Vespucci concerning his voyages--or, at least, the last that has been
brought to light; though it is hoped that his manuscript journals, to
which he repeatedly refers, may yet be found. They are, doubtless,
buried in the secret archives of either the crown of Portugal or of
Spain, as at different times he alludes to them as being in the hands
of the kings, from whom he hopes to receive them at their pleasure.
Both King Emanuel and King Ferdinand held Vespucci in great esteem;
but, as consideration for their subjects, whether high or low, never
entered their minds, they probably retained the manuscripts for years,
and eventually these precious documents may have been buried beneath
the vast accumulation of papers relating to the voyages and
discoveries in both hemispheres.
Vespucci was in error respecting the remaining ships of the fleet
engaged in his fourth voyage, for a few months later they came back to
Lisbon in a shattered condition, but, so far as known, with their
crews intact. They had sailed farther to the south than Vespucci went
on this voyage, probably as far as the mouth of the great river La
Plata, which Solis has the credit of discovering a few years later. It
had been learned by that time that the coasts brought to view by the
constantly lengthening voyages into the south were situated to the
west of the great line of demarcation separating the discoveries of
Spain and Portugal, and hence belonged to the former. This fact has a
bearing upon the departure of Vespucci and other noted captains from
Portugal about this time, as, if they would pursue these explorations
to their logical conclusion, they must enlist beneath the banner of
King Ferdinand. Hence we find our hero, towards the end of 1504, once
again in Spain, and in high favor with the king.
XIV
KING FERDINAND'S FRIEND
1505-1508
The summer of 1504 Vespucci passed in Portugal, attending to matters
connected with his last voyage, which had such an unsatisfactory
ending; but in the latter part of that year we find him once again in
Seville. It is presumed he was warmly welcomed by his wife, after this
long absence of nearly four years; but nothing exists at all to
indicate his marital relations, and so far as furnishing material for
his biographers is concerned, he might as well have remained single
all his life. In point of fact, Amerigo Vespucci, though sterling in
his friendships, ardent and even affectionate, was a true celibate. He
was wedded to Science, his whole nature was absorbed by the pursuits
to which he had, perhaps fortuitously, devoted his maturer years. If
we contrast him with Columbus, in respect to the higher qualities of
his character, we cannot but be impressed by the difference between
these two, for, while the latter was weak, impressionable, if not
passionate, the former was strong, flawless in his morals, devoted
ever to the star-eyed goddess in whose service he had enlisted for
life.
He was humane, generous, unselfish, while Columbus, though of more
heroic proportions than his rival, was at times selfish, ungenerous,
cruel--as witness his treatment of the Pinzons, his claiming the
reward for the discovery of land, which rightly belonged to Rodrigo de
Triana, his massacres of Indians in Hispaniola and enslavement of the
survivors. Against Amerigo Vespucci no such charges of immorality,
cruelty, and bigotry can be brought as against Columbus, and the sole
accusation against him, of falsifying the date of his "first" voyage,
has not been sustained by the evidence.
His eulogist, Canovai, says of him, in somewhat extravagant terms:
"Behold the transport of that lively emulation which springs from the
indisputable consciousness of talents, and is nourished by the pure
and delicate essence of virtue, which shines uncontaminated in every
footstep of the hero. It seems enmity, but is laudable strife; it
seems envy, but is a generous ambition. If Columbus had found rivals
and enemies resembling Amerigo, I should not see, as now, the
magnificent scene of his triumph so suddenly changed into mourning and
horror, the gloomy night of ignominy and mockery succeed the brief
light of ephemeral happiness, and that invincible leader, who
redoubled the power and dominions of ungrateful Castile, groaning
under the weight of infamous chains, while he asks for nothing but
liberty to carry her arms to the most distant shores of the West.
