THE CONQUEST OF JUDAEA
Early in this same year[460] Titus Caesar had been entrusted by his 1
father with the task of completing the reduction of Judaea.[461] While
he and his father were both still private citizens, Titus had
distinguished himself as a soldier, and his reputation for efficiency
was steadily increasing, while the provinces and armies vied with one
another in their enthusiasm for him. Wishing to seem independent of
his good fortune, he always showed dignity and energy in the field.
His affability called forth devotion. He constantly helped in the
trenches and could mingle with his soldiers on the march without
compromising his dignity as general. Three legions awaited him in
Judaea, the Fifth, Tenth, and Fifteenth, all veterans from his
father's army. These were reinforced by the Twelfth from Syria and by
detachments of the Twenty-second and the Third,[462] brought over from
Alexandria. This force was accompanied by twenty auxiliary cohorts and
eight regiments of auxiliary cavalry besides the Kings Agrippa and
Sohaemus, King Antiochus' irregulars,[463] a strong force of Arabs,
who had a neighbourly hatred for the Jews, and a crowd of persons who
had come from Rome and the rest of Italy, each tempted by the hope of
securing the first place in the prince's still unoccupied affections.
With this force Titus entered the enemy's country at the head of his
column, sending out scouts in all directions, and holding himself
ready to fight. He pitched his camp not far from Jerusalem.
Since I am coming now to describe the last days of this famous 2
city, it may not seem out of place to recount here its early history.
It is said that the Jews are refugees from Crete,[464] who settled on
the confines of Libya at the time when Saturn was forcibly deposed by
Jupiter. The evidence for this is sought in the name. Ida is a famous
mountain in Crete inhabited by the Idaei,[465] whose name became
lengthened into the foreign form Judaei. Others say that in the reign
of Isis the superfluous population of Egypt, under the leadership of
Hierosolymus and Juda, discharged itself upon the neighbouring
districts, while there are many who think the Jews an Ethiopian stock,
driven to migrate by their fear and dislike of King Cepheus.[466]
Another tradition makes them Assyrian refugees,[467] who, lacking
lands of their own, occupied a district of Egypt, and later took to
building cities of their own and tilling Hebrew territory and the
frontier-land of Syria. Yet another version assigns to the Jews an
illustrious origin as the descendants of the Solymi--a tribe famous in
Homer[468]--who founded the city and called it Hiero_solyma_ after
their own name.[469]
Most authorities agree that a foul and disfiguring disease once 3
broke out in Egypt, and that King Bocchoris,[470] on approaching the
oracle of Ammon and inquiring for a remedy, was told to purge his
kingdom of the plague and to transport all who suffered from it into
some other country, for they had earned the disfavour of Heaven. A
motley crowd was thus collected and abandoned in the desert. While all
the other outcasts lay idly lamenting, one of them, named Moses,
advised them not to look for help to gods or men, since both had
deserted them, but to trust rather in themselves and accept as divine
the guidance of the first being by whose aid they should get out of
their present plight. They agreed, and set out blindly to march
wherever chance might lead them. Their worst distress came from lack
of water. When they were already at death's door and lying prostrate
all over the plain, it so happened that a drove of wild asses moved
away from their pasture to a rock densely covered with trees. Guessing
the truth from the grassy nature of the ground, Moses followed and
disclosed an ample flow of water.[471] This saved them. Continuing
their march for six successive days, on the seventh they routed the
natives and gained possession of the country. There they consecrated
their city and their temple.
To ensure his future hold over the people, Moses introduced a new 4
cult, which was the opposite of all other religions. All that we hold
sacred they held profane, and allowed practices which we abominate.
They dedicated in a shrine an image of the animal[472] whose guidance
had put an end to their wandering and thirst. They killed a ram,
apparently as an insult to Ammon, and also sacrificed a bull, because
the Egyptians worship the bull Apis.[473] Pigs are subject to leprosy;
so they abstain from pork in memory of their misfortune and the foul
plague with which they were once infected. Their frequent fasts[474]
bear witness to the long famine they once endured, and, in token of
the corn they carried off, Jewish bread is to this day made without
leaven. They are said to have devoted the seventh day to rest, because
that day brought an end to their troubles.[475] Later, finding
idleness alluring, they gave up the seventh year as well to
sloth.[476] Others maintain that they do this in honour of
Saturn;[477] either because their religious principles are derived
from the Idaei, who are supposed to have been driven out with Saturn
and become the ancestors of the Jewish people; or else because, of the
seven constellations which govern the lives of men, the star of Saturn
moves in the topmost orbit and exercises peculiar influence, and also
because most of the heavenly bodies move round[478] their courses in
multiples of seven.
Whatever their origin, these rites are sanctioned by their 5
antiquity. Their other customs are impious and abominable, and owe
their prevalence to their depravity. For all the most worthless
rascals, renouncing their national cults, were always sending money to
swell the sum of offerings and tribute.[479] This is one cause of
Jewish prosperity. Another is that they are obstinately loyal to each
other, and always ready to show compassion, whereas they feel nothing
but hatred and enmity for the rest of the world.[480] They eat and
sleep separately. Though immoderate in sexual indulgence, they refrain
from all intercourse with foreign women: among themselves anything is
allowed.[481] They have introduced circumcision to distinguish
themselves from other people. Those who are converted to their customs
adopt the same practice, and the first lessons they learn are to
despise the gods,[482] to renounce their country, and to think nothing
of their parents, children, and brethren. However, they take steps to
increase their numbers. They count it a crime to kill any of their
later-born children,[483] and they believe that the souls of those who
die in battle or under persecution are immortal.[484] Thus they think
much of having children and nothing of facing death. They prefer to
bury and not burn their dead.[485] In this, as in their burial rites,
and in their belief in an underworld, they conform to Egyptian custom.
Their ideas of heaven are quite different. The Egyptians worship most
of their gods as animals, or in shapes half animal and half human. The
Jews acknowledge one god only, of whom they have a purely spiritual
conception. They think it impious to make images of gods in human
shape out of perishable materials. Their god is almighty and
inimitable, without beginning and without end. They therefore set up
no statues in their temples, nor even in their cities, refusing this
homage both to their own kings and to the Roman emperors. However, the
fact that their priests intoned to the flute and cymbals and wore
wreaths of ivy, and that a golden vine was found in their temple[486]
has led some people to think that they worship Bacchus,[487] who has
so enthralled the East. But their cult would be most inappropriate.
Bacchus instituted gay and cheerful rites, but the Jewish ritual is
preposterous and morbid.
The country of the Jews is bounded by Arabia on the east, by Egypt 6
on the south, and on the west by Phoenicia and the sea. On the Syrian
frontier they have a distant view towards the north.[488] Physically
they are healthy and hardy. Rain is rare; the soil infertile; its
products are of the same kind as ours with the addition of balsam and
palms. The palm is a tall and beautiful tree, the balsam a mere shrub.
When its branches are swollen with sap they open them with a sharp
piece of stone or crockery, for the sap-vessels shrink up at the touch
of iron. The sap is used in medicine. Lebanon, their chief mountain,
stands always deep in its eternal snow, a strange phenomenon in such a
burning climate. Here, too, the river Jordan has its source[489] and
comes pouring down, to find a home in the sea. It flows undiminished
through first one lake, then another, and loses itself in a
third.[490] This last is a lake of immense size, like a sea, though
its water has a foul taste and a most unhealthy smell, which poisons
the surrounding inhabitants. No wind can stir waves in it: no fish or
sea-birds can live there. The sluggish water supports whatever is
thrown on to it, as if its surface were solid, while those who cannot
swim float on it as easily as those who can. Every year at the same
time the lake yields asphalt. As with other arts, it is experience
which shows how to collect it. It is a black liquid which, when
congealed with a sprinkling of vinegar, floats on the surface of the
water. The men who collect it take it in this state into their hands
and haul it on deck. Then without further aid it trickles in and loads
the boat until you cut off the stream. But this you cannot do with
iron or brass: the current is turned by applying blood or a garment
stained with a woman's menstrual discharge. That is what the old
authorities say, but those who know the district aver that floating
blocks of asphalt are driven landwards by the wind and dragged to
shore by hand. The steam out of the earth and the heat of the sun
dries them, and they are then split up with axes and wedges, like logs
or blocks of stone.
Not far from this lake are the Plains, which they say were once 7
fertile and covered with large and populous cities which were
destroyed by lightning.[491] Traces of the cities are said to remain,
and the ground, which looks scorched, has lost all power of
production. The plants, whether wild or artificially cultivated, are
blighted and sterile and wither into dust and ashes, either when in
leaf or flower, or when they have attained their full growth. Without
denying that at some date famous cities were there burnt up by
lightning, I am yet inclined to think that it is the exhalation from
the lake which infects the soil and poisons the surrounding
atmosphere. Soil and climate being equally deleterious, the crops and
fruits all rot away.
The river Belus also falls into this Jewish sea. Round its mouth is
found a peculiar kind of sand which is mixed with native soda and
smelted into glass. Small though the beach is, its product is
inexhaustible.
The greater part of the population live in scattered villages, but 8
they also have towns. Jerusalem is the Jewish capital, and contained
the temple, which was enormously wealthy. A first line of
fortifications guarded the city, another the palace, and an innermost
line enclosed the temple.[492] None but a Jew was allowed as far as
the doors: none but the priests might cross the threshold.[493] When
the East was in the hands of the Assyrians, Medes and Persians, they
regarded the Jews as the meanest of their slaves. During the
Macedonian ascendancy[494] King Antiochus[495] endeavoured to abolish
their superstitions and to introduce Greek manners and customs. But
Arsaces at that moment rebelled,[496] and the Parthian war prevented
him from effecting any improvement in the character of this grim
people. Then, when Macedon waned, as the Parthian power was not yet
ripe and Rome was still far away, they took kings of their own.[497]
The mob were fickle and drove them out. However, they recovered their
throne by force; banished their countrymen, sacked cities, slew their
brothers, wives, and parents, and committed all the usual kingly
crimes. But this only fostered the hold of the Jewish religion, since
the kings had strengthened their authority by assuming the priesthood.
Cnaeus Pompeius was the first Roman to subdue the Jews and set foot 9
in their temple by right of conquest.[498] It was then first realized
that the temple contained no image of any god: their sanctuary was
empty, their mysteries meaningless. The walls of Jerusalem were
destroyed, but the temple was left standing. Later, during the Roman
civil wars, when the eastern provinces had come under the control of
Mark Antony, the Parthian Prince Pacorus seized Judaea,[499] and was
killed by Publius Ventidius. The Parthians were driven back over the
Euphrates, and Caius Sosius[500] subdued the Jews. Antony gave the
kingdom to Herod,[501] and Augustus, after his victory, enlarged it.
After Herod's death, somebody called Simon,[502] without awaiting the
emperor's decision, forcibly assumed the title of king. He was
executed by Quintilius Varus, who was Governor of Syria; the Jews were
repressed and the kingdom divided between three of Herod's sons.[503]
Under Tiberius all was quiet. Caligula ordered them to put up his
statue in the temple. They preferred war to that. But Caligula's death
put an end to the rising.[504] In Claudius' reign the kings had all
either died or lost most of their territory. The emperor therefore
made Judaea a province to be governed by Roman knights or freedmen.
