the
Lords it was sometimes only three or four.
[119] _Appeal to the Nation_ (1812), 78.
[120] _A Problem_ (1824).
[121] Preface to _Rights of Man_, Part II.
[122] Part I.
[123] _Ibid._, Conclusion.
[124] Part II., Preface.
[125] Part II., c. i.
[126] See for example the resolutions of the London Wards in the _Annual
Register_, 1792.
[127] _Rights of Man_, Part II.
[128] Part II., Preface.
[129] Part II.
[130] _Rights of Man_, Part II., c. 3.
[131] So late as 1840 Cook, a Whig, described the _Rights of Man_ as "a
fountain of evil," and denounced its "licentiousness and impiety." See his
_History of Party_, iii. 399.
[132] _Parl. Hist._ (1799), xxxi. 467. Compare Colonel Cawthorne's speech,
xxx. 1440.
[133] _Hansard_, I. xli. 434 (1819).
[134] _Speeches_, 24th May, 1802.
[135] _Annual Register_, 1782. There is an admirable account of these
different societies in Mr. G. S. Veitch's _Genesis of Parliamentary Reform_
(1913).
[136] _Annual Register_, 1792. The Association soon got into difficulties.
Its president, Mr. John Reeves, published a pamphlet so violently Tory in
tone that the House of Commons ordered him to be prosecuted for sedition
involved in contempt of itself. He was acquitted.
[137] Government spies were sometimes involved in their own net. Two of
them took part in treasonable proceedings at Edinburgh, and were hanged,
drawn, and quartered (_Annual Register_, 1793, _Chronicle_, 53, 58).
[138] These cases are taken from the _Chronicle_ in the _Annual Register_,
1792.
[139] _State Trials_, xxiii.; _Annual Register_, 1794, 32.
[140] _State Trials_, xxiii.
[141] _Report of Secret Committee of Commons_; _Parl. Hist._, xxxi. 727.
[142] _Reports of Secret Committees_ of 1795 and 1799 in the _Parl. Hist._,
xxxi. 475, 574, 688; xxxiv. 579, 1000, and the consequent debates. Dr. J.
Holland Rose and Mr. G. S. Veitch come to the same conclusion as that
reached in the text.
[143] Shelburne became Lord Lansdowne in 1784.
[144] _Speeches_, vi. 61.
[145] _Parl. Hist._, xxxiv. 992.
[146] _Hansard_, I. xli. 7, 8.
[147] _Parl. Hist._, xxxiv. 248.
[148] During their brief tenure of office in 1807 they stopped the Slave
Trade, which Pitt's Government, while always condemning it, had never
suppressed. This was the last and the noblest of the public acts of Fox.
[149] _Parl. Hist._, xxxiv. 213.
[150] Letter to Lord Holland, in the _Correspondence of C. J. Fox_, 23rd
February, 1799.
[151] _Parl. Hist._, xxxiv. 244. Cf. Granville and Auckland at pp. 668,
717.
[152] To Charles Grey, 8th August, 1803, 6th January, 1804; _Correspondence
of C. J. Fox_.
[153] _Parl. Hist._, xxxi. 684 (1793).
[154] _Ibid._, xxx. 422 (1792).
[155] _Speeches_, v. 496.
[156] _Ibid._, 84.
[157] _Ibid._, 174.
[158] Alison's _Life of Castlereagh_, i. 21, 23.
[159] _Parl. Hist._, xxxi. 1367 (1795).
[160] _Speeches_, vi. 620 (1805).
[161] _Hansard_, I. x. 290.
[162] _Hansard_, I. 354.
[163] _Ibid._, I. x. 365.
[164] _Ibid._, 376.
[165] The descent upon Copenhagen is to-day used as an argument for a
powerful German Navy. Our old immoralities pursue us still.
[166] _Life and Opinions of Earl Grey_, by Colonel Grey, 220.
[167] _Ibid._, 332.
[168] Yonge's _Life of Lord Liverpool_, ii. 26.
[169] Alison's _Castlereagh_, i. 500 _et seq._; Castlereagh's speech in
_Hansard_, I. xxx. 292.
[170] Walpole's _Life of Russell_, i. 110.
[171] _Hansard_, I. xxvii. 850.
[172] _Ibid._, 862.
[173] _Ibid._, 790, 791
[174] _Hansard_, I. xxvii. 773.
[175] _Ibid._, I. xxvii. 782.