"Go now, and turning your eyes from the atrocious metamorphosis,
exclaim it is chance--it is fate; arbitrary sounds and sterile
syllables, with which no distinct idea can ever be associated. Alas!
are there not imperceptible threads by which a regulating hand guides
us through a crooked labyrinth from causes to effects, and prepares in
silence the events of the universe? Prostrated by implacable
vengeance, and despoiled of the exclusive right to discoveries and
honors, Columbus pines in inaction; but no new columns of Hercules,
beyond which the pilot dares not pass, stand erect before the shores
of Mexico. Amerigo Vespucci reunites the web of fortunate events.
Amerigo succeeds Columbus!"
In simpler diction, Columbus brought all his troubles upon himself. He
dared much, but he demanded more than he was, by merit of mere
achievement, entitled to receive. He was constantly warring for
his alleged rights--with the king, with Fonseca, with his
fellow-explorers, and especially with such commanders of ships
or expeditions as might by their discoveries belittle his
accomplishments. Hence resulted untold misery to the natives of the
New World, consequent upon the crushing despotism he inaugurated in
order to gain gold with which to vindicate himself to his sovereigns.
Hence came Bodadilla and Ovando, sent out to investigate his doings,
one of whom despatched him in fetters to Spain, and the other hastened
the extinction of the Indians, already begun by Columbus himself.
The aggressive insistence of Columbus in the matter of honors and
privileges, which were in their nature but temporary, are in decided
contrast to the modesty and simplicity of Vespucci, who indeed was
ambitious to acquire an honorable name which should be "the comfort
and solace of his old age," but who, "by his quiet and unobtrusive
manners, made friends even among his rivals." He was scrupulously
regardful of the rights of others, treating the helpless natives with
especial tenderness. This statement may seem to be disproved by the
fact that on two of his voyages he took home gangs of Indians to be
sold as slaves; but it is not known that he himself was responsible
for this, as he was not the real commander of the expeditions, though
the actual scientific head and navigator.
He was as deeply devout as Columbus himself, always rendering thanks
to the Almighty for His favors, but was by no means a fanatic in
religion. While Columbus ascribes his discoveries to the especial
favor of some particular saint, on occasions, or his deliverance from
danger to the direct interposition of Providence, Vespucci makes no
such superstitious claims for himself, though acknowledging his
dependence upon God and expressing gratitude for divine support. He
believed, evidently, in the precept of the Golden Rule--"Do unto
others as you would have them do to you"; and this, alas, cannot be
said of Christopher Columbus. Though he married late in life, and had
no children of his own, Vespucci "was full of affectionate feeling for
his family, as his care and attention to the education and advancement
of his nephew, and his memory of relatives in Florence, from whom he
had been so long absent, amply testify."
Finally, the structure which Columbus fain would have raised has
crumbled to ruins, while that built by Vespucci, who labored without
thought of himself, or hope of reward, has been strengthened by the
lapse of time, and will stand so long as the world endures. Vespucci
humbled himself, and was exalted, for the name bestowed upon the
hemisphere which these two were instrumental in revealing to Europe
was suggested by utter strangers to the Florentine--men of penetrating
mind, who perceived an eternal fitness in calling it _America_.
These reflections arise from the fact that, soon after the return of
Vespucci to Seville, he met, and was probably entertained by,
Christopher Columbus. The old Admiral had but recently returned from
his fourth and last voyage to the West Indies, where he had escaped
death by a miracle, and had suffered humiliation at the hands of the
atrocious Ovando. He had come back to Spain to find his friend and
protectress, Isabella, on a bed of death; to encounter the ingratitude
of Ferdinand and meet the charges of his enemies. He was never to make
another voyage until he embarked on that last long journey into the
world unknown.
Broken in fortune, worn by the ills of advancing age, crushed beneath
the calumnies of his foes, Columbus felt the end approaching,
probably, and perhaps looked upon Vespucci as, in a sense, his
successor. At least he perceived that the latter's star was in the
ascendant, for he knew him as a friend of King Ferdinand, who,
mistrustful ever of the man who had discovered a new empire for him to
rule, yet was inclined to favor Vespucci, whose sterling qualities he
appreciated. He had always liked the Florentine for his manly, modest
bearing, his sturdy good sense, his industry, patience, erudition, and
eminent abilities in general. Here was a man who made voyages by which
the pathways were opened to new countries, without stipulating in
advance that he should be rewarded with the admiralty of the Ocean
Sea, without bargaining for the viceroyship of the countries he
discovered, or for a tenth of all their resources and trade. He seemed
to have no thought of himself, so absorbed was he in performing a work
which, he had every reason to believe, would redound to the honor of
the land he was born in and the sovereigns he served.