One of these, Antonius Felix,[505] indulged in every kind of cruelty
and immorality, wielding a king's authority with all the instincts of
a slave. He had married Drusilla, a granddaughter of Antony and
Cleopatra, so that he was Antony's grandson-in-law, while Claudius was
Antony's grandson.[506]
The Jews endured such oppression patiently until the time of 10
Gessius Florus,[507] under whom war broke out. Cestius Gallus, the
Governor of Syria, tried to crush it, but met with more reverses than
victories. He died, either in the natural course or perhaps of
disgust, and Nero sent out Vespasian, who, in a couple of
campaigns,[508] thanks to his reputation, good fortune, and able
subordinates, had the whole of the country districts and all the
towns except Jerusalem under the heel of his victorious army. The next
year[509] was taken up with civil war, and passed quietly enough as
far as the Jews were concerned. But peace once restored in Italy,
foreign troubles began again with feelings embittered on our side by
the thought that the Jews were the only people who had not given in.
At the same time it seemed best to leave Titus at the head of the army
to meet the eventualities of the new reign, whether good or bad.
Thus, as we have already seen,[510] Titus pitched his camp before 11
the walls of Jerusalem and proceeded to display his legions in battle
order. The Jews formed up at the foot of their own walls, ready, if
successful, to venture further, but assured of their retreat in case
of reverse. A body of cavalry and some light-armed foot were sent
forward, and fought an indecisive engagement, from which the enemy
eventually retired. During the next few days a series of skirmishes
took place in front of the gates, and at last continual losses drove
the Jews behind their walls. The Romans then determined to take it by
storm. It seemed undignified to sit and wait for the enemy to starve,
and the men all clamoured for the risks, some being really brave,
while many others were wild and greedy for plunder. Titus himself had
the vision of Rome with all her wealth and pleasures before his eyes,
and felt that their enjoyment was postponed unless Jerusalem fell at
once. The city, however, stands high and is fortified with works
strong enough to protect a city standing on the plain. Two enormous
hills[511] were surrounded by walls ingeniously built so as to project
or slope inwards and thus leave the flanks of an attacking party
exposed to fire. The rocks were jagged at the top. The towers, where
the rising ground helped, were sixty feet high, and in the hollows as
much as a hundred and twenty. They are a wonderful sight and seem from
a distance to be all of equal height. Within this runs another line of
fortification surrounding the palace, and on a conspicuous height
stands the Antonia, a castle named by Herod in honour of Mark Antony.
The temple was built like a citadel with walls of its own, on 12
which more care and labour had been spent than on any of the others.
Even the cloisters surrounding the temple formed a splendid rampart.
There was a never-failing spring of water,[512] catacombs hollowed out
of the hills, and pools or cisterns for holding the rain-water. Its
original builders had foreseen that the peculiarities of Jewish life
would lead to frequent wars, consequently everything was ready for the
longest of sieges. Besides this, when Pompey took the city, bitter
experience taught them several lessons, and in the days of Claudius
they had taken advantage of his avarice to buy rights of
fortification, and built walls in peace-time as though war were
imminent. Their numbers were now swelled by floods of human refuse and
unfortunate refugees from other towns.[513] All the most desperate
characters in the country had taken refuge there, which did not
conduce to unity. They had three armies, each with its own general.
The outermost and largest line of wall was held by Simon; the central
city by John, and the temple by Eleazar.[514] John and Simon were
stronger than Eleazar in numbers and equipment, but he had the
advantage of a strong position. Their relations mainly consisted of
fighting, treachery, and arson: a large quantity of corn was burnt.
Eventually, under pretext of offering a sacrifice, John sent a party
of men to massacre Eleazar and his troops, and by this means gained
possession of the temple.[515] Thus Jerusalem was divided into two
hostile parties, but on the approach of the Romans the necessities of
foreign warfare reconciled their differences.
Various portents had occurred at this time, but so sunk in 13
superstition are the Jews and so opposed to all religious practices
that they think it wicked to avert the threatened evil by
sacrifices[516] or vows. Embattled armies were seen to meet in the sky
with flashing arms, and the temple shone with sudden fire from heaven.
The doors of the shrine suddenly opened, a supernatural voice was
heard calling the gods out, and at once there began a mighty movement
of departure. Few took alarm at all this. Most people held the belief
that, according to the ancient priestly writings, this was the moment
at which the East was fated to prevail: they would now start forth
from Judaea and conquer the world.[517] This enigmatic prophecy really
applied to Vespasian and Titus. But men are blinded by their hopes.
The Jews took to themselves the promised destiny, and even defeat
could not convince them of the truth. The number of the besieged, men
and women of every age, is stated to have reached six hundred
thousand. There were arms for all who could carry them, and far more
were ready to fight than would be expected from their total numbers.
The women were as determined as the men: if they were forced to leave
their homes they had more to fear in life than in death.
Such was the city and such the people with which Titus was faced. As
the nature of the ground forbade a sudden assault, he determined to
employ siege-works and penthouse shelters. The work was accordingly
divided among the legions, and there was a truce to fighting until
they had got ready every means of storming a town that had ever been
devised by experience or inventive ingenuity.
FOOTNOTES:
[460] A.D. 70.
[461] See ii. 4; iv. 51.
[462] XXII Deiotariana and III Cyrenaica.
[463] Cp. ii. 4.
[464] There seems little to recommend Tacitus' theory of the
identity of the Idaei and Judaei, though it has been suggested
that the Cherethites of 2. Sam. viii. 18 and Ezek. xxv. 16 are
Cretans, migrated into the neighbourhood of the Philistines.
The Jewish Sabbath (Saturn's day) seems also to have suggested
connexion with Saturn and Crete.
[465] Elsewhere the Idaei figure as supernatural genii in
attendance on either Jupiter or Saturn.
[466] Ethiopian here means Phoenician. Tradition made Cepheus,
the father of Andromeda, king of Joppa.
[467] From Damascus, said Justin, where Abraham was one of
their kings, and Trogus Pompeius adds that the name of Abraham
was honourably remembered at Damascus. These are variants of
the Biblical migration of Abraham.
[468] _Il._ vi. 184; _Od._ v. 282.
[469] Another piece of fanciful philology, based on a
misinterpretation of a Greek transliteration of the name
Jerusalem. The Solymi are traditionally placed in Lycia. Both
Juvenal and Martial use Solymus as equivalent to Judaeus.
[470] The only known King Bocchoris belongs to the eighth
century B.C., whereas the Exodus is traditionally placed not
later than the sixteenth.
[471] See Exod. xvii.
[472] i.e. an ass. The idea that this animal was sacred to the
Jews was so prevalent among 'the Gentiles' that Josephus takes
the trouble to refute it.
[473] Cp. Lev. xvi. 3, 'a young bullock for a sin offering,
and a ram for a burnt offering.' Tacitus' reasons are of
course errors due to the prevalent confusion of Jewish and
Egyptian history.
[474] Cp. Luke xviii. 12, 'I fast twice a week.'
[475] Cp. Deut. v. 15.
[476] Cp. Lev. xxv. 4, '... in the seventh year shall be a
sabbath of solemn rest for the land, a sabbath unto the Lord:
thou shalt neither sow thy field, nor prune thy vineyard.'
[477] The seventh day being named after Cronos or Saturn (cp.
chap. 2, note 464).
[478] Reading _commeent_ (Wölfflin).
[479] This refers to proselytes, who, like Jews resident
abroad, contributed annually to the Temple treasury. They
numbered at this time about four millions. Romans naturally
regarded this diversion of funds with disfavour.
[480] Jewish exclusiveness always roused Roman indignation,
and 'hatred of the human race' was the usual charge against
Christians (see _Ann._ xv. 44).
[481] The strict regulations of Deut. xxii. &c. give a strange
irony to this slander. Most of these libels originated in
Alexandria.
[482] 'A people,' says the elder Pliny, 'distinguished by
their contemptuous atheism.'
[483] _Agnati_, as used here and in _Germ._ 19 means a child
born after the father has made his will and therein specified
the number of his children. The mere birth of such a child
invalidated any earlier will that the father had made, but the
fact of its birth might be concealed by making away with the
baby. This crime seems to have been not uncommon, but there is
no evidence that 'exposure of infants' was permitted.
[484] Josephus also alludes to this belief that the corruption
of disease chained the soul to the buried body, while violent
death freed it to live for ever in the air and protect
posterity.
[485] Under the kings cremation was an honourable form of
burial, but in Babylon the Jews came to regard fire as a
sacred element which should not be thus defiled.
[486] This was over the door of the Temple. Aristobulus gave
it as a present to Pompey.
[487] Plutarch shared this error, which seems somehow to have
been based on a misinterpretation of the Feast of Tabernacles,
at which they were to 'take ... the fruit of goodly trees, ...
and willows of the brook; and ... rejoice before the Lord your
God seven days' (Lev. xxiii. 40).
[488] Over Coele-Syria, from the range of Lebanon.
[489] i.e. from Mount Hermon, nearly 9,000 feet high.
[490] Merom; Gennesareth; the Dead Sea.
[491] 'Then the Lord rained upon Sodom and upon Gomorrah
brimstone and fire from the Lord out of heaven; and he
overthrew those cities, and all the Plain' (Gen. xix. 24).
[492] These were not concentric, but an enemy approaching from
the north-west would have to carry all three before reaching
the temple, which stood on Mount Moriah at the eastern
extremity of the city.
[493] Cp. Luke i. 8-10, where Zacharias entered the temple to
burn incense, 'and the whole multitude of the people were
praying without.'
[494] The Seleucids.
[495] Antiochus Epiphanes (176-164 B.C.).
[496] This was really in the reign of Antiochus II (260-245 B.C.).
[497] Of the Hasmonean or Maccabean family.
[498] 63 B.C. when he was called in to decide between
Aristobulus II and Hyrcanus.
[499] At the invitation of the Maccabean Antigonus, who thus
recovered the throne.
[500] Ventidius and Sosius were Antony's officers. The former
was famous as having begun life as a mule-driver and risen to
be a consul and to hold the first triumph over the Parthians.
[501] Herod the Great, who on the return of Antigonus had fled
to Rome and chosen the winning side.
[502] One of Herod's slaves.
[503] Archelaus, Herod Antipas, and Philip.
[504] A.D. 40.
[505] A freedman, Procurator of Judaea, A.D. 52-60 (cp. Acts xxiv).
[506] Claudius' mother, Antonia, was the daughter of Antony's
first marriage.
[507] A.D. 64-66.
[508] A.D. 67 and 68.
[509] A.D. 69.
[510] Chap. 1.
[511] Jerusalem stands on a rock which rises into three main
hills, Zion (south), Acra (north), and Moriah (east). It is
not clear to which two of these Tacitus alludes; probably Zion
and Moriah.