[176] _Hansard_, I. xl. 338, 671; xli. 421, 892.
[177] Tooke's _History of Prices_, ii. 4, 18.
[178] _Hansard_, I. xli. 924.
[179] Pellew's _Life of Sidmouth_, iii. 276. The name "Radical" was just
coming into use. It was explained in the Commons as a new word in 1817
(_Hansard_, I. xxxvi. 761).
[180] Yonge's _Life of Liverpool_, ii. 429. There were one or two flashes
of imagination. Peel, just rising into prominence in the Tory party,
thought that Reform could not be long delayed. "Public opinion is growing
too large for the channels that it has been accustomed to run through"
(_Croker Papers_, i. 170).
[181] _Hansard_, I. xxxvii. 570, 680, 682; xli. 230. Bamford's _Passages in
the Life of a Radical_, _passim._
[182] _Castlereagh Correspondence_, xii. 162, 259.
[183] _Annual Register_, 1819, _Hist._ 107. Hunt and his associates were
afterwards sentenced to imprisonment for conspiracy, Hunt for two and a
half years. _A. R._, 1820; _Chron._, 898.
[184] See the speech of Lord Grenville in _Hansard_, I. xli. 448.
[185] Burdett's motion of 1818 for Radical Reform was beaten, as already
described, by 106 votes to 0. See _ante_, p. 105, and _Hansard_, I.
xxxviii. 1185. For the official Whig view see Brougham, _ante_, p. 105.
[186] Yonge's _Liverpool_, ii. 365. Wilberforce supported State grants in
aid of education from a similar motive. See _ante_, 52.
[187] _Hansard_, I. xli. 1212.
[188] Twiss, _Life of Eldon_, ii. 124.
[189] _Hansard_, II. xvi. 397.
[190] _Hansard_, II. xxi. 1632.
[191] _Wellington Despatches_, v. 409.
[192] _Hansard_, II. xxi. 1646, 1655. For the Liberal arguments see
_ibid._, xix. 1719; xxi. 1601, 1795; xxii. 591; xxiii. 75, 738; xxiv. 126.
[193] _Catechism of Parliamentary Reform_ (1817).
[194] _Theory of Legislation_, ch. xiii. s. 10.
[195] _Constitutional Code._
[196] It was Macaulay who, during the debates on the Reform Bill,
contrasted "the beauty, the completeness, the speed, the precision with
which every process is performed in our factories, and the awkwardness, the
rudeness, the slowness, the uncertainty of the apparatus by which offences
are punished and rights vindicated" (_Speeches_, 5th July, 1831). This is
pure Utilitarianism.
[197] _Hansard_, I. xxiii. 1166.
[198] _Report of Lords' Committee on the State of Ireland_ (1825), 558.
[199] _Commons' Committee_ (1825), 414.
[200] _Ibid._, 810.
[201] Catholics were expressly excluded from the places of Lord Chancellor
and Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. These disabilities still exist.
[202] _Hansard_, II. xviii. 711.
[203] _Ibid._, II. xviii. 869.
[204] A declaration was substituted for the old tests, that the candidate
for office would never attempt "to injure or subvert" the Established
Church. The Lords added the words "upon the true faith of a Christian." In
freeing the Dissenters they disabled the Jews.
[205] Macaulay's _Miscellaneous Writings; Westminster Reviewer's Defence of
Mill_.
[206] Macaulay's _Speeches_: Speech on Reform, 16th December, 1832.
[207] _Ibid._
[208] Macaulay's _Miscellaneous Writings; Mill on Government_.
[209] Macaulay, _Speeches_, on Reform, 20th September, 1831.
[210] _Works_ (1869), 670 (written in 1830).
[211] _Speeches_, on Reform, 16th December, 1831.
[212] Speech on the People's Charter, 3rd May, 1842.
[213] _Hansard_, III. xxiii. 101, 102.
[214] Bulwer's _Palmerston_, ii. 174, 178. See also his _Memoirs_, iii.
322, 323; Torrens' _Life of Melbourne_, i. 437; Walpole's _Life of
Russell_, i. 264; and the _Edinburgh Review_, July, 1834. The King included
the Catholic Association, the Orangemen, the Political Unions and the Trade
Unions in one dislike, and wished they could all be put down by law
(Walpole's _Russell_, _ubi sup._).
[215] See, for instance, Webb's _Local Government; The Parish and the
County_; Peet's _Liverpool Vestry Books_, vol. i.