He had, to be sure, carried his talents to a rival sovereign, and
served him as faithfully as he had King Ferdinand; but the latter bore
him no ill-will for that. It is not certain, in truth, that he had not
connived at Vespucci's entering the service of Portugal for a time,
as, in view of his return to Spain, he received all the benefit of his
experience. It was by means of Vespucci's voyage, most probably, that
it was definitely ascertained how far Portugal had encroached upon
territory assigned by the pope to her great rival, Spain. Deep and
crafty was the diplomacy of King Ferdinand, and it is within the
bounds of probability that he himself sent the silent, observant,
faithful Vespucci to take service with King Emanuel for a season.
The overlapping voyages of Vespucci and Pinzon, in 1499, 1500, 1501,
and 1503, had decided the question of sovereignty in South America--at
least its northern coasts--in favor of Spain. These two, then, were
soon commissioned by Ferdinand to equip a fleet, of which they were to
be the joint commanders. This fleet was to sail for Brazil, and
thence, after establishing colonies, or forts, continue the
explorations they had severally so auspiciously begun. On April 11,
1505 (it is on record), the king made Vespucci a grant of twelve
thousand maravedis, and on the 24th of the same month letters of
naturalization were issued in his behalf, "in consideration of Amerigo
Vespucci's fidelity, and his many valuable services to the crown."
Before proceeding to relate the story of Vespucci's renewed service
with King Ferdinand, let us, however, return to the subject of his
intercourse with Columbus, with whom, as there is strong evidence in
proof, he was on terms of intimate friendship. This proof is found in
a letter written by Columbus, at a time (as already mentioned) when he
was in disfavor at court, and after his return from the last and most
unfortunate voyage. It furnishes evidence of the most positive
character that Vespucci and Columbus did not consider themselves as
rivals, but were actually on the best of terms. It was written nearly
a year after the first publication of Vespucci's letter to Lorenzo de
Medici, alluded to in the previous chapter; yet the relations between
the two discoverers were such as might have existed between men united
by fraternal ties.
"_To my very dear Son, Don Diego Columbus--at the Court._
"MY DEAR SON,--"Diego Mendez departed from this place on
Monday, the 3d of this month. After his departure I held
converse with Amerigo Vespucci, the bearer of this letter,
who goes to court on some business connected with
navigation. He has always been _desirous of serving me, and
is an honorable man_, though fortune has been unpropitious
to him, as to many others; and his labors have not been as
profitable as he deserves. He goes on my account, and with a
great desire to do something which may redound to my
advantage, if it is in his power.
"I know not here what instructions to give him that will
benefit me, because I am ignorant of what will be required
there; but he goes determined to do for me all that is
possible. See what can be done to advantage there, and labor
for it, that he may know and speak of everything, and devote
himself to the work; and let everything be done with
secrecy, that no suspicions may arise. I have said to him
all that I can say touching the business, and have informed
him of all payments which have been made me, and what is
due.
"This letter is also intended for the adelantado [Don
Bartholomew, Christopher's brother], that he may avail
himself of any advantage and advice on the subject. His
highness believes that the ships were in the best and
richest portion of the Indies, and if he desires to know
anything more on the subject, I will satisfy him by word of
mouth, for it is impossible for me to tell him by letter.
"May the Lord have you in His holy keeping.
"Done at Seville, the 5th of February, 1505.
"Thy father, who loves thee better than himself,
CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
"S.
"S. A. S.
"X. M. Y.
"Xpo. Ferens."