[512] Of this no traces remain, and the tradition may have
been based on the metaphorical prophecy that a fount of living
water would issue from the Sanctuary.
[513] i.e. the Galilean towns captured by Vespasian in A.D. 67 and 68.
[514] Simon was a bandit from the east of Jordan; John of
Gischala headed a party of refugees from Galilee; Eleazar was
the leader of the Jewish war-party, and related to the high
priests.
[515] They submitted to John's authority and were not killed.
[516] 'Ye shall not ... use enchantments, nor practise augury'
(Lev. xix. 26).
[517] e.g. 'And in the days of those kings shall the God of
heaven set up a kingdom, which shall never be destroyed, nor
shall the sovereignty thereof be left to another people; but
it shall break in pieces and consume all these kingdoms' (Dan.
ii. 44). The Jews were looking for Messiah: the Romans thought
of Vespasian.
THE END OF THE GERMAN REVOLT
After the severe reverse at Trier[518] Civilis recruited his army 14
in Germany, and pitched his camp near Vetera. The position was a safe
one, and he hoped to inspirit his native troops with the memory of
their former victories there.[519] Cerialis followed in his footsteps,
with forces now doubled by the arrival of the Second,[520] Thirteenth,
and Fourteenth legions, besides auxiliary troops, both horse and
foot,[521] who had long received their summons and came hurrying on
the news of victory. Neither general was dilatory, but a vast plain
lay between them. It was by nature swampy, and Civilis had built a dam
projecting into the Rhine, which stemmed the current and flooded the
adjacent fields. The treacherous nature of the ground, where the
shallows were hard to find, told against our men, who were heavily
armed and afraid of swimming. The Germans, on the other hand, were
used to rivers, lightly armed, and tall enough to keep their heads
above water.
Provoked by the Batavi, the bravest of our troops opened the 15
engagement at once, but soon fell into a panic when their arms and
horses began to sink in the deep marshes. The Germans, who knew the
fords, came leaping across them, often leaving our front alone and
running round to the flanks or the rear. It was not like an infantry
engagement at close quarters, but more like a naval battle. The men
floundered about in the water or, finding firm foothold, strove with
all their might for possession of it. Thus, wounded and whole, those
who could swim and those who could not, struggled helplessly with each
other and perished all alike. However, considering the confusion, our
loss was less than might have been expected, for the Germans, not
daring to venture out of the marsh, withdrew to their camp. The result
of this engagement gave each of the generals a different motive for
hastening on a decisive battle. Civilis wanted to follow up his
success, Cerialis to wipe out his disgrace. Success stimulated the
pride of the Germans; the Romans thrilled with shame. The natives
spent the night singing uproariously, while our men muttered angry
threats.
At daybreak Cerialis formed up his cavalry and the auxiliary 16
cohorts on his front, with the legions behind them, while he himself
held a picked body in reserve for emergencies. Civilis did not deploy
his line, but halted them in columns,[522] with the Batavi and
Cugerni[523] on his right, and the forces from across the Rhine[524]
near the river on the left. Neither general followed the usual custom
of haranguing the whole army. They rode along and addressed their
various divisions in turn. Cerialis spoke of the ancient glory of the
Roman name and of all their victories old and new. He urged them 'to
blot out for ever their treacherous and cowardly enemy whom they had
already beaten. They had to punish not to fight them. They had just
fought against superior numbers and had yet routed the Germans, and,
moreover, the pick of their troops. This remnant had their hearts full
of panic and all their wounds behind them.' He then gave special
encouragement to each of the legions, calling the Fourteenth the
conquerors of Britain,[525] reminding the Sixth that the influence of
their example had set Galba on the throne,[526] and telling the Second
that in the coming fight they would for the first time dedicate their
new colours and their new eagle to Rome's service.[527] Then riding
along to the German army,[528] he pointed with his hand and bade them
recover their own river-bank and their own camp[529] at the enemy's
expense. They all cheered with hearts the lighter for his words. Some
longed for battle after a long spell of quiet: others were weary of
war and pined for peace, hoping that the future would bring them rest
and recompense.
Nor was there silence in Civilis' lines. As he formed them up he 17
appealed to the spot as evidence of their valour. The Germans and
Batavians were standing, he told them, 'on the field of their glory,
trampling the charred bones of Roman soldiers under foot. Wherever the
Romans turned their eyes they saw nothing but menacing reminders of
surrender and defeat. They must not be alarmed by that sudden change
of fortune in the battle at Trier. It was their own victory which
hampered the Germans there: they had dropped their weapons and filled
their hands with loot. Since then everything had gone in their favour
and against the Romans. He had taken every possible precaution, as
befitted a cunning general. They themselves were familiar with these
soaking plains, but the swamps would be a deadly trap for the enemy.
They had the Rhine and the gods of Germany before their eyes, and in
the might of these they must go to battle, remembering their wives and
parents and their fatherland. This day would either gild the glory of
their ancestors or earn the execration of posterity.' They applauded
his words according to their custom by dancing and clashing their
arms, and then opened the battle with showers of stones and leaden
balls and other missiles, trying to lure on our men, who had not yet
entered the marsh.
Their missiles exhausted, the enemy warmed to their work and made 18
an angry charge. Thanks to their great height and their very long
spears they could thrust from some distance at our men, who were
floundering and slipping about in the marsh. While this went on, a
column[530] of Batavi swam across from the dam which, as we described
above,[531] had been built out into the Rhine. This started a panic
and the line of our auxiliaries began to be driven back. Then the
legions took up the fight and equalized matters by staying the enemy's
wild charge. Meanwhile a Batavian deserter approached Cerialis,
avowing that he could take the enemy in the rear if the cavalry were
sent round the edge of the swamp: the ground was solid there, and the
Cugerni, whose task it was to keep watch, were off their guard. Two
squadrons of horse were sent with the deserter, and succeeded in
outflanking the unsuspecting enemy. The legions in front, when the din
told them what had happened, redoubled their efforts. The Germans were
beaten and fled to the Rhine. This day might have brought the war to
an end, had the Roman fleet[532] arrived in time. As it was, even the
cavalry were prevented from pursuit by a sudden downpour of rain
shortly before nightfall.
On the next day the Fourteenth legion were sent to join Annius 19
Gallus[533] in Upper Germany, and their place in Cerialis' army was
filled by the Tenth from Spain. Civilis was reinforced by the
Chauci.[534] Feeling that he was not strong enough to hold the
Batavian capital,[535] he took whatever was portable with him, burnt
everything else, and retired into the island. He knew that the Romans
had not enough ships to build a bridge, and that they had no other
means of getting across. He also destroyed the mole built by Drusus
Germanicus.[536] As the bed of the Rhine here falls towards Gaul, his
removal of all obstacles gave it free course; the river was
practically diverted, and the channel between the Germans and the
island became so small and dry as to form no barrier between them.
Tutor and Classicus also crossed the Rhine,[537] together with a
hundred and thirteen town-councillors from Trier, among whom was
Alpinius Montanus, who, as we have already seen,[538] had been sent by
Antonius Primus into Gaul. He was accompanied by his brother. By
arousing sympathy and by offering presents, the others, too, were all
busy raising reinforcements among these eagerly adventurous tribes.
The war was far from being over. Dividing his forces, Civilis 20
suddenly made a simultaneous attack on all four Roman garrisons--the
Tenth at Arenacum, the Second at Batavodurum, and the auxiliary horse
and foot at Grinnes and at Vada.[539] Civilis himself, Verax his
nephew, Classicus and Tutor each led one of the attacking parties.
They could not hope all to be successful, but reckoned that, if they
made several ventures, fortune would probably favour one or the other.
Besides, Cerialis, they supposed, was off his guard; on receiving news
from several places at once he would hurry from one garrison to
another, and might be cut off on his way. The party told off against
the Tenth considered it no light task to storm a legion, so they fell
on the soldiers, who had come outside to cut timber, and killed the
camp-prefect, five senior centurions, and a handful of the men. The
rest defended themselves in the trenches. Meanwhile another party of
Germans endeavoured to break the bridge[540] which had been begun at
Batavodurum, but nightfall put an end to the battle before it was won.
The attack on Grinnes and Vada proved more formidable. Civilis led 21
the assault on Vada, Classicus on Grinnes. Nothing could stop them.
The bravest of the defenders had fallen, among them, commanding a
cavalry squadron, Briganticus, whom we have seen already, as a
faithful ally of Rome and a bitter enemy of his uncle Civilis.[541]
However, when Cerialis came to the rescue with a picked troop of
horse, the tables were turned, and the Germans were driven headlong
into the river. While Civilis was trying to stop the rout he was
recognized, and finding himself a target, he left his horse and swam
across the river. Verax escaped in the same way, while some boats put
in to fetch Tutor and Classicus.
Even now the Roman fleet had not joined the army. They had, indeed,
received orders, but fear held them back, and the rowers were employed
on various duties elsewhere. It must be admitted, also, that Cerialis
did not give them time enough to carry out his orders. He was a man of
sudden resolves and brilliant successes. Even when his strategy had
failed, good luck always came to his rescue. Thus neither he nor his
army cared much about discipline. A few days later, again, he narrowly
escaped being taken prisoner and did not escape disgrace. He had 22
gone to Novaesium and Bonn to inspect the winter quarters that were
being built for his legions, and was returning with the fleet.[542]
The Germans noticed that his escort[543] straggled, and that watch was
carelessly kept at night. So they planned a surprise. Choosing a night
black with clouds they slipped down stream and made their way
unmolested into the camp.[544] For the first onslaught they called
cunning to their aid. They cut the tent-ropes and slaughtered the
soldiers as they struggled under their own canvas. Another party fell
on the ships, threw hawsers aboard, and towed them off. Having
surprised the camp in dead silence, when once the carnage began they
added to the panic by making the whole place ring with shouts.
Awakened by their wounds the Romans hunted for weapons and rushed
along the streets,[545] some few in uniform, most of them with their
clothes wrapped round their arms and a drawn sword in their hand. The
general, who was half-asleep and almost naked, was only saved by the
enemy's mistake. His flag-ship being easily distinguishable, they
carried it off, thinking he was there. But Cerialis had been spending
the night elsewhere; as most people believed, carrying on an intrigue
with a Ubian woman named Claudia Sacrata. The sentries sheltered their
guilt under the general's disgrace, pretending that they had orders to
keep quiet and not disturb him: so they had dispensed with the
bugle-call and the challenge on rounds, and dropped off to sleep
themselves. In full daylight the enemy sailed off with their captive
vessels and towed the flag-ship up the Lippe as an offering to
Veleda.[546]
Civilis was now seized with a desire to make a naval display. He 23
manned all the available biremes and all the ships with single banks
of oars, and added to this fleet an immense number of small craft.
These carry thirty or forty men apiece and are rigged like Illyrian
cruisers.[547] The small craft he had captured[548] were worked with
bright, parti-coloured plaids, which served as sails and made a fine
show. He chose for review the miniature sea of water where the Rhine
comes pouring down to the ocean through the mouth of the Maas.[549]
His reason for the demonstration--apart from Batavian vanity--was to
scare away the provision-convoys that were already on their way from
Gaul. Cerialis, who was less alarmed than astonished, at once formed
up a fleet. Though inferior in numbers, he had the advantage of larger
ships, experienced rowers, and clever pilots. The Romans had the
stream with them, the Germans the wind. So they sailed past each
other, and after trying a few shots with light missiles they parted.