[216] _Speeches_, on Ten Hours Bill, 22nd May, 1846.
[217] Morley's _Life of Cobden_, i. 464.
[218] Hodder's _Life of Shaftesbury, passim_; Oastler's letters on _Slavery
in Yorkshire_ (1830); Hutchin and Harrison's _History of Factory
Legislation_, ch. iii.-vi.
[219] The Acts were the Common Law Procedure Act (1832) and the Fines and
Recoveries Act (1833).
[220] The House of Lords did its utmost to maintain the old abuses. The
Bill was sent back to the Commons "with the title altered but the preamble
changed.... Out of 140 clauses 106 have been in substance omitted, 18 other
clauses have been introduced, and of the whole purport and intention of the
original Bill little is to be found in the Bill which is now come down to
us" (Lord John Russell in _Hansard_, III. xxxiv. 218). The Government stood
firm, and, with the help of Peel, obtained the greater part of what they
wanted.
[221] The contending principles were most clearly expressed in the Lords.
The Duke of Richmond and Lord Wharncliffe supported the Bill because it
abolished a class distinction. Wellington opposed it for precisely that
reason (_Hansard_, III. vii. 129).
[222] Romilly, _Memoirs_, iii. 252; _Memoir of Earl Spencer_, 185.
[223] _Hansard_, III. xlviii. 1252.
[224] _Ibid._, 1304, 1305.
[225] _Hansard_, III. xlviii. 1321.
[226] _Ibid._, 1322.
[227] _Ibid._, xlviii. 1263.
[228] _Speeches_, on Education, 18th April, 1847.
[229] He was very ably supported by his secretary, Charles Buller.
[230] _Parliamentary Papers_, 1839, xvii. 53.
[231] Adderley, in _Hansard_, III. cx. 578 (1850).
[232] In ten days 5,884 petitions were presented against this "endowment of
error."
[233] _Hansard_, III. cxxxi. 1123.
[234] Cobden to Peel; Morley's _Life of Cobden_ (Popular Edition), 395.
[235] Quoted in F. W. Hirst's _Manchester School_, 491.
[236] Hirst, 229.
[237] _Speeches_, ii. 397.
[238] Hirst's _Manchester School_, 251.
[239] Morley's _Cobden_, 396.
[240] _Speeches_, i. 470; ii. 397, 399.
[241] Cobden, _England, Ireland, and America_ (1835).
[242] _The Three Panics_; _Russia_, c. iv.
[243] _Speeches_, i. 463.
[244] Cobden, _Hansard_, III. cxii. 671.
[245] _England, Ireland, and America_.
[246] _Hansard_, III. clxxvi. 832.
[247] Hirst, xii.
[248] See _e.g._, _Hansard_, I. xli. 456 (1819). A few Whig members like
Lord Grenville (_ibid._, 456) and Ellice (_ibid._, 931) pressed the same
point.
[249] The whole petition is set out in Hirst's _Manchester School_, 117 _et
seq._
[250] Hirst, 123 (1833).
[251] Cobden, _Speeches_, i. 256 (1845).
[252] Bright, in Hirst, 218.
[253] W. J. Fox, in Hirst, 175.
[254] Prentice's _History of the League_, i. 129, 140.
[255] A meeting of Birmingham women on the 2nd April, 1838, protested
against the Corn Law and the new Poor Law. It was connected with the
Chartist agitation.
[256] Prentice, i. 171.
[257] _Hansard_, III. cx. 1248.
[258] After 1867 Factory Bills were often opposed by women and their
champions, in the same logical spirit, as an interference by men with
women's "liberty."
[259] _Hansard_, III. cx. 566.
[260] It is perhaps worth noting here that there is no trace to-day in the
character of Australian colonists of any unusual taint in origin. Many of
the transported criminals were made criminal simply by their surroundings,
and when they obtained a new chance became as energetic, as resourceful,
and as valuable to the community at large as the most respectable people in
the Colony. This experience should always give pause to those who argue
that the inhabitants of our slums are naturally degenerate, and that the
process of "selection" which has reduced them to the depths has anything
accurate or scientific about it.
[261] _Hansard_, III. ciii. 383; cviii. 161, 777; cxvii. 543; cxxiv. 554.
Convicts were until 1867 occasionally sent to Western Australia, but only
at the request of the inhabitants, who needed cheap labour.