This precious document was found in the archives of Spain by
Navarrete, whose volumes constitute a veritable mine of Spanish
history. The superscription at the foot of the letter was adopted by
Columbus after he became a "Don," and is supposed to mean: "Servus,
Supplex Altissimi Salvatori; Christus, Maria, Josephus"; or, in
English: "Humble Servant of the most high Saviour; Christ, Mary,
Joseph." The original letter is contained in the collection of an
indirect descendant of Columbus, the Duke of Veragua. It bears ample
testimony to the important fact that, while the great Columbus was not
permitted to present himself at court, his friend Vespucci not only
had access to the throne but strong influence there.
XV
PILOT-MAJOR OF SPAIN
1508-1512
If Vespucci had been as heedful of posthumous fame as Columbus, who
lost no opportunity for trumpeting his deeds to the world, we should
be better prepared to present a continuous narrative of his life than
it is possible to gather from the fragmentary material he has left
behind him. "The transactions of Vespucci at court," says Mr. Fiske,
the eminent historian, "and the nature of the maritime enterprises
that were set on foot or carried to completion during the next few
years, are to be gathered chiefly from old account-books, contracts,
and other business documents, unearthed by the indefatigable
Navarrete, and printed in his great collection.... Unfortunately,
account-books and legal documents, having been written for other
purposes than the gratification of the historian, are--like the
'geological record'--imperfect. Too many links are missing, to enable
us to determine with certainty just how the work was shared among
these mariners (Vespucci, La Cosa, Pinzon, and Solis), or just how
many voyages were undertaken. But it is clear that the first
enterprise contemplated (by King Ferdinand) was a voyage by Pinzon, in
company with either Solis or Vespucci, or both, for the purpose of
finding an end to the continent or a passage into the Indian Ocean.
What Vespucci had failed to do in his last voyage for Portugal, he now
proposed to do in a voyage for Spain."
While the large fleet for this purpose was being prepared, it is
believed, Vespucci and La Cosa made two voyages, one in 1505 and
another in 1507, to Darien and the Pearl Coast, which resulted more
profitably to them than any others they had undertaken. As these
voyages were simply for commercial purposes, and as Vespucci seems to
have held in contempt the mere acquisition of riches, especially when
the promotion of discovery was not the aim of his expeditions, he
makes no mention of them whatever. In truth, but for the finding of
two letters, sent to the Venetian senate by its diplomatic agents in
Spain, dated 1505 and 1507, these fifth and sixth voyages of Vespucci
would have been overlooked entirely. The omission illustrates his
carelessness in respect to the chronicling of his deeds, his
heedlessness as to fame and glory. As one of his eulogists truly says:
"In none of his writings does Vespucci claim for himself advancement,
honor, or emolument, nor does he seek to delude his patrons with
visions of untold wealth. His letters are the easy effusions of a
great mind filled with admiration at the fertile regions, balmy
climate, and primitive races of the New World. Ever modest, he merges
himself in the greatness of his undertaking; and if the civilized
world with one accord gave his name to the regions he was the first in
modern times to visit, it was a tribute which it deemed just and paid
unasked."
Owing to the protests of Portugal, it is thought, the great fleet
intended for the extension of discovery along the southern coast of
Brazil was dispersed and its vessels diverted to other seas. Vespucci
had been active in its equipment, and during the uncertainty existing
in Spain after the death of Queen Isabella, and the consequent
derangement of affairs at court, he appears prominently in the
business. He was despatched to court by the board of trade of Seville,
especially commissioned to extricate them from the dilemma in which
they found themselves: unable to determine whether they were to act in
the name of the crazy princess, Juana, her foreign consort, Philip, or
the old king, Ferdinand. In order to be able to meet any emergency,
Vespucci was furnished with three different letters and sets of
instructions. "You will take," wrote the president of the board of
trade to Amerigo, "three letters: for the king, Vila, his grand
chamberlain, and the secretary, Gricio, besides five memorials: one
upon the despatch of the armament, two others received from Hispaniola
concerning the tower which King Ferdinand commanded to be built upon
the Pearl Coast, and the remaining two upon the caravels which are on
service in Hispaniola, and concerning what things are necessary for
the fortress which is building there. If Gricio is at court, and
attends to the affairs of the Indies, give him the letter, show him
the memorials, and he will guide you to the ear of the king and obtain
for you good despatch. We are informed, however, that the king has
intrusted the business of the Indies to M. de Vila, his grand
chamberlain, and if that is the case go directly to him. What we
principally desire is a full understanding of the agreement which has
been entered into between the king, our lord (Philip, the consort of
Juana Loca), and King Ferdinand, in order that we may be able to give
to each prince that which is his."