Civilis without more ado retired across the Rhine.[550] Cerialis
vigorously laid waste the island of the Batavi, and employed the
common device of leaving Civilis's houses and fields untouched.[551]
They were now well into autumn. The heavy equinoctial rains had set
the river in flood and thus turned the marshy, low-lying island into a
sort of lake. Neither fleet nor provision-convoys had arrived, and
their camp on the flat plain began to be washed away by the force of
the current.
Civilis afterwards claimed that at this point the Germans could 24
have crushed the Roman legions and wanted to do so, but that he had
cunningly dissuaded them. Nor does this seem far from true, since his
surrender followed in a few days' time. Cerialis had been sending
secret messages, promising the Batavians peace and Civilis pardon,
urging Veleda and her relatives[552] to change the fortune of a war
that had only brought disaster after disaster, by doing a timely
service to Rome.[553] 'The Treviri,' he reminded them, 'had been
slaughtered; the allegiance of the Ubii recovered; the Batavians
robbed of their home. By supporting Civilis they had gained nothing
but bloodshed, banishment, and bereavement. He was a fugitive exile, a
burden to those who harboured him. Besides, they had earned blame
enough by crossing the Rhine so often: if they took any further
steps,--from the one side they might expect insult and injury, from
the other vengeance and the wrath of heaven.'
Thus Cerialis mingled threats and promises. The loyalty of the 25
tribes across the Rhine was shaken, and murmurs began to make
themselves heard among the Batavi. 'How much further is our ruin to
go?' they asked. 'One tribe cannot free the whole world from the yoke.
What good have we done by slaughtering and burning Roman legions
except to bring out others, larger and stronger? If it was to help
Vespasian that we have fought so vigorously, Vespasian is master of
the world. If we are challenging Rome--what an infinitesimal fraction
of the human race we Batavians are! We must remember what burdens
Raetia and Noricum and all Rome's other allies bear. From us they levy
no tribute, only our manhood and our men.[554] That is next door to
freedom. And, after all, if we have to choose our masters, it is less
disgrace to put up with Roman emperors than with German priestesses.'
Thus the common people: the chieftains used more violent language. 'It
was Civilis' lunacy that had driven them to war. He wanted to remedy
his private troubles[555] by ruining his country. The Batavians had
incurred the wrath of heaven by blockading Roman legions, murdering
Roman officers, and plunging into a war which was useful for one of
them and deadly for the rest. Now they had reached the limit, unless
they came to their senses and openly showed their repentance by
punishing the culprit.'
Civilis was well aware of their changed feelings and determined to 26
forestall them. He was tired of hardship, and he felt, besides, that
desire to live which so often weakens the resolution of the bravest
spirits. He demanded an interview. The bridge over the river
Nabalia[556] was broken down in the middle, and the two generals
advanced on to the broken ends. Civilis began as follows: 'If I were
defending myself before one of Vitellius' officers, I could expect
neither pardon for my conduct nor credence for my words. Between him
and me there has been nothing but hatred. He began the quarrel, I
fostered it. Towards Vespasian I have from the beginning shown
respect. When he was a private citizen, we were known as friends.
Antonius Primus was aware of this when he wrote urging me to take up
arms to prevent the legions from Germany and the Gallic levies from
crossing the Alps.[557] The instructions which Antonius gave in his
letter Hordeonius Flaccus ratified by word of mouth. I raised the
standard in Germania, as did Mucianus in Syria, Aponius in Moesia,
Flavianus in Pannonia....'
[The rest is lost.]
FOOTNOTES:
[518] iv. 78.
[519] Cp. iv. 28, 33, 35.
[520] Adiutrix.
[521] Before this Cerialis had five legions, I, IV, XVI, XXI,
and XXII, but of these only XXI was in full force, so these
new reinforcements may have doubled his army. The auxiliaries
had been called out by Hordeonius Flaccus (iv. 24).
[522] Perhaps 'in wedge-formation' (see note 283).
[523] Cp. iv. 26.
[524] Bructeri, Tencteri, &c. (cp. iv. 23).
[525] Cp. ii. 11.
[526] Cp. iii. 44.
[527] They had been newly enrolled (see iv. 68).
[528] i.e. the Roman army of occupation which had joined the
Gauls and come over again.
[529] Vetera.
[530] See note 522.
[531] Chap. 14.
[532] Stationed in the Rhine (see chap. 21).
[533] Cp. iv. 68.
[534] Cp. iv. 79.
[535] ? Cleves.
[536] This mole, begun by Drusus in A.D. 9, was built out from
the left bank of the Rhine near Cleves. It turned most of the
water into the Lek, thus making the island easily accessible
from the Roman side and barring access from the north. Civilis
now reversed this position. His friends were now on the north.
The swollen Waal would be an obstacle to the Romans.
[537] i.e. the Waal.
[538] See iii. 35.
[539] These places cannot be certainly identified. They must
have lain on the south of the Waal, probably east and west of
Nymwegen.
[540] Across the now swollen Waal.
[541] See iv. 70.
[542] Which he had found on his way.
[543] Marching along the bank.
[544] Pitched on the left bank somewhere between Novaesium and
Vetera. The German assailants were probably Tencteri.
[545] Dividing the different portions of the camp.
[546] Cp. iv. 61.
[547] Cp. ii. 16.
[548] See chap. 22 and iv. 16 and 79. But the ships captured
by Civilis were not small craft. Perhaps _luntres_ is here
repeated from the preceding sentence by mistake for _naves_ or
_puppes_.
[549] The de Noord channel carries the combined waters of the
Maas and the Waal into the Lek a few miles above Rotterdam.
From the point of this confluence to the sea the Lek takes the
name of Maas.
[550] Into the country of the Frisii up toward the Zuyder Zee.
[551] To make his party suspect that he was in league with the
Romans.
[552] Cp. iv. 65.
[553] i.e. by betraying Civilis to them.
[554] Tacitus remarks in the _Germania_ (chap. 29) that the
Batavi do not suffer the indignity of paying tribute, but,
'like armour and weapons are reserved for use in war.'
[555] Cp. iv. 13.
[556] Perhaps the Neue Yssel, near Arnhem.
[557] Cp. iv. 13, 32.
INDEX OF NAMES
[The references are to the chapters of the Latin text as given in the
margin. The Roman numerals denote the book.]
Abraham, v 2 n. 467.
Actium, i 1.
Acts of the Apostles, v 9 n. 505.
Adriatic, iii 2.
Adrumetum, iv 50.
Adua, ii 40 n. 298.
Aedui, i 51, 64; ii 61; iii 35; iv 17, 57.
Aegialus, i 37.
Aelianus, Plautius, iv 53.
Aenus (Inn), iii 5.
Aerias, ii 3.
Aesculapius, iv 84.
Africa, i 7, 11, 37, 49, 70, 73, 76, 78; ii 58, 97; iii 48; iv 38, 48-50.
Africanus, Paccius, iv 41.
Agrestis, Julius, iii 54.
Agricola, Tacitus' Life of, i 1 n. 6, 49 n. 84; iv 40 n. 341, 50 n. 369.
Agrippa (of Peraea), ii 5 n. 216, 81; iv 39; v 1.
Agrippa (Augustus' son-in-law), i 15.
Agrippa, Fonteius, iii 46.
Agrippa, Vipsanius, i 31 n. 56.
Agrippina, i 56 n. 106; iv 65 n. 409.
Albanians, i 6.
Albingaunum (Albenga), ii 15.
Albintimilium (Ventimiglia), ii 13.
Albinus, Lucceius, ii 58, 59.
Alexander, Tiberius, i 11; ii 74, 79.
Alexandria, i 31; ii 79; iii 48; iv 81-4; v 1.
Allia, ii 91.
Allobroges, i 65, 66.
Alpinus, Julius, i 68.
Alps, i 23, 66, 89; ii 11, 12, 17, 20, 32; iii 34, 35, 42, 53, 55, 70, 85;
v 26.
Altinum (Altino), iii 6.
Ammon, v 3, 4.
Anagnia (Anagni), iii 62.
Andresen, ii 4 n. 214; iv 15 n. 281.
Anicetus, iii 47, 48.
Antigonus, v 9 n. 499.
Antioch, ii 79, 80, 82.
Antiochus Epiphanes, v 8.
Antiochus (of Commagene), ii 5 n. 216, 81; iv 39; v 1.
Antipolis (Antibes), ii 15.
Antonia, The, v 11.
Antonii, iii 38.
Antoninus, Arrius, i 77.
Antonius Primus, ii 86; iii 2, 6, 7, 9-11, 13, 15-17, 19, 20, 23-32, 34,
49, 52-4, 59, 60, 63, 64, 66, 78-82; iv 2, 4, 11, 13, 24, 31, 32, 39,
68, 80; v 19, 26.
Antony, ii 6; iii 24, 66; v 9, 11.
Apennines, iii 42, 50, 52, 55, 56, 59.
Apis, v 4.
Apollinaris, Claudius, iii 57, 76, 77.
Apollo, i 27; iii 65; iv 83.
Aponianus, Dillius, iii 10, 11.
Aponius Saturninus, i 79; ii 85, 96; iii 5, 9-11; v 26.
Appian Road, iv 11.
Apronianus, Vipstanus, i 76.
Aquila, Vedius, ii 44; iii 7.
Aquileia, ii 32 n. 286, 46, 85; iii 6, 8.
Aquilius, iv 15.
Aquinum (Aquino), i 88; ii 63.
Aquinus, Cornelius, i 7.
Aquitania, i 76.
Arabia, v 6.
Arabs, v 1.
Arar (Saône), ii 59.
Archelaus, v 9 n. 503.
Arda, ii 40.
Arenacum, v 20.
Argius, i 49.
Aricia (La Riccia), iii 36; iv 2.
Ariminum (Rimini), iii 41, 42.
Ariovistus, iv 37.
Aristobulus, v 5 n. 486.
Arruntius, ii 65.
Arsaces, v 8.
Arsacids, i 40.
Arverni, iv 17.
Asciburgium (Asberg), iv 33.
Asia, i 10; ii 2, 6, 8, 9, 81, 83; iii 46; iv 17.
Asiaticus (Gallic chieftain), ii 94.
Asiaticus (Vitellius' freedman), ii 57, 95; iv 11.
Asiaticus, Valerius, i 59; iv 4.
Asprenas, Calpurnius, ii 9.
Assyrians, v 8.
Ateste (Este), iii 6.
Atria (Atri), iii 12.
Attianus, Nonius, iv 41.
Atticus, Julius, i 35.
Atticus, Quintius, iii 73-5.
Augustus, i 11, 15, 18, 50, 89, 90; ii 76; iii 66; iv 17, 28, 48, 57; v 9.
Aurius' Horse, iii 5.