[262] _Hansard_, III. cx. 559, 566.
[263] _Ibid._, 1170. Compare Bright at p. 661, and Russell, _ibid._, cviii.
549.
[264] Lord Grey, _Hansard_, III. cx. 657.
[265] Archbishop of Canterbury, _Hansard_, III. liii. 959.
[266] _Hansard_, III. cxxiv. 1150.
[267] _Hansard_, III., ccxliv. 1313.
[268] Lytton Bulwer's _Palmerston_, i., 139.
[269] _Ibid._, 346.
[270] _Hansard_, III. cxii. 583, 584.
[271] _Ibid._, 508, 509.
[272] _Hansard_, III. cxii. 586.
[273] Fitzmaurice's _Life of Granville_, i. 49.
[274] Morley's _Life of Gladstone_, ii. 37.
[275] The two great blemishes, the inequality of the sexes, and the
difficulty of giving redress to the poor, have now been unanimously
condemned by a Royal Commission (1913).
[276] _Hansard_, III. cxliv. 1476.
[277] _Ibid._, 1784.
[278] _Hansard_, III. clxxvi. 709.
[279] _Ibid._, 829.
[280] Morley's _Life of Gladstone_, ii. 431.
[281] Webb's _History of Trade Unionism_ (1902), 495.
[282] _Speeches_, ii. 100.
[283] _Hansard_, III. cx. 464. Compare Viscount Duncan's speech on the
Window Tax, _ibid._, 68.
[284] _Ibid._, III. li. 537.
[285] _Speeches_, on re-election to Parliament, 2nd November, 1852.
[286] _Sartor Resartus_ (1833) Bk. III. c. v. Compare his _Past and
Present_ (1843) and _Latter Day Pamphlets_ (1850).
[287] _Thirty Years' Peace_, iv. 454.
[288] _Essay on Coleridge._
[289] _Subjection of Women_, c. i.
[290] _Autobiography_; _Political Economy_, Bk. V. c. xi.
[291] Sir Henry Craik, _The State in its Relation to Education_, 84, 85.
[292] _Fortnightly Review_ (1865); reprinted in _National and Social
Problems_ (1908).
[293] _England, Ireland, and America._
[294] _Hansard_, III. lxxii. 1016.
[295] _Speeches_, on the Coercion Bill, i. 308.
[296] _Speeches_, i. 425, 369 (1866).
[297] _Hansard_, III. cxciv. 2071.
[298] _Ibid._, 1955, 1963.
[299] See the Report of the Royal Commission appointed to inquire into the
condition of education in England (1869-70). So little importance was
attached to the education of girls that the Commission at first proposed to
confine its work entirely to boys' schools!
[300] Morley's _Gladstone_, ii. 318.
[301] For a statement of Gladstone's views on war and the Manchester
doctrine, see his speech at Edinburgh on the 17th March, 1880, quoted in
Morley's _Gladstone_, iii. 182.
[302] _Times_, 25th September, 1870.
[303] He succeeded Lord Clarendon at the Foreign Office just before the
outbreak of the war.
[304] Morley's _Gladstone_, ii. 350.
[305] _Ibid._, 353.
[306] _Ibid._, ii. 346.
[307] Morley's _Gladstone_, ii. 347.
[308] _Ibid._, 348.
[309] The Prime Minister estimated these at more than the whole National
Debt (Lord Selborne's _Memorials_, II. i. 231.)
[310] One of his resolutions advocating intervention was beaten by 131
votes, a far greater majority than the Government could expect on any party
measure.
[311] Lord Derby and Lord Carnarvon resigned their posts in the Ministry
rather than share the responsibility of such a crime. The former suspended
his resignation for a few weeks.
[312] Afterwards Marquis of Salisbury.
[313] Beaconsfield did not stop at this point. He made a treaty with
Turkey, binding us to defend her possessions in Asia, and her to reform her
system of government. The reforms were never carried out, and fifteen years
later the Armenian massacres showed what Turkish promises were worth. One
omission was made in these arrangements. Bismarck offered to support a
British occupation of Egypt. Beaconsfield refused thus to impair the
integrity of the Ottoman Empire, and took a worthless "lease" of the island
of Cyprus instead. The sanction of Europe for our incursion into Egypt was
thus lost.