Without going further into the affairs of court at this period--merely
pausing to remark that after the death of Philip the old king soon
extricated his kingdom from the state of embarrassment into which it
had been plunged--we cannot but note that Amerigo Vespucci must have
been a man of weight and influence to be selected for such a mission.
It was a visit to the court previous to this which Columbus had in
mind when he gave him the letter to his son Don Diego. The biographer
of Columbus, Mr. Irving, has tried to make it appear that he was used
by Columbus to further his own ends, for he says: "Among the persons
whom Columbus employed at this time in his missions to the court was
Amerigo Vespucci. He describes him as a worthy but unfortunate man,
who had not profited as much as he deserves by his undertakings, and
who had always been disposed to render him a service. His object in
employing him appears to have been to prove the value of his last
voyage, and that he had been in the most opulent parts of the New
World, Vespucci having since touched upon the same coast, in a voyage
with Alonzo de Ojeda."
Now, this amiable apologist, in his persistent efforts to thrust
Amerigo Vespucci into positions subordinate to Columbus, defeats his
own purpose and disparages his own hero, for by his very words can he
be discredited. He himself says: "The incessant applications of
Columbus [at court], both by letter and by the intervention of
friends, appear to have been listened to with cool indifference. No
compliance was yielded to his requests, and no deference paid to his
opinions.... In short, he was not in any way consulted in the affairs
of the New World."
And this was at about the time that Amerigo Vespucci was intrusted
with most important business at court by the board of trade of
Seville; about the time that he was called to court and highly
honored by the king; just before the time that he was made captain of
a fleet, with a salary of thirty thousand maravedis per annum. There
was, in truth, no man in the employ of Spain more highly regarded than
Vespucci for his talents, for his honesty, for his loyalty to the
government. At the settlement of accounts pertaining to the fleet
which had been intended for South America, more than five million
maravedis passed through his hands--and he was never charged with
having diverted a single centavo to himself.
Nothing can so abundantly testify to the respect in which Vespucci was
held as his relations with King Ferdinand. While he has the unique
honor of being almost the only man that Columbus never quarrelled
with, it is also to his credit that he acquired, and retained to the
last, the respect and confidence of the king. Ferdinand was always
mistrustful of Columbus, and with good reason, but never refused
Vespucci a favor--if he asked one--or hesitated to give him an
audience. The reason was, most probably, that, aside from his
deceitfulness (which was a quality the crafty Ferdinand could tolerate
in no one but himself), Columbus was constantly importuning him for
further honors and emoluments; while Vespucci rarely, if ever, craved
glory or riches for himself. Nothing came of Vespucci's intercession
at court for Columbus, and soon the latter dropped out of sight. He
died in 1506, utterly neglected by the court and king, and in such
obscurity that he was unnoticed in the local annals of the day.
In the mean time, Amerigo Vespucci was at the height of his career,
trusted by the sovereign and honored by all with whom he came in
contact. On the return of King Ferdinand to absolute power in Spain,
through the death of his son-in-law Philip and the regency for his
insane daughter Juana, he called Vespucci and La Cosa to court in
order to consult with them respecting nautical affairs and future
discoveries. In February, 1508, Vespucci, Pinzon, and Solis, who,
together with La Cosa, were then the most highly honored navigators in
Spanish employ, were charged with the safe conduct to the king's
treasury of six thousand ducats in gold, for which service they
received six thousand maravedis each.