Auspex, Julius, iv 69.
Aventicum (Avenches), i 68.
Aventine, iii 70, 84.
Babylon, v 5 n. 485.
Bacchus, v 5.
Baetasii, iv 56, 66.
Baetica, i 53, 78; ii 97 n. 450.
Barea Soranus, iv 7, 10, 40.
Basilides (Egyptian noble), iv 82.
Basilides (Carmelite Priest), ii 78.
Basques, iv 33.
Bassus, Annius, iii 50.
Bassus, Lucilius, ii 100, 101; iii 12, 13, 36, 40; iv 3.
Batavians or Batavi, i 59, 64; ii 17, 22, 27, 28, 43, 66, 69, 97;
iv 12, 14-25, 28, 30, 32, 33, 56, 58, 61, 66, 73, 77-9, 85;
v 15-20, 23-5.
Bedriacum, ii 23, 39, 44, 45, 49, 50, 57, 66, 70, 86;
iii 15, 20, 25, 27, 31.
Belgae, iv 37, 70, 71, 76.
Belgic auxiliaries, iv 17, 20.
Belgica, i 12, 58, 59.
Belus, v 7.
Benignus, Orfidius, ii 43, 45.
Berenice, ii 2, 81.
Berytus (Beyrut), ii 81.
Bingium (Bingen), iv 70.
Blaesus, Junius, i 59; ii 59; iii 38, 39.
Blaesus, Pedius, i 77.
Boadicea, i 37 n. 63; ii 11 n. 228, 32 n. 283.
Bocchoris v 3.
Boii, ii 61.
Bolanus, Vettius, ii 65, 97.
Bonn, iv 19, 20, 25, 62, 70, 77; v 22.
Bononia (Bologna), ii 53, 67, 71.
Bovillae, iv 2, 46.
Brescia, iii 27.
Brigantes, iii 45.
Briganticus, Julius, ii 22; iv 70; v 21.
Britain, i 2, 6, 9, 52, 59, 61; ii 11, 27, 32, 37, 57, 65, 66, 86, 97,
100; iii 2, 22, 15, 35, 41, 44, 70; iv 12, 15, 25, 54, 68, 76, 79;
v 16.
British auxiliaries, i 43, 70.
Britons, iii 45; iv 74.
Brixellum (Brescello), ii 33, 39, 51, 54.
Brixian Gate, iii 27.
Bructeri, iv 21, 61, 77; v 16, 18.
Brundisium (Brindisi), ii 83.
Brutus, iv 8.
Burdo, Julius, i 58.
Byzantium, ii 83; iii 47.
Caecina, Alienus, i 52, 53, 61, 67, 68, 70, 89; ii 11, 17-27, 30, 31,
41, 43, 51, 55, 56, 59, 67, 70, 71, 77, 92, 93, 95, 99-101;
iii 8, 9, 13-15, 31, 32, 36, 37, 40; iv 31, 80.
Caecina, Licinius, ii 53.
Caecina Tuscus, iii 38.
Caelius, Roscius, i 60.
Caeracates, iv 70.
Caesar, Julius, i 42, 50, 67 n. 138, 86, 90; iii 37, 66, 68;
iv 55, 57, 73 n. 436.
Caesarea, ii 79.
Caesariensis (Mauretania), ii 58, 59.
Caetronius Pisanus, iv 50.
Calabria, ii 83.
Calenus, Julius, iii 35.
Caligula, i 16, 48, 89; ii 76; iii 68; iv 42, 48, 68; v 9.
Calvia Crispinilla, i 73.
Camerinus, Scribonianus, ii 72.
Camillus Scribonianus, i 89; ii 75.
Campania, i 2, 23; iii 58-60, 63, 66, 77; iv 3.
Campanus, iv 66.
Camurius, i 41.
Canninefates, iv 15, 16, 19, 32, 56, 79, 85.
Capito, Fonteius, i 7, 8, 37, 52, 58; iii 62; iv 13.
Capito, Vergilius, iii 77; iv 3.
Capitol, i 2, 33, 39, 40, 47, 71; ii 89; iii 69-72, 75, 78, 81;
iv 4, 9, 53, 54.
Capitoline Square, i 86.
Cappadocia, i 78; ii 6, 81.
Capua, iii 57; iv 3.
Caratacus, iii 45.
Carmel, Mt., ii 78.
Carsulae (Casigliano), iii 60.
Carthage, i 76; iv 49, 50.
Cartimandua, iii 45.
Carus, Julius, i 42.
Caspian Pass, i 6.
Cassius, ii 6.
Cassius Longus, iii 14.
Cato, iv 8.
Catulus, Lutatius, i 15 n. 40; iii 72.
Celer, Egnatius, iv 10, 40.
Celsus, Marius, i 14, 31, 39, 45, 71, 77, 87, 90; ii 23-5, 33, 39, 40,
44, 60.
Cepheus, v 2.
Ceres, ii 55.
Cerialis, Petilius, iii 59, 78-80; iv 68, 71-9, 86; v 14-24.
Cerialis, Turullius, ii 22.
Certus, Quintius, ii 16.
Chatti, iv 12, 37.
Chauci, iv 79; v 19.
Chobus (Khopi), iii 48.
Cicero, ii 84 n. 413; iii 37 n. 100.
Cilo, Betuus, i 37.
Cimbri, iv 73.
Cinna, iii 51, 83.
Cinyras, ii 3.
Civilis, i 59; iv 13, 14, 16-19, 21, 22, 24-6, 28-30, 32-7, 54, 55, 58,
60, 61, 63, 65, 66, 70, 71, 73, 75-9; v 14-17, 19-26.
Classicus, ii 14; iv 55, 57-9, 63, 70-9; v 19-21.
Claudia Sacrata, v 22.
Claudius (Emperor), i 10, 16, 48, 52, 77, 89; ii 48, 75, 76;
iii 44, 45, 66; v 9.
Clemens, Arrecinus, iv 68.
Clemens, Suedius, i 87; ii 12.
Cleopatra, v 9.
Cluviae, iv 5.
Cocceianus, Salvius, ii 48.
Coelius, Roscius, i 60.
Coenus, ii 54.
Colline Gate, iii 78, 82.
Cologne, i 56, 57; iv 20, 25, 28; iv 55, 56, 59, 63-6, 79.
Comitia Curiata, i 15 n. 39.
Concord, Temple of, iii 68.
Corbulo, ii 76; iii 6, 24.
Cordus, Julius, i 76.
Corinth, ii 1.
Cornelius, Publius, iii 34.
Corsica, ii 16.
Cossus, Claudius, i 69.
Costa, Pedanius, ii 71.
Cottian Alps (Mt. Cenis), i 61, 87; iv 68.
Crassi, ii 72; iv 42.
Crassus (the Triumvir), i 15.
Crassus, M. Licinius, i 14.
Crassus, M. Licinius (his son), i 48; iv 42.
Cremera, ii 91.
Cremona, ii 17, 22-4, 67, 70, 100; iii 14, 15, 18, 19, 21, 22, 26, 27,
30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 40, 41, 46, 48, 49, 53, 54, 60, 72; iv 2, 31, 51.
Crescens, i 76.
Crete, v 2.
Crispina, i 47.
Crispinilla, Calvia, i 73.
Crispinus (a centurion), i 58.
Crispinus, Varius, i 80.
Crispus, Vibius, ii 10; iv 41-3.
Cugerni, iv 16 n. 282, 26; v 16, 18.
Curtius, Lake, i 41; ii 55.
Cynic philosophy, iv 40.
Cyprus, ii 2.
Cyrene, iv 45.
Cythnus, ii 8, 9.
Dacia, i 2; iii 46, 53; iv 4 n. 242, 54.
Dalmatia, i 76, 89 n. 195; ii 11, 32, 86; iii 12, 50.
Damascus, v 2 n. 467.
Daniel, Book of, v 13 n. 517.
Danube, iii 46.
Danube Provinces, v. Illyricum.
Dead Sea, v 6 n. 490.
Delphi, iv 83.
Demetrius, iv 40.
Densus, Sempronius, i 43.
Deuteronomy, v 5 n. 481.
Dexter, Subrius, i 31.
Dio Cassius, i 74 n. 156; ii 44 n. 311, 72 n. 390; iii 23 n. 66,
54 n. 145, 56 n. 152; iv 41 n. 346, 67 n. 415.
Divodurum (Metz), i 63.
Dolabella, Cornelius, i 88; ii 63, 64.
Domitian, i 1; iii 59, 69, 74, 86; iv 2, 3, 39, 40, 43-7, 51, 52, 68, 75,
80, 85, 86.
Druids, iv 54.
Drusilla, v 9.
Drusus, iii 5 n. 20; v 19.
Dyrrachium (Durazzo), ii 83.
Egypt, i 11, 70, 76; ii 6, 9, 74, 76, 82; iii 8, 48; iv 3, 83, 84;
v 2, 3, 6.
Eleazar, v 12.
Eleusis, iv 83.
Emerita (Merida), i 78.
Epiphanes, ii 25.
Eporedia (Ivrea), i 70.
Epponina, iv 67.
Etesian Winds, ii 98; iv 81 n. 449.
Etruria, i 86; iii 41.
Eumolpid clan, iv 83.
Euphrates, v 9.
Exodus, Book of, v 3 n. 471.
Ezekiel, Book of, v 2 n. 464.
Fabii, ii 91 n. 432.
Fabullus, Fabius, iii 14.
Fanum Fortunae (Fano), iii 50.
Faustus, Annius, ii 10.
Faventinus, Claudius, iii 57.
Felix, Antonius, v 9.
Felix, Sextilius, iii 5; iv 70.
Ferentium (Ferento), ii 50.
Feronia, Temple of, iii 76.
Festus (_praefectus cohortis_), ii 59.
Festus, Valerius, ii 98; iv 49, 50.
Fidenae, iii 79.
Firmus, Plotius, i 46, 82; ii 46, 49.
Flaccus, Hordeonius, i 9, 52, 54, 56; ii 57, 97; iv 13, 18, 19, 24, 25,
27, 31, 36, 55, 77; v 26.
Flaminian Road, i 86; ii 64; iii 79, 82.
Flamma, Antonius, iv 45.
Flavianus, Julius, iii 79.
Flavianus, Tampius, ii 86; iii 4, 10, 11; v 26.
Flavius Sabinus (Vespasian's brother), i 46; ii 55, 63, 99;
iii 59, 64, 65, 68-71, 73-5, 78, 79, 81, 85; iv 47.
Flavius Sabinus (consul A.D. 69), i 77; ii 36, 41.
Flavus, ii 94.
Florus, Gessius, v 10.
Florus, Sulpicius, i 43.
Forum Alieni (? Legnago), iii 6.
Forum Julii (Fréjus), ii 14; iii 43.
Frisii, iv 15, 16, 18, 56, 79.
Frontinus, Julius, iv 39.
Fronto, Julius, i 20; ii 26.
Fulvus, Aurelius, i 79.
Fundane reservoir, iii 69.
Fuscus, Cornelius, ii 86; iii 4, 12, 42, 66; iv 4.