[314] Lord Mayo, quoted in _Hansard_, III. ccxliii. 312. Lady Betty
Balfour's _Lord Lytton's Indian Administration_ is a very good account of
the Viceroy's aims and methods. See also the Blue Book, _Papers Relating to
Afghanistan_ (1878).
[315] Balfour, 30.
[316] For the Parliamentary debates see _Hansard_, III. ccxliii. 245
(Lords), and 310 (Commons). Lord Lawrence's views were quoted from a
dispatch of his (1869) at p. 311.
[317] _Hansard_, III. ccxliii. 349.
[318] _Hansard_, 380. Mr. Chamberlain's defence of the claim to criticize a
war while it is in progress (p. 382) is the best possible comment on his
treatment of Pro-Boers twenty years later.
[319] The best Liberal speeches are in _Hansard_, III. ccxliii., Lords
Halifax (245), Lawrence (261), and Grey (406); Whitbread (310), Chamberlain
(380), and Gladstone (541).
[320] _The Midlothian Campaign_ (speeches in 1879 and 1880), 113.
[321] _Ibid._, 194.
[322] _The Midlothian Campaign_, 19.
[323] _Ibid._, 66.
[324] _Ibid._, 131.
[325] _The Midlothian Campaign_, 58.
[326] _The Midlothian Campaign_, 63.
[327] Lord Randolph Churchill, Mr. Arthur Balfour, Sir John Gorst, and Sir
Henry Drummond Wolff.
[328] _Hansard_, III. cclxxviii. 1174. Bright's best speech is at cclx.
1199.
[329] _Times_, 21st November, 1883; _Nineteenth Century_, January and
February, 1884. Miss Octavia Hill, who knew more about the subject than
anybody else, was not appointed a member of the Commission, though she gave
evidence. Twenty years elapsed before a woman sat on a Royal Commission.
[330] _Report_ of Lord Bessborough's Commission (1881), 21.
[331] Lord Morley's _Miscellanies_, iv. 306.
[332] _Midlothian Campaign_, 44.
[333] See _Hansard_, III. ccxcviii. 1659; ccxcix. 1085, 1098, 1119. Lord
Salisbury spoke at Newport on the 7th October, 1885, three months after
Lord Carnarvon had, with his knowledge, communicated with Parnell.
[334] _Hansard_, III. ccciv. 1050.
[335] _Ibid._, 1372.
[336] At Nottingham, 31st January, 1913.
[337] _Hansard_, III. ccciv. 1268.
[338] At Bristol, 17th January, 1888.
[339] _Aspects of Home Rule_ (speech of 22nd April, 1893), 170. Mr. Balfour
succeeded Sir Michael as Irish Secretary on the 7th March, 1887.
[340] _Hansard_, III. ccccix. 66, 1191; cccxii. 183; cccxiii. 1608.
[341] Lord Hugh Cecil, Lord St. Aldwyn, and Mr. Bonar Law have recently
suggested that the Crown itself should once more take an active and open
part in politics and veto legislation.
[342] See his _Popular Government_.
[343] J. A. Hobson's _Imperialism_, chap. i.; Meredith Townsend in
_Liberalism and the Empire_, 341.
[344] Lord Wolseley's _Soldier's Pocket Book_. His lordship would probably
not poison his enemy's wells, or burn him alive, or kill him with explosive
bullets, or massacre his women and children. But why not?
[345] See, for instance, L. T. Hobhouse's _Democracy and Reaction_; J. A.
Hobson's _Imperialism_; and Norman Angell's _Great Illusion_.
[346] See Fitzpatrick's _Transvaal from Within_; Sir E. T. Cook's _Rights
and Wrongs of the Transvaal War_; Mr. Bryce's _Impressions of South
Africa_; and Sir Francis Younghusband's _South Africa of To-day_ (1897),
246, 250.
[347] Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman's _Speeches reprinted from the Times_,
167.
[348] It has been suggested that without the war this would have been
impossible. Even if this were true, the case against the war would still
stand. Material success cannot be balanced against morality. It might
similarly be argued that an eruption on the skin is a good thing, because
it rids the body of poisonous matter. Clean living would have prevented the
accumulation of the poison, and made the violent means of discharge
unnecessary.
[349] The questions of limiting the number of "pickets," and of making
Unions liable for the wrongful acts of their central executive committees
are not yet finally settled. The Acts of 1871 and 1874 did not, I think
contemplate an absolute immunity.
[350] Lord Morley's _Miscellanies_, iv. 311. The same principles are of
course being applied in all civilized countries. See Mr. Jethro Brown's
_Underlying Principles of Modern Legislation_.
[351] In a very remarkable article in the _Edinburgh Review_ for January,
1912, an anonymous writer declares that the better sort of workmen are now
not merely politically, but actually, in character and ability, the
superiors of the middle class. The shameless ignorance and hostility to
ideas, which he discovers in the latter, are due partly to the increase of
luxury and partly to the public-school system. The reform of the latter,
which is now in progress, is probably as urgent a need of the middle, as
industrial insurance is of the working class.
[352] Herbert Samuel's _Liberalism_, 8, 11.
[353] The Labour Exchange at Liverpool has actually decasualized the whole
of the system of dock labour in that port. Credit for this is due to Mr.
Rowland Williams, of the Exchange, and Mr. Lawrence D. Holt, a local
shipowner. The machinery established by the Act has done what private
effort had for a generation found beyond its strength.
[354] _Liberalism and the Social Problem_, 316. These speeches are by far
the best expression of the philosophy of the new Liberalism.
[355] Churchill, _op. cit._, 82.
[356] Mr. Harold Spender, in Mr. Philip Snowden's _Living Wage_, x.
[357] It should be remembered that in the peculiar case of women Trade
Unionism is almost impossible. Without the State, they have no means of
raising their wages as men have raised theirs by combination.
[358] _Social Statics_ (1851), 325.
[359] A great proportion of this surplus wealth is spent on giving
fictitious values to works of art and curiosities. A china jar which cost
L500 fifty years ago may be bought for L5,000 to-day. The increase
represents no real increase in value, but simply an increased capacity of
millionaires to bid against each other. The price will again fall, as
incomes are reduced.
[360] Accusations of moral corruption are most rarely made by those who are
best acquainted with political history. But what other term is to be
applied to this action, of which I am informed on the best possible
authority? For several days before the day on which the Woman Suffrage
amendment was moved to the Franchise Bill, a Liberal Member, who had
refused to pledge himself to either side, was "bombarded" with requests
from pledged Suffragist Members that he would vote against them and defeat
the amendment. We hang soldiers who commit this offence in military
warfare.
[361] Sir Almroth Wright's notorious pamphlet has of course been repudiated
by the saner women Anti-Suffragists. But it certainly represents the
opinions of the average man Anti-Suffragist.
[362] I cannot deal seriously with the argument that the vote is merely an
expression of physical force, that a minority only yields to a majority
because it would be beaten in a civil war, that substantially all women
might vote on one side at an election and substantially all men on the
other, that the women outnumber the men and would therefore be able to
procure the legislation which they wanted, that the men would refuse to
obey the law, that civil war would follow, that the women would be beaten,
and that society would be dissolved. Those politicians who believe in the
possibility of such a succession of miracles had better retire each to a
separate desert island. They will not find in any society of human beings a
constitution which does not admit, on similarly logical grounds, of the
same dreadful disasters. Such an absurd and pedantic example of reasoning
away from human nature has not been seriously maintained in England since
the time of Cartwright.
[363] I use these terms as a convenient way of referring to the general
movements for and against emancipation. They may mean anything in
themselves. So far as I am concerned, I believe neither in that sexual
promiscuity which some Anti-Suffragists charge against their opponents, nor
on the other hand in that theory of a primitive matriarchate upon which
some Suffragists base their claims.
[364] For the history of the agitation see Mrs. Fawcett's _Women's
Suffrage_ ("The People's Books" series); and for its philosophical basis,
Mrs. Olive Schreiner's _Women and Labour_, and my own _Emancipation of
English Women_.
[365] I refer those who believe that the militant women were suffering from
hysteria or other sexual disorder to the deliberate contradiction of Mr.
H. L. Carre-Smith, in the _Standard_ of the 9th April, 1912. Mr. Smith is a
competent physician, and an Anti-Suffragist, and he has made a careful
study of the militant type. "As a rule," he says, "I have been struck by
their normal demeanour."
[366] The only Government department which acted wisely in dealing with the
women was the Irish Office. The first offenders against the law in Dublin
were promptly placed in the first division. Unhappily, this was after Mr.
McKenna had revived forcible feeding, and too late to produce any effect.
The next Irish offences were attempts at arson and murder, committed by one
of Mr. McKenna's prisoners. Had Mr. Birrell been at the Home Office in
1906, we should still be far from arson and explosives.
[367] I received a letter from a Cabinet Minister in 1909, in which he said
that he expected vitriol-throwing at any moment. Vitriol is, of course, the
weapon of an outraged sex instinct, the injured wife or discarded mistress.
[368] I refer my readers to the grave and responsible report of Sir Victor
Horsley, Dr. Mansell Moulin, and Dr. Agnes Saville, three physicians of
unquestioned competence and probity, which appeared in the _Lancet_ of the
24th August, 1912.
[369] One of the charges, that a large number of plain-clothes policemen
had mingled with the crowd for the purpose of attacking the women, was no
more a subject for investigation in a court of law than the subject of the
Parnell Commission. On this point Mr. Churchill denied the charges without
inquiring of anybody but police officers, whose evidence, even if it was
perfectly honest, was of little value. For a police officer to say that he
did not see a fact, one of a large number of facts, is not sufficient proof
that a private person is lying when he states that he did see it. Two
gentlemen known to me say that they saw a large number (one says "more than
a hundred") of plain-clothes men march back into Scotland Yard after the
disturbance. Mr. Churchill says that there were "not more than a dozen" on
duty. My informants may be lying or mistaken. But Mr. Churchill is not in a
position to say so, because he never attempted to cross-examine them. Both
appear to me to be honest witnesses.
[370] For a naive and illuminating statement of the militant women's case
see _The Suffragette_, by Sylvia Pankhurst; and for a fuller statement of
my own opinions, my _Emancipation of English Women_ (1913 edition). For the
case against Mr. Churchill see the pamphlet _Treatment of the Women's
Deputations by the Metropolitan Police_ (The Woman's Press, 1911). See also
my pamphlet _Political Prisoners_ (National Political League, 1912). During
the London Dock strike of 1912 charges similar to those above mentioned
were made against the police. Mr. McKenna granted a public inquiry at once.
[371] No Liberal questions Sir Edward Grey's honesty or good will. His
record in connection with Woman's Suffrage, no bad touchstone, is
conspicuously pure.
[372] The action of Austria in establishing formal sovereignty over Bosnia
and Herzegovina was not such a gross violation of moral rules as it appears
at first sight. Austria had been in occupation of these territories, with
European sanction, for more than a generation, and there is no question
that they had been well governed. It was only in taking advantage of the
revolution in Turkey, without obtaining the formal consent of the Powers,
that she acted immorally.
[373] It should be remembered that the whole of the Foreign Service is
recruited from among people with minimum incomes of L400 a year. This
ensures a Tory bias among permanent officials.
[374] There is great need of a history of foreign policy which shall trace
in a satisfactory way the various currents which have brought us to our
present situation. For the present we have to rely on detached studies like
Mr. E. D. Morel's _Morocco in Diplomacy_, Mr. E. H. Perris's _Our Foreign
Policy and Sir Edward Grey's Failure_, Mr. J. A. Spender's pamphlet
reprinted from the _Westminster Gazette_, Mr. Morgan Shuster's _Strangling
of Persia_, Professor E. G. Browne's pamphlets on the same subject, and the
Hon. George Peel's _Friends of England_, _Enemies of England_, and _Future
of England_. There is no general historical survey, and until there is,
foreign policy will remain as much the monopoly of a caste as ancient legal
systems. It is time that this mysterification of such important affairs was
ended. At this moment (February, 1913), though the French Government has
published a huge Yellow Book on the Morocco crisis, Sir Edward Grey still
refuses to the English people any explanation of the reason why he nearly
led them into war eighteen months ago.
[375] An article in the _Times_ of the 15th March, 1913 seems to endorse
all our Liberal protests and criticisms.
[376] See, for example, the article by Mr. Sydney Brooks in the
_Fortnightly Review_ for January, 1913. The suggestion was also made in a
leading article in the _Daily Telegraph_, the date of which I forget.
* * * * *
Changes made against printed original.
Page 10. "The maintenance of rights is the condition of human progress":
'conditions' in original.
Page 90. "The Gordon Riots in June, 1780": '1880' in original.
Page 197. "paid an artificially high price": 'artifically' in original.
Page 235. "mass of mutually dependent individuals": 'mutally' in original.
Page 261. "to which other Powers were parties": 'others Powers' in
original.
Page 290. "not an adequate political substitute": 'adeqate' in original.
Page 308. "protecting weak men against temptation": 'tempation' in
original.