Galatia, ii 9.
Galba, i 1, 5-16, 18, 19, 21-4, 26, 27, 29-56, 64, 65, 67, 71-4, 77,
87, 88; ii 1, 6, 9-11, 23, 31, 55, 58, 71, 76, 86, 88, 92, 97, 101;
iii 7, 22, 25, 57, 62, 68, 85, 86; iv 6, 13, 33, 40, 42, 57; v 16.
Galeria, ii 60, 64.
Galerianus, Calpurnius, iv 11, 49.
Gallus, Annius, i 87; ii 11, 23, 33, 44; iv 68; v 19.
Gallus, Cestius, v 10.
Gallus, Herennius, iv 19, 20, 26, 27, 59, 70, 77.
Gallus, Rubrius, ii 51, 99.
Garamantes, iv 50.
Garutianus, Trebonius, i 7.
Gaul, i 2, 8, 37, 51, 61-3, 87, 89; ii 6, 11, 29, 32, 57, 61, 86, 94, 98;
iii 2, 13, 15, 35, 41, 44, 53; iv 3, 12, 14, 17, 18, 24-6, 28, 31, 32,
37, 49, 54, 67-9, 71, 73-6, 77, 85; v 19, 23.
Gaul, Lyons division of, i 59; ii 59.
Gaul, Narbonnese, i 48, 76, 87; ii 12, 14, 15, 28, 32; iii 41, 42.
Gauls, i 51, 64, 67, 70; ii 68, 69, 93; iii 34, 72; iv 25, 54, 57, 58, 61,
62, 71, 73, 76, 78; v 26.
Gelduba (Gellep), iv 26, 32, 35, 36, 58.
Geminus, Ducenius, i 14.
Geminus, Virdius, iii 48.
Genesis, Book of, v 7 n. 491.
Gennesareth, v 6 n. 490.
_Germania_, Tacitus'; iii 47 n. 124; iv 12 n. 265, n. 267, 16 n. 283,
18 n. 293, 64 n. 408; v 5 n. 483, 25 n. 554.
Germanicus (Title of Vitellius), i 62; ii 64.
Germanicus (Vitellius' son), ii 59; iii 66.
Germans, i 52, 61, 68, 70, 84; ii 22, 32, 35, 93; iii 15, 46, 53;
iv 14-16, 18, 22, 24-7, 29, 33, 34, 37, 57, 58, 60, 61, 63, 65, 66,
73-5, 78, 79; v 14-25.
Germany, i 7, 9, 12, 37, 49, 50, 52, 53, 55, 61, 73; ii 16, 17, 22, 69,
93, 97; iii 2, 35, 41, 46, 62, 70; iv 3, 15, 17-19, 21, 23, 28, 31, 41,
49, 54, 63, 64, 70, 72, 76; v 14, 17.
Germany, Legionary and auxiliary troops of, i 8, 19, 26, 31, 67, 70,
74, 77; ii 22, 23, 55, 57, 58, 60, 75, 77, 80, 99; iii 1, 8, 9, 13, 26,
38, 69, 84; iv 32, 46, 76; v 16, 26.
Geta, ii 72.
Graian Alps (Little St. Bernard), ii 66; iv 15, 68.
Gratilla, Verulana, iii 69.
Gratus, Julius, ii 26.
Grinnes, v 20.
Grotius, ii 86 n. 421.
Grypus, Plotius, iii 52; iv 39, 40.
Hadrian, i 58 n. 108.
Haemus, Mt. (Balkans), ii 85.
Hannibal, iii 34; iv 13.
Hardy, E.G., ii 19 n. 255, 40 n. 298.
Helvetii, i 67, 69, 70.
Henderson, B.W., ii 19 n. 255, 20 n. 257, 40 n. 298; iv 34 n. 323,
68 n. 420.
Hercules Monoecus, iii 42.
Hermon, Mt., v 6 n. 489.
Herod (the Great), v 9, 11.
Herod Agrippa I, ii 2 n. 205.
Herod Agrippa II, ii 2 n. 205, 5 n. 216, 81; v 1.
Herod Antipas, v 9 n. 503.
Herod Philip, v 9 n. 503.
Hesychius, ii 3 n. 208.
Hierosolyma, ii 2.
Hierosolymus, ii 2.
Hilarus, ii 65.
Hispalis (Seville), i 78.
Histria, ii 72.
Homer, v 2.
Horatius Cocles, i 86 n. 183.
Hordeonius Flaccus, v. Flaccus.
Hormus, iii 12, 28; iv 39.
Hostilia (Ostiglia), ii 100; iii 9, 14, 21, 40.
Iazyges, iii 5.
Icelus, i 13, 33, 37, 46; ii 95.
Ida, Idaei, v 2, 4.
Illyrian Sea (Adriatic), iii 2.
Illyricum, i 2, 6, 9, 76; ii 60, 74, 86; iii 35; iv 3.
Illyricum, troops of, i 31; ii 60, 85, 86.
Interamna, Interamnium (Terni), ii 64; iii 61, 63.
Isis, iii 74 n. 204; iv 84; v 2.
Italicus, Silius, iii 65.
Italicus (Suebian prince), iii 5, 21.
Italy, i 2, 9, 11, 50, 61, 62, 70, 84; ii 6, 8, 12, 17, 20, 21, 27, 28,
32, 56, 62, 66, 83, 90; iii 1, 2, 4-6, 9, 30, 34, 42, 46, 49, 53, 59;
iv 5, 13, 17, 51, 55, 58, 65, 72, 73, 75, 76; v 1, 10.
Jerusalem, ii 4; v 1, 8, 9, 11-13.
Jewish Army (Roman), i 76; ii 79, 81.
Jews, i 10; ii 4, 78; iv 51; v 1, 2, 4, 5, 7-11, 12.
John (of Gischala), v 12.
Jordan, v 6.
Josephus, v 3 n. 472, 5 n. 484.
Juba, ii 58.
Juda, v 2.
Judaea, ii 1, 5, 6, 73, 76, 78, 79, 82; iv 3; v 1, 8, 9, 13.
Julian Alps (Brenner), iii 8.
Julian family, i 16; ii 48, 95.
Julianus, Claudius, iii 57, 76, 77.
Julianus, Tettius, i 79; ii 85; iv 39, 40.
Julius Caesar, v. Caesar.
Junii, iii 38.
Juno, i 86; iv 53.
Jupiter, iii 72, 74; iv 53, 54, 58, 83, 84; v 2.
Jupiter-Pluto, iv 83.
Justin, v 2 n. 467.
Justus, Minicius, iii 7.
Juvenal, ii 62 n. 361; v 2 n. 469.
Juvenalian Games, iii 62.
Juvenalis (Tungrian chief), iv 66.
Labeo, Claudius, iv 18, 56, 66, 70.
Laco, Cornelius, i 6, 13, 14, 19, 26, 33, 39, 46.
Ladder of Sighs, iii 74, 85.
Laecanius, i 41.
Latin rights, iii 55.
Lebanon, v 6.
Legions.
I, German, i 55, 57; ii 100; iii 22; iv 19, 25, 37, 57, 59, 62, 70,
72, 77.
I Adiutrix, i 6, 31, 36; ii 11, 17, 22, 23, 43, 67, 86; iii 13, 44;
iv 68.
I, Italian, i 59, 64, 74; ii 41, 100; iii 14, 18, 22.
II Adiutrix, iii 55, 67; iv 68; v 14, 16, 20.
II Augusta, iii 22, 44.
III Augusta, i 7 n. 16, 11; ii 97; iv 49.
III Cyrenaic, vi.
III Gallic, i 79; ii 74, 85, 96; iii 10, 21, 24, 27, 29; iv 3, 39.
IV Macedonian, i 18, 55, 56; ii 89, 100; iii 22; iv 37.
IV Scythian, i 76 n. 164.
V Alaudae, i 55, 61; ii 43, 68, 100; iii 14, 22; iv 35, 36.
V Macedonian, i 76 n. 163; v 1.
VI Ferrata, i 76 n. 164; ii 83; iii 46.
VI Victrix, i 16; iii 44; iv 68, 76; v 16.
VII Claudian, ii 85; iii 9, 21, 27; iv 68 n. 420.
VII Galbian, i 6; ii 11, 67, 86; iii 7, 10, 21, 22, 25, 27, 29; iv 39.
VIII Augusta, ii 85; iii 10, 21, 27; iv 68.
IX Spanish, iii 22.
X Fretensis, i 76 n. 163; v 1.
X Gemina, ii 58; iii 44; iv 76; v 19, 20.
XI Claudian, ii 11, 67; iii 50; iv 68.
XII Fulminata, v 1.
XIII Gemina, ii 11, 24, 43, 44, 67, 86; iii 1, 7, 21, 27, 32; iv 68;
v 14.
XIV Gemina, i 59, 64; ii 11, 27, 32, 43, 54, 66, 68, 86; iii 13;
iv 68, 76, 79; v 14, 16, 19.
XV Apollinaris, i 76 n. 163; v 1.
XV Primigenia, i 41, 55; ii 100; iii 22, 23; iv 35, 36.
XVI Gallic, i 55; ii 100; iii 22; iv 26, 57, 62, 70, 72, 77.
XX Valeria Victrix, i 60; iii 22.
XXI Rapax, i 61, 67; ii 43, 100; iii 14, 18, 22, 25; iv 68, 70, 78.
XXII Deiotariana, v 1.
XXII Primigenia, i 18, 55, 56; ii 100; iii 22; iv 24, 37.
Lepcis (Lebda), iv 50.
Leuci, i 64.
Leviticus, Book of, v 4 n. 473, n. 476; v 5 n. 487; v 13 n. 516.
Liburnian Cruisers, ii 16, 35; iii 12, 14, 42, 43, 47, 48, 77; v 23.
Libya, v 2.
Licinianus, Piso, v. Piso.
Liguria, ii 13, 14, 15.
Lingones, i 53, 54, 57, 59, 64, 78; ii 27; iv 55, 57, 67, 69, 70, 73,
76, 77.
Lippe, the, v 22.
Livy, iii 72 n. 194.
Locus Castorum, ii 24.
Longinus, Aemilius, iv 59, 62.
Longinus, Pompeius, i 31.
Longus, Cassius, iii 14.
Lucania, ii 83.
Luceria, iii 86.
Lucus (Luc-en-Diois), i 66.
Lugdunum (Lyons), i 51, 59, 64, 65, 74; ii 59, 65; iv 85, 86.
Luke, Gospel of, v 4 n. 474, 8 n. 493.
Lupercus, Munius, iv 18, 22, 61.
Lupus, Numisius, i 79; iii 10.
Lusitania, i 13, 21, 70; ii 97 n. 450.
Lusones, i 78 n. 173.
Lutatian house, i 15.
Maas, the, iv 28, 66; v 23.
Macedonians, iv 83; v 8.
Macer, Clodius, i 7, 11, 37, 73; ii 97; iv 19.
Macer, Martius, ii 23, 35, 36, 71.
Magnus (Piso's brother), i 48.
Mainz, iv 15, 24, 25, 33, 37, 59, 61, 62, 70, 71.
Malaria, iii 33 n. 91.
Manlius Patruitus, iv 45.
Mansuetus, Julius, iii 25.
Marcellus, Claudius, i 15.
Marcellus, Cornelius, i 37.
Marcellus, Eprius, ii 53, 95; iv 6, 7, 8, 10, 42, 43.
Marcellus, Romilius, i 56, 59.
Marcodurum (Düren), iv 28.
Mariccus, ii 61.
Marinus, Valerius, ii 71.
Marius, Caius, ii 38.
Marius Celsus, v. Celsus.
Marsaci, iv 56.
Marseilles, iii 43.
Marsi, iii 59.
Martial, v 2 n. 469.
Martialis, Cornelius, iii 70, 71, 73.
Martialis, Julius, i 28, 82.
Martian Plain, i 86; ii 95; iii 82.
Massa, Baebius, iv 50.
Mattiaci, iv 37.
Maturus, Marius, ii 12; iii 42, 43.
Mauretania, i 11; ii 58, 59.
Mauricus, Junius, iv 40.
Maximus, Julius, iv 33.
Maximus, Trebellius, i 60; ii 65.
Medes, i 40 n. 67; v 8.
Mediolanum (Milan), i 70.
Mediomatrici, i 63; iv 70-2.
Mefitis, iii 33.
Meiser, ii 50 n. 328; iii 5 n. 21.
Mela, Annaeus, ii 86 n. 421.
Memphis, iv 84.
Merom, v 6 n. 490.
Messala, Vipstanus, ii 101 n. 459; iii 9, 11, 18, 25, 28; iv 42.
Messiah, v 13 n. 517.
Mevania (Bevagna), iii 55.
Minerva, i 86 n. 182; iv 53.
Minturnae, iii 57.
Misenum, Fleet at, ii 9, 100; iii 56, 57, 60.
Moesia, i 76, 79; ii 32, 46, 74, 83, 85; iii 46, 53, 75; iv 54; v 26.
Moesia, Troops of, ii 32, 44, 85, 86; iii 2, 5, 9, 11, 18, 24.
Mogontiacum, v. Mainz.
Monoecus (Monaco), iii 42.
Montanus, Alpinius, iii 35; iv 31, 32; v 19.
Montanus, Curtius, iv 40, 42, 43.
Moriah, Mt., v 8 n. 492, 11 n. 511.
Morini, iv 28.
Moschus, i 87.
Moselle, the, iv 71, 77.
Moses, v 3, 4.
Mucianus, i 10, 76; ii 4, 5, 7, 74, 76-84, 95; iii 1, 8, 25, 46, 47, 49,
52, 53, 63, 66, 75, 78; iv 4, 11, 24, 39, 44, 46, 49, 68, 75, 80, 85;
v 26.
Mulvian Bridge, i 87; ii 89; iii 82.
Mummia, i 15 n. 40.
Murcus, Statius, i 43.
Mutina, i 50; ii 52, 54.
Nabalia, the, v 26.
Narbonnese Gaul, v. Gaul.
Narnia (Narni), iii 58, 60, 63, 67, 78, 79.
Naso, Antonius, i 20.
Nava (Nahe), iv 70.
Nero, i 2, 4-10, 13, 16, 20-3, 25, 30, 46, 48, 49, 51, 53, 65, 70, 72, 73,
76-8, 89, 90; ii 5, 8-11, 27, 54, 58, 66, 71, 72, 76, 86, 95; iii 6, 62,
68; iv 7, 8, 13, 41, 42-4; v 10.
Nerva, i 1.
Nervii, iv 15, 33, 56, 66, 79.
Niger, Casperius, iii 73.
Norbanus, iii 72.
Noricum, i 11, 70; iii 5; v 25.
Novaesium (Neuss), iv 26, 33, 35, 36, 57, 62, 70, 77, 79; v 22.
Novaria (Novara), i 70.
Novellus, Antonius, i 87; ii 12.
Numisius Lupus, i 79; iii 10.
Numisius Rufus, iv 22, 59, 70, 77.
Nymphidius Sabinus, v. Sabinus.
Ocriculum (Otricoli), iii 78.
Oea (Tripoli), iv 50.
Onions, J.T., ii 23 n. 264.
Onomastus, i 25, 27.
Opitergium (Oderzo), iii 6.
Orfitus, Cornelius, iv 42.
Osiris, iv 84.
Ostia, i 80; ii 63.
Otho, i 1, 13, 21, 22, 24, 26-36, 39-47, 50, 64, 70-90; ii 1, 6, 7, 11,
13, 14, 16-18, 21, 23, 25, 26, 28, 30, 31, 33, 36, 38-60, 63, 65, 76,
85, 86, 95, 101; iii 10, 32, 44; iv 17, 54.
Pacarius, Decimus, ii 16.
Pacensis, Aemilius, i 20, 87; ii 12; iii 73.
Pacorus (Viceroy of Media Atropene), i 40.
Pacorus (Parthian king), v 9.
Paetus, Thrasea, ii 53 n. 331, 91; iv 5-8.
Palace of the Caesars, i 17, 29, 32, 35, 39, 47, 72, 80, 82; iii 67, 68,
70, 74, 84.
Pamphylia, ii 9.
Pannonia, i 76; ii 32, 86; iii 4, 12; iv 54; v 26.
Pannonia, Troops of, i 26, 67; ii 11, 14, 17, 85, 86; iii 2, 11, 24.
Pannonian (Julian) Alps, ii 98; iii 1.
Paphos, ii 2.
Papirius, iv 49.
Parthians, i 2; ii 6, 82; iii 24; iv 51; v 8, 9.
Patavium (Padua), ii 100; iii 6, 7, 11.
Patrobius, i 49; ii 95.
Patruitus, Manlius, iv 45.
Paul, Saint, ii 2 n. 205.
Paulinus, Suetonius, i 87, 90; ii 23-6, 31, 33, 37, 39, 40, 44, 60.
Paulinus, Valerius, iii 43.
Paulus, Julius, iv 13.
Pedanius Costa, ii 71.
Pennine Alps (Great St. Bernard), i 70, 87; iv 68.
Persians, v 8.
Perusia (Perugia), i 50.
Petilius Cerialis, v. Cerialis.
Petra's Horse, i 70; iv 49.
Petronia, ii 64.
Petronius Arbiter, ii 88 n. 426.
Pharsalia, i 50; ii 38.
Philippi, i 50; ii 38.
Philo, i 11 n. 30.
Phoenicia, v 6.
Picenum, iii 42.
Picenum Horse, iv 62.
Picked Horse, iv 70.
Pisa, Bay of, iii 42.
Piso, Caius, iv 11.
Piso, Lucius, iv 38, 48-50.
Piso Licinianus, i 14, 15, 17-19, 21, 29, 30, 34, 39, 43, 44, 47, 48;
iii 68; iv 40, 42.
Placentia (Piacenza), ii 17-20, 23, 24, 32, 36, 49.
Placidus, Julius, iii 84.
Plautus, Rubellius, i 14.
Pliny (the elder), ii 101 n. 459; iii 28; v 5 n. 482.
Pliny (the younger), i 48 n. 79; ii 11 n. 232.
Plutarch, i 27 n. 55, 43 n. 72, 74 n. 156; ii 37 n. 294, 38 n. 296,
40 n. 298, 44 n. 311, 46 n. 316, 46 n. 318, 70 n. 387; iii 54 n. 145;
iv 67 n. 415; v 3 n. 487.
Pluto, iv 83.
Po, the, i 70; ii 11, 17, 19, 20, 22, 23, 32, 34, 39, 40, 43, 44;
iii 34, 50, 52.
Poetovio (Petau), iii 1.
Polemo, ii 2 n. 205; iii 47.
Pollio, Asinius, ii 59.
Polyclitus, i 37; ii 95.
Pompeius (Pompey), i 15, 50; ii 6, 38; iii 66; v 9, 12.
Pontia Postumina, iv 44.
Pontus, ii 6, 8, 81, 83; iii 47; iv 83.
Poppaea Sabina, i 13, 22, 78.
Porcius Septiminus, iii 5.
Porsenna, iii 72.
Postumian Road, ii 24, 41; iii 21.
Primus, Antonius, v. Antonius.
Primus, Cornelius, iii 74.
Priscus, Fabius, iv 79.
Priscus, Helvidius, ii 91; iv 4, 10, 43, 53.
Priscus, Julius, ii 92; iii 55, 61; iv 11.
Priscus, Tarquinius, iii 72.
Proculus, Barbius, i 25.
Proculus, Cocceius, i 24.
Proculus, Licinius, i 46, 82, 87; ii 33, 39, 40, 44, 60.
Propinquus, Pompeius, i 12, 58.
Proserpine, iv 83.
Ptolemy, Soter, iv 83, 84.
Ptolemy, Euergetes, iv 84.
Ptolemy (Otho's astrologer), i 22.
Pudens, Maevius, i 24.
Pulvillus, Horatius, iii 72.
Puteoli (Pozzuoli), iii 57.
Pyrenees, i 23.
Pyrrhicus, Claudius, ii 16.
Quintilian, i 90 n. 200; iii 9, n. 40.
Quirinal, iii 69.
Quirinus, iv 58.
Raetia, i 11, 68; ii 98; iii 5, 8, 15; iv 70; v 25.
Raetia, Troops of, i 59, 67, 68; iii 53.
Raetian Alps (Arlberg), i 70.
Ravenna, Fleet at, ii 100; iii 6, 12, 36, 40, 50.
Rebilus, Caninius, iii 37.
Receptus, Nonius, i 56, 59.
Red Rocks, iii 79.
Regium Lepidum (Reggio), ii 50.
Regulus, Aquilius, i 48 n. 79; iv 42.
Regulus, Rosius, iii 37.
Remi, iv 67-9.
Repentinus, Calpurnius, i 56, 59.
Rhacotis, iv 84.
Rhine, the, i 51; ii 32; iii 12, 16, 22, 23, 26, 55, 59, 64, 73;
iv 14, 15, 17-19, 23, 24, 28, 63, 76; v 16, 25.
Rhoxolani, i 79.
Rigodulum (Riol), iv 71.
Romulus, ii 95.
Roscius Caelius, i 60.
Rufinus, Vivennius, iii 12.
Rufinus (Gallic chieftain), ii 94.
Rufus, Cadius, i 77.
Rufus, Cluvius, i 8, 76; ii 37 n. 294, 58, 65, 101 n. 459; iii 65;
iv 39, 43.
Rufus, Musonius, iii 81; iv 10, 40.
Rufus, Numisius, iv 22, 59, 70, 77.
Rufus, Verginius, v. Verginius.
Rusticus, Arulenus, iii 69 n. 187, 80.
Sabinus, Caelius, i 77.
Sabinus, Calvisius, i 48.
Sabinus, Domitius, i 31.
Sabinus, Flavius, v. Flavius.
Sabinus, Julius, iv 55, 67.
Sabinus, Nymphidius, i 5, 6, 25, 37.
Sabinus, Obultronius, i 37.
Sabinus, Publilius, ii 92; iii 36.
Sacrata, Claudia, v 22.
Sacrovir, iv 57.
Saevinus (?) Proculus, i 77.
Sagitta, Claudius, iv 49.
Sagitta, Octavius, iv 44.
Salarian Road, iii 78, 82.
Salii, i 89 n. 196.
Sallust's Gardens, iii 82.
Salonina, ii 20.
Salvius Titianus, i 75, 77, 90; ii 23, 33, 39, 40, 44, 60.
Samnites, iii 59.
Samuel, Book of, v 21 n. 464.
Sanctus, Claudius, iv 62.
Sardinia, ii 16.
Sarmatians, i 2, 79; iii 5, 24; iv 4, 54.
Saturn, i 27; v 24.
Saturnalian holiday, iii 78.
Saturninus, v. Aponius, Vitellius.
Scaeva, Didius, iii 73.
Scipio (_praefectus cohortis_), ii 59.
Scipio, L. (consul, B.C. 83), iii 72.
Scribonia, i 14.
Scribonianus, Camillus, i 89; ii 75.
Scribonianus Camerinus, ii 72.
Scribonianus Crassus, i 15, 47; iv 39.
Scribonius, iv 41.
Scydrothemis, iv 83, 84.
Sebosus' Horse, iii 6.
Secundus, Vibius, ii 10 n. 225.
Sedochezi, iii 48.
Seleucia, iv 84.
Seleucids, v 8.
Seleucus (soothsayer), ii 78.
Sempronius, Tiberius, iii 34.
Sempronius Densus, i 43.
Sentius, iv 7.
Septiminus, Porcius, iii 5.
Sequani, i 51; iv 67.
Serapis, iv 81, 84.
Serenus, Amullius, i 31.
Sertorius, iv 13.
Servian family, ii 48.
Servilian Park, iii 38.
Servius Tullius, iii 72.
Severus, Cestius, iv 41.
Severus, Cetrius, i 31.
Severus, Claudius, i 68.
Sextilia, i 75; ii 64, 89; iii 67.
Shoe-money, iii 50.
Sido, iii 5, 21.
Siena, iv 45.
Sighs, Ladder of, iii 74, 85.
Silanus, M. Junius, iii 38 n. 103.
Silanus, M. Junius M.f., iv 48.
Silius' Horse, i 70; ii 17.
Silius Italicus, iii 65.
Silvanus, Pompeius, ii 86; iii 50; iv 47.
Simon (Herod's slave), v 9.
Simon (Jewish leader), v 12.
Simplex, Caecilius, ii 60; iii 68.
Sinope, iv 83, 84.
Sinuessa Spa, i 72.
Sisenna, L. Cornelius, iii 51.
Sisenna (centurion), ii 8.
Sohaemus, ii 81; iv 39; v 1.
Solymi, v 2.
Soranus, Barea, iv 7, 10, 40.
Sosianus, Antistius, iv 44.
Sosius, v 9.
Sostratus, ii 4.
Spain, i 6, 8, 22, 37, 49, 62, 76; ii 32, 58, 65, 67, 86, 97;
iii 2, 13, 15, 25, 35, 44, 53, 70; iv 3, 25, 39, 68, 76; v 19.
Spurinna, Vestricius, ii 11, 18, 19, 23, 36.
Stoechades (Îles d'Hyères), iii 43.
Stoics, iii 81; iv 5.
Strabo, Pompeius, iii 51.
Suebi, i 2; iii 5, 21.
Suessa Pometia, iii 72.
Suetonius (the historian), i 13 n. 35, 52 n. 95, 74 n. 156;
ii 32 n. 286, 59 n. 348, 70 n. 388; iii 54 n. 145.
Suetonius Paulinus, v. Paulinus.
Sulla, ii 38; iii 72, 83.
Sulpicia Praetextata, iv 42.
Sulpician house, i 15.
Sunuci, iv 66.
Syria, i 10; ii 2, 5, 6, 9, 73, 74, 76, 78-81; iv 3, 17, 39, 84;
v 2, 6, 9, 10, 26.
Syria, Troops of, i 10, 76; ii 8, 74, 80; iv 39; v 1.
Tamiras, ii 3.
Tampius, v. Flavianus.
Tarentum, ii 83.
Tarpeian Rock, iii 71.
Tarquinius Priscus, iii 72.
Tarquinius Superbus, iii 72.
Tarracina (Anxur), iii 57, 60, 76, 77, 84; iv 2, 3.
Tarragona, ii 97 n. 450; iv 33 n. 322.
Tartaro, the, iii 9, 14.
Tatius, ii 95.
Taurus' Horse, i 59.
Taurus, Antonius, i 20.
Tencteri, iv 21, 64, 65, 77; v 16.
Terentius, i 41.
Tertullinus, Vulcacius, iv 9.
Tettius, v. Julianus.
Teutons, iv 73.
Thrace, i 11, 68.
Tiber, i 86; ii 93; iii 82; iv 53 n. 382.
Tiberius, i 15, 16, 27, 89; ii 65, 76, 95; iv 42, 48; v 9.
Ticinum (Pavia), ii 17, 27, 30, 68, 88.
Tigellinus, i 24, 72.
Timotheus, iv 83.
Tingitana, ii 58, 59.
Tiridates, ii 82 n. 410.
Tiro, Apinius, iii 57, 76.
Titianus, Salvius, i 75, 77, 90; ii 23, 33, 39, 40, 44, 60.
Titus, i 1, 10; ii 1, 4-6, 74, 79, 82; iv 3, 38, 51, 52; v 1, 10, 11, 13.
Tolbiacum (Zülpich), iv 79.
Trachalus, Galerius, i 90; ii 60.
Trajan, i 1; iv 9 n. 255.
Transalpine tribes, iv 54.
Transpadane district, i 70.
Trapezus (Trebizond), iii 47.
Trebellius Maximus, i 60; ii 65.
Treviri, Trier, i 53, 57, 63; ii 14, 28; iii 35; iv 18, 28, 32, 37, 55, 57,
58, 62, 66, 68-76, 85; v 14, 17, 19, 24.
Triaria, ii 63, 64; iii 77.
Triboci, iv 70.
Trogus Pompeius, v 2 n. 467.
Tungri, ii 14, 15, 28; iv 16, 55, 66, 79.
Turin, ii 66.
Turpilianus, Petronius, i 6, 37.
Turullius Cerialis, ii 22.
Tuscus, Caecina, iii 38.
Tutor, iv 55, 57-9, 70-2, 74, 76, 78; v 19-21.
Twin Brethren, ii 24.
Ubii, iv 18, 28, 55, 63, 77; v 22, 24 (_see also_ Cologne).
Umbria, iii 41, 42, 52.
Umbricius, i 27.
Urbicus, Petronius, i 70.
Urbinum, iii 62.
Usipi, iv 37.
Vada, v 20, 21.
Valens, Donatius, i 56, 59.
Valens, Fabius, i 7, 52, 57, 61, 62, 64, 66, 74; ii 14, 24, 27, 29-31, 41,
43, 51, 54-6, 59, 67, 70, 71, 77, 92, 93, 95, 99, 100; iii 15, 36, 40-4,
62, 66.
Valens, Manlius, i 64.
Valentinus, iv 68-71, 76, 85.
Vangiones, iv 70.
Varro, Cingonius, i 6, 37.
Varus, Alfenus, ii 29, 43; iii 36, 55, 61; iv 11.
Varus, Arrius, iii 6, 16, 52, 61, 63, 64; iv 1, 4, 11, 39, 68.
Varus, Plancius, ii 63.
Varus, Quintilius, iv 17; v 9.
Vatican Quarter, ii 93.
Vatinius, i 37.
Velabrum, i 27; iii 74.
Veleda, iv 61, 65; v 22, 24.
Vellocatus, iii 45.
Ventidius, v 9.
Venus, ii 2.
Venutius, iii 45.
Verania, i 47.
Verax, v 20, 21.
Vercellae (Vercelli), i 70.
Vergilio, Atilius, i 41.
Verginius Rufus, i 8, 9, 52, 53, 77; ii 49, 51, 68, 71; iii 62; iv 17, 69.
Verona, ii 23; iii 8, 10, 15, 50, 52.
Verulana Gratilla, iii 69.
Verus, Atilius, iii 22.
Vespasian, i 1, 10, 46, 50, 76; ii 1, 4, 5, 7, 67, 73, 74, 76, 78-87, 96-9;
iii 1, 3, 7-13, 34, 37, 38, 42-4, 48, 49, 52, 53, 57, 59, 63-6, 69, 70,
73, 75, 77, 78, 86; iv 3-9, 13, 14, 17, 21, 24, 27, 31, 32, 36-40, 42,
46, 49, 51, 52, 54, 58, 68, 70, 75, 77, 80-2; v 1, 10, 13, 25, 26.
Vesta, Temple of, i 43.
Vestal Virgins, i 2 n. 7; iii 81; iv 53.
Vestinus, iv 53.
Vetera, iv 18, 21, 35, 36, 57, 58, 62; v 14.
Vettius Bolanus, ii 65, 97.
Veturius, i 25.
Vibius Crispus, ii 10; iv 41-3.
Vicetia (Vicenza), iii 8.
Victor, Claudius, iv 33.
Victory, Statue of, i 86.
Vienne, i 65, 66, 77; ii 29, 66.
Vindex, Julius, i 6, 8, 16, 51, 53, 65, 70, 89; ii 94; iv 17, 57, 69.
Vindonissa (Windisch), i 61 n. 123, 67 n. 139; iv 61, 70.
Vinius, Titus, i 1, 6, 11-14, 32-4, 37, 39, 42, 44, 47, 48, 72; ii 95.
Vipsanian arcade, i 31.
Vitellius, i 1, 9, 14, 44, 50, 52, 56-64, 67-70, 73-7, 84, 85, 90;
ii 1, 6, 7, 14, 16, 17, 21, 27, 30-2, 38, 42, 43, 47, 48, 52-77, 80-101;
iii 1-5, 8-15, 31, 35-44, 47, 48, 53-75, 78-81, 84-86;
iv 1, 3, 4, 11, 13-15, 17, 19, 21, 24, 27, 31, 36, 37, 41, 46, 47, 49,
51, 54, 55, 58, 70, 80; v 26.
Vitellius, Lucius (his father), i 9; iii 66, 86.
Vitellius, Lucius (his brother), i 88; ii 54, 63; iii 37, 38, 55, 58,
76, 77; iv 2.
Vitellius Saturninus, i 82.
Vocetius, i 68.
Vocontii, i 66.
Vocula, Dillius, iv 24-7, 33-7, 56-9, 62, 77.
Vocula, Sariolenus, iv 41.
Volaginius, ii 75.
Vologaesus, i 40; ii 82 n. 410; iv 51.
Volusius, iii 29.
Vopiscus, Pompeius, i 77.
Wölfflin, v 4 n. 478.
Zion, v 11 n. 1.
OXFORD: HORACE HART
PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY