PLANTATION LIFE

As viewed by

ED McCREE, Age 76

543 Reese Street

Athens, Georgia

Written by:

Sadie B. Hornsby [HW: (White)]

Athens

Edited by:

Sarah H. Hall

Athens

Leila Harris

Augusta

and

John N. Booth

District Supervisor

Federal Writers' Project

Residencies 6 & 7

Ed McCree's home was pointed out by a little albino Negro girl about 10

years old. The small front yard was gay with snapdragons, tiger lilies,

dahlias, and other colorful flowers, and the two-story frame house,

painted gray with white trimmings seemed to be in far better repair than

the average Negro residence.

Chewing on a cud of tobacco, Ed answered the knock on his front door.

"Good evenin' Lady," he said. "Have a cheer on de porch whar it's cool."

Ed is about five feet, six inches in height, and on this afternoon he

was wearing a blue striped shirt, black vest, gray pants and black

shoes. His gray hair was topped by a soiled gray hat.

Nett, his wife, came hobbling out on the porch and sat down to listen to

the conversation. At first the old man was reluctant to talk of his

childhood experiences, but his interest was aroused by questioning and

soon he began to eagerly volunteer his memories. He had just had his

noon meal and now and then would doze a little, but was easily aroused

when questions called him back to the subject.

"I was borned in Oconee County," he said, "jus' below Watkinsville. My

Ma and Pa was Louisa and Henry McCree, but Old Marster called Pa 'Sherm'

for short. Far as I ever heared, my Ma and Pa was borned and brung up

right dar in Oconee County. Dere was six of us chillun: Silas, Lumpkin,

Bennie, Lucy, Babe, and me. Babe, she was borned a long time atter de

war.

"Little Niggers, what was too young to wuk in de fields, toted water to

de field hands and waited on de old 'omans what was too old to wuk in de

craps. Dem old 'omans looked atter de babies and piddled 'round de

yards.

"Slave quarters was lots of log cabins wid chimlies of criss-crossed

sticks and mud. Pore white folks lived in houses lak dat too. Our bed

was made wid high posties and had cords, what run evvy which a-way, for

springs. 'Course dey had to be wound tight to keep dem beds from fallin'

down when you tried to git in 'em. For mattresses, de 'omans put wheat

straw in ticks made out of coarse cloth wove right dar on de plantation,

and de pillows was made de same way. Ole Miss, she let her special

favorite Niggers, what wuked up at de big house, have feather mattresses

and pillows. Dem other Niggers shined dey eyes over dat, but dere warn't

nothin' dey could do 'bout it 'cept slip 'round and cut dem feather beds

and pillows open jus' to see de feathers fly. Kivver was 'lowanced out

evvy year to de ones what needed it most. In dat way dere was allus good

kivver for evvybody.

"Grandma Liza b'longed to Marse Calvin Johnson long 'fore Marse John

McCree buyed her. She was cook at de big house. Grandpa Charlie, he

b'longed to Marse Charlie Hardin, but atter him and Grandma married, she

still went by de name of McCree.

"Lawdy Miss! Who ever heared of folks payin' slaves to wuk? Leastwise, I

never knowed 'bout none of 'em on our place gittin' money for what dey

done. 'Course dey give us plenty of somepin' t'eat and clothes to wear,

and den dey made us keep a-humpin' it. I does 'member seein' dem paper

nickels, dimes, and quarters what us chillun played wid atter de war. Us

used to pretend us was rich wid all dat old money what warn't no good

den.

"'Bout dem eatments, Miss, it was lek dis, dere warn't no fancy victuals

lak us thinks us got to have now, but what dere was, dere was plenty of.

Most times dere was poke sallet, turnip greens, old blue head collards,

cabbages, peas, and 'taters by de wholesale for de slaves to eat and,

onct a week, dey rationed us out wheat bread, syrup, brown sugar, and

ginger cakes. What dey give chillun de most of was potlicker poured over

cornbread crumbs in a long trough. For fresh meat, outside of killin' a

shoat, a lamb, or a kid now and den, slaves was 'lowed to go huntin' a

right smart and dey fotch in a good many turkles (turtles), 'possums,

rabbits, and fish. Folks didn't know what iron cookstoves was dem days.

Leastwise, our white folks didn't have none of 'em. All our cookin' was

done in open fireplaces in big old pots and pans. Dey had thick iron

skillets wid heavy lids on 'em, and dey could bake and fry too in dem

skillets. De meats, cornbread, biscuits, and cakes what was cooked in

dem old skillets was sho' mighty good.

"De cotton, flax, and wool what our clothes was made out of was growed,

spun, wove, and sewed right dar on our plantation. Marse John had a

reg'lar seamster what didn't do nothin' else but sew. Summertime us

chillun wore shirts what looked lak nightgowns. You jus' pulled one of

dem slips over your haid and went on 'cause you was done dressed for de

whole week, day and night. Wintertime our clothes was a heap better. Dey

give us thick jeans pants, heavy shirts, and brogan shoes wid brass

toes. Summertime us all went bar'foots.

"Old Marster John McCree was sho' a good white man, I jus' tells you de

truf, 'cause I ain't in for tellin' nothin' else. I done jus' plum

forgot Ole Miss' fust name, and I can't git up de chilluns' names no

way. I didn't play 'round wid 'em much nohow. Dey was jus' little young

chillun den anyhow. Dey lived in a big old plank house--nothin' fine

'bout it. I 'members de heavy timbers was mortised together and de other

lumber was put on wid pegs; dere warn't no nails 'bout it. Dat's all I

ricollects 'bout dat dere house right now. It was jus' a common house,

I'd say.

"Dere was a thousand or more acres in dat old plantation. It sho' was a

big piece of land, and it was plumb full of Niggers--I couldn't say how

many, 'cause I done forgot. You could hear dat bugle de overseer blowed

to wake up de slaves for miles and miles. He got 'em up long 'fore sunup

and wuked 'em in de fields long as dey could see how to wuk. Don't talk

'bout dat overseer whuppin' Niggers. He beat on 'em for most anything.

What would dey need no jail for wid dat old overseer a-comin' down on

'em wid dat rawhide bull-whup?

"If dey got any larnin', it was at night. Dere warn't no school 'ouse or

no church on dat plantation for Niggers. Slaves had to git a pass when

dey wanted to go to church. Sometimes de white preacher preached to de

Niggers, but most of de time a Nigger wid a good wit done de preachin'.

Dat Nigger, he sho' couldn't read nary a word out of de Bible. At de

baptizin's was when de Nigger boys shined up to de gals. Dey dammed up

de crick to make de water deep enough to duck 'em under good and, durin'

de service, dey sung: _It's de Good Old Time Religion_.

"When folks died den, Niggers for miles and miles around went to de

funeral. Now days dey got to know you mighty well if dey bothers to go a

t'all. Dem days folks was buried in homemade coffins. Some of dem

coffins was painted and lined wid cloth and some warn't. De onliest song

I ricollects 'em singin' at buryin's was: _Am I Born to Lay Dis Body

Down_? Dey didn't dig graves lak dey does now. Dey jus' dug straight

down to 'bout five feet, den dey cut a vault to fit de coffin in de side

of de grave. Dey didn't put no boards or nothin' over de coffins to keep

de dirt off.

"'Bout dem patterollers! Well, you knowed if dey cotched you out widout

no pass, dey was gwine to beat your back most off and send you on home.

One night my Pa 'lowed he would go to see his gal. All right, he went.

When he got back, his cabin door was fastened hard and fast. He was

a-climbin' in de window when de patterollers got to him. Dey 'lowed:

'Nigger, is you got a pass?' Pa said: 'No Sir.' Den dey said: 'Us can't

beat you 'cause you done got home on your marster's place, but us is

sho' gwine to tell your Marster to whup your hide off. But Old Marster

never tetched him for dat.

"Atter dey come in from de fields, dem Niggers et deir supper, went to

deir cabins, sot down and rested a little while, and den dey drapped

down on de beds to sleep. Dey didn't wuk none Sadday atter dinner in de

fields. Dat was wash day for slave 'omans. De mens done fust one thing

and den another. Dey cleant up de yards, chopped wood, mended de

harness, sharpened plow points, and things lak dat. Sadday nights, Old

Marster give de young folks passes so dey could go from one place to

another a-dancin' and a-frolickin' and havin' a big time gen'ally. Dey

done most anything dey wanted to on Sundays, so long as dey behaved

deyselfs and had deir passes handy to show if de patterollers bothered

'em.

"Yessum, slaves sho' looked forward to Christmas times. Dere was such

extra good eatin's dat week and so much of 'em. Old Marster had 'em kill

a plenty of shoats, lambs, kids, cows, and turkeys for fresh meat. De

'omans up at de big house was busy for a week ahead cookin' peach puffs,

'tater custards, and plenty of cakes sweetened wid brown sugar and

syrup. Dere was plenty of home-made candy for de chilluns' Santa Claus

and late apples and peaches had done been saved and banked in wheat

straw to keep 'em good 'til Christmas. Watermelons was packed away in

cottonseed and when dey cut 'em open on Christmas Dey, dey et lak fresh

melons in July. Us had a high old time for a week, and den on New Year's

Day dey started back to wuk.

"Come winter, de mens had big cornshuckin's and dere was quiltin's for

de 'omans. Dere was a row of corn to be shucked as long as from here to

Milledge Avenue. Old Marster put a gang of Niggers at each end of de row

and it was a hot race 'tween dem gangs to see which could git to de

middle fust. Dere was allus a big feast waitin' for 'em when de last ear

of corn was shucked. 'Bout dem quiltin's!" Now Lady, what would a old

Nigger man know 'bout somepin' dat didn't nothin' but 'omans have

nothin' to do wid?

"Dem cotton pickin's was grand times. Dey picked cotton in de moonlight

and den had a big feast of barbecued beef, mutton, and pork washed down

wid plenty of good whiskey. Atter de feast was over, some of dem Niggers

played fiddles and picked banjoes for de others to dance down 'til dey

was wore out.

"When slaves got sick, our white folks was mighty good 'bout havin' 'em

keered for. Dey dosed 'em up wid oil and turpentine and give 'em teas

made out of hoarhound for some mis'ries and bone-set for other troubles.

Most all the slaves wore a sack of assfiddy (asafetida) 'round deir

necks all de time to keep 'em from gittin' sick.

"It was a happy day for us slaves when news come dat de war was over and

de white folks had to turn us 'loose. Marster called his Niggers to come

up to de big house yard, but I never stayed 'round to see what he had to

say. I runned 'round dat place a-shoutin' to de top of my voice. My

folks stayed on wid Old Marster for 'bout a year or more. If us had

left, it would have been jus' lak swappin' places from de fryin' pan to

de fire, 'cause Niggers didn't have no money to buy no land wid for a

long time atter de war. Schools was soon scattered 'bout by dem Yankees

what had done sot us free. I warn't big enough den to do nothin' much

'cept tote water to de field and chop a little cotton.

"Me and Nettie Freeman married a long time atter de war. At our weddin'

I wore a pair of brown jeans pants, white shirt, white vest, and a

cutaway coat. Nettie wore a black silk dress what she had done bought

from Miss Blanche Rutherford. Pears lak to me it had a overskirt of blue

what was scalloped 'round de bottom."

At this point, Nettie, who had been an interested listener, was

delighted. She broke into the conversation with: "Ed, you sho' did take

in dat dress and you ain't forgot it yit."

"You is right 'bout dat, Honey," he smilingly replied, "I sho' ain't and

I never will forgit how you looked dat day."

"Miss Blanche give me a pair of white silk gloves to wear wid dat

dress," mused Nettie.

"Us didn't have no sho' 'nough weddin'," continued Ed. "Us jus' went off

to de preacher man's house and got married up together. I sho' is glad

my Nett is still a-livin', even if she is down wid de rheumatiz."

"I'm glad I'm livin' too," Nettie said with a chuckle.

Ed ignored the question as to the number of their children and Nettie

made no attempt to take further part in the conversation. There is a

deep seated idea prevalent among old people of this type that if the

"giver'ment folks" learn that they have able-bodied children, their

pensions and relief allowances will be discontinued.

Soon Ed was willing to talk again. "Yessum," he said. "I sho' had ruther

be free. I don't never want to be a slave no more. Now if me and Nett

wants to, us can set around and not fix and eat but one meal all day

long. If us don't want to do dat, us can do jus' whatsomever us pleases.

Den, us had to wuk whether us laked it or not.

"Lordy Miss, I ain't never jined up wid no church. I ain't got no reason

why, only I jus' ain't never had no urge from inside of me to jine.

'Course, you know, evvybody ought to lissen to de services in de church

and live right and den dey wouldn't be so skeered to die. Miss, ain't

you through axin' me questions yit? I is so sleepy, and I don't know no

more to tell you. Goodbye."

[HW: Dist. 1

Ex Slave #68]

EX-SLAVE INTERVIEW:

LUCY McCULLOUGH, Age 79

BY: SARAH H. HALL

ATHENS, GA.

[Date Stamp: MAY 8 1937]

[TR: This first half of this interview was edited by hand to change many

'er' sounds to 'uh', for example, 'der' to 'duh', 'ter' to 'tuh'; as a

single word, 'er' was also changed to 'a'.]

"Does Ah 'member 'bout war time, en dem days fo' de war? Yassum, Ah sho'

does. Ah blong ter Marse Ned Carter in Walton county."

"Whut Ah 'members mos' is duh onliest beatin' Ah ebber got fum de

overseer on Marse Ned's place. De hawgs wuz dyin' moughty bad wid

cholry, en Marse Ned hed 'is mens drag evvy dead hawg off in de woods

'en bun 'em up ter keep de cholry fum spreadin' mongst de udder hawgs.

De mens wuz keerless 'bout de fire, en fo' long de woods wuz on fire, en

de way dat fire spread in dem dry grape vines in de woods mek it 'peer

lak jedgment day tuh us chilluns. Us run 'bout de woods lookin' at de

mens fight de fire, en evvy time we see uh new place a-blaze we run dis

way en dat way, twel fus' thing us knows, we is plum off Marse Ned's

plantation, en us doan rightly know whar us is. Us play 'roun' in de

woods en arter while Marse Ned's overseer cum fine us, en he druv us

back tuh de big house yahd en give evvy one uv us uh good beaten'. Ah

sho' wuz black en blue, en Ah nebber did fuhgit en run offen Marse Ned's

lan' no mo' lessen I hed uh pass."

"Mah mammy, she wuz cook at duh big house, en Ah wuz raised dah in de

kitchen en de back yahd at de big house. Ah wuz tuh be uh maid fer de

ladies in de big house. De house servants hold that dey is uh step

better den de field niggers. House servants wuz niggah quality folks."

Ah mus' not a been mo' en thee uh fo' yeahs ole when Miss Millie cum out

in de kitchen one day, en 'gin tuh scold my mammy 'bout de sorry way

mammy done clean de chitlins. Ah ain' nebber heard nobuddy fuss et my

mammy befo'. Little ez Ah wuz, Ah swell up en rar' back, en I sez tuh

Miss Millie, "Doan you no' Mammy is boss uh dis hyar kitchen. You cyan'

cum a fussin' in hyar." "Miss Millie, she jus laff, but Mammy grab a

switch en 'gin ticklin' my laigs, but Miss Millie mek her quit it." "Who

wuz Miss Millie? Why, she wuz Marse Ned's wife."

"Whilst Marse Ned wuz 'way at de war, bad sojer mens cum thoo de

country. Miss Millie done hyar tell dey wuz on de way, an she had de

mens haul all Marse Ned's cotton off in de woods en hide it. De waggins

wuz piled up high wid cotton, en de groun' wuz soft atter de rain. De

waggins leff deep ruts in de groun', but none us folks on de plantation

pay no heed ter dem ruts. When de sojer mens cum, dey see dem ruts en

trail 'em right out dar in de woods ter de cotton. Den dey sot fire ter

de cotton en bun it all up. Dey cum back ter de big house en take all de

sweet milk in de dairy house, en help 'emselfs ter evvy thing in de

smoke houses. Den dey pick out de stronges' er Marse Ned's slave mens en

take 'em 'way wid 'em. Dey take evvy good horse Marse Ned had on de

plantation. No Ma'am, dey diden' bun nuffin ceppen' de cotton."

"Us wuz mo' skeered er patter-rollers den any thing else. Patter-rollers

diden' bodder folks much, lessen dey caught 'em offen dar marsters

plantations en dey diden' hab no pass. One night en durin' de war, de

patter-rollers cum ter our cabin, en I scrooge down under de kiver in de

bed. De patter-roller man tho' de kiver offen mah face, en he see me

blong dar, en he let me be, but Ah wuz skeered plumb ter death. Courtin'

folks got ketched en beat up by de patter-rollers mo' den enny buddy

else, kazen dey wuz allus slippen' out fer ter meet one er nudder at

night."

"When folks dat lived on diffunt plantations, en blonged ter diffunt

marsters wanted ter git married, dey hed ter ax both dar marsters fus'.

Den effen dar marsters 'gree on it, dey let 'em marry. De mans marster

'ud give de man er pass so he cud go see his wife et night, but he sho'

better be back on his own marsters farm when de bell ring evvy morning.

De chilluns 'ud blong ter de marster dat own de 'oman."

"Black folks wuz heap smarter den dey is now. Dem days de 'omans knowed

how ter cyard, en spin, en weave de cloff, en dey made de close. De mens

know how ter mek shoes ter wear den. Black folks diden' hev ter go cole

er hongry den, kaze dey marsters made 'em wuk en grow good crops, en den

der marsters fed 'em plenty en tuk keer uv 'em."

"Black folks wuz better folks den dey is now. Dey knowed dey hed ter be

good er dey got beat. De gals dey diden't sho' dare laigs lak dey do

now. Cloff hed ter be made den, en hit wuz er heap mo' trouble ter mek

er yahd er cloff, den it is ter buy it now, but 'omans en gals, dey

stayed kivvered up better den. Why, Ah 'member one time my mammy seed me

cummin' crost de yahd en she say mah dress too short. She tuk it offen

me, en rip out de hem, en ravel at de aig' er little, en den fus' thing

I knows, she got dat dress tail on ter de loom, en weave more cloff on

hit, twel it long enuf, lak she want it."

"Long 'bout dat time dey wuz killin' hawgs on de plantation, en it wuz

er moughty cole day. Miss Millie, she tell me fer ter tote dis quart er

brandy out dar fer ter warm up de mens dat wuz er wukkin in de cole

win'. 'Long de way, Ah keep er sippin' dat brandy, en time Ah got ter de

hawg killin' place Ah wuz crazy drunk en tryin' ter sing. Dat time

'twon't no overseer beat me. Dem slave mens beat me den fo' drinkin' dat

likker."

"Mah folks stayed on en wukked fo' Marse Ned long atter de war. When Ah

wuz mos' grown mah fam'ly moved ter Logansville. No, Ma'am, I ain't

nebber been so free en happy es when I diden' hev ter worry 'bout whar

de vittles en close gwine cum fum, en all Ah had ter do wuz wuk evvy day

lak mah whitefolks tole me."

[HW: Dist. 5 (Driskell)

Ex Slave #69]

AMANDA MCDANIEL, 80 yrs old

Ex-slave

[Date Stamp: MAY 8 1937]

Among these few remaining persons who have lived long enough to tell of

some of their experiences during the reign of "King Slavery" in the

United States is one Mrs. Amanda McDaniel.

As she sat on the porch in the glare of the warm October sun she

presented a perfect picture of the old Negro Mammy commonly seen during

the days of slavery. She smiled as she expectorated a large amount of

the snuff she was chewing and began her story in the following manner:

"I was born in Watsonville, Georgia in 1850. My mother's name was

Matilda Hale and my father was Gilbert Whitlew. My mother and father

belonged to different master's, but the plantations that they lived on

were near each other and so my father was allowed to visit us often. My

mother had two other girls who were my half-sisters. You see--my mother

was sold to the speculator in Virginia and brought to Georgia where she

was sold to Mr. Hale, who was our master until freedom was declared.

When she was sold to the speculator the two girls who were my

half-sisters had to be sold with her because they were too young to be

separated from their mother. My father, Gilbert Whitlew, was my mother's

second husband.

"Mr. Hale, our master, was not rich like some of the other planters in

the community. His plantation was a small one and he only had eight

servants who were all women. He wasn't able to hire an overseer and all

of the heavy work such as the plowing was done by his sons. Mrs. Hale

did all of her own cooking and that of the slaves too. In all Mr. Hale

had eleven children. I had to nurse three of them before I was old

enough to go to the field to work."

When asked to tell about the kind of work the slaves had to do Mrs.

McDaniel said: "Our folks had to get up at four o'clock every morning

and feed the stock first. By the time it was light enough to see they

had to be in the fields where they hoed the cotton and the corn as well

as the other crops. Between ten and eleven o'clock everybody left the

field and went to the house where they worked until it was too dark to

see. My first job was to take breakfast to those working in the fields.

I used buckets for this. Besides this I had to drive the cows to and

from the pasture. The rest of the day was spent in taking care of Mrs.

Hale's young children. After a few years of this I was sent to the

fields where I planted peas, corn, etc. I also had to pick cotton when

that time came, but I never had to hoe and do the heavy work like my

mother and sisters did." According to Mrs. McDaniel they were seldom

required to work at night after they had left the fields but when such

occasions did arise they were usually in the form of spinning thread and

weaving cloth. During the winter months this was the only type of work

that they did. On days when the weather was too bad for work out of

doors they shelled the corn and peas and did other minor types of work

not requiring too much exposure. Nobody had to work on Saturday

afternoons or on Sundays. It was on Saturdays or at night that the

slaves had the chance to do their own work such as the repairing of

clothing, etc.

On the Hale plantation clothing was issued two times each year, once at

the beginning of summer and again at the beginning of the winter season.

On this first issue all were given striped dresses made of cotton

material. These dresses were for wear during the week while dresses made

of white muslin were given for Sunday wear. The dye which was necessary

in order to color those clothes worn during the week was made by boiling

red dirt or the bark of trees in water. Sometimes the indigo berry was

also used. The winter issue consisted of dresses made of woolen

material. The socks and stockings were all knitted. All of this wearing

apparel was made by Mrs. Hale. The shoes that these women slaves wore

were made in the nearby town at a place known as the tan yards. These

shoes were called "Brogans" and they were very crude in construction

having been made of very stiff leather. None of the clothing that was

worn on this plantation was bought as everything necessary for the

manufacture of clothing was available on the premises.

As has been previously stated, Mrs. Hale did all of the cooking on the

plantation with the possible exception of Sundays when the slaves cooked

for themselves. During the week their diet usually consisted of corn

bread, fat meat, vegetables, milk, and potliquor. The food that they ate

on Sunday was practically the same. All the food that they ate was

produced in the master's garden and there was a sufficient amount for

everyone at all times.

There were two one-room log cabins in the rear of the master's house.

These cabins were dedicated to slave use. Mrs. McDaniel says: "The

floors were made of heavy wooden planks. At one end of the cabin was the

chimney which was made out of dried mud, sticks, and dirt. On the side

of the cabin opposite the door there was a window where we got a little

air and a little light. Our beds were made out of the same kind of wood

that the floors were and we called them "Bed-Stilts." Slats were used

for springs while the mattresses were made of large bags stuffed with

straw. At night we used tallow candles for light and sometimes fat pine

that we called light-wood. As Mrs. Hale did all of our cooking we had

very few pots and pans. In the Winter months we used to take mud and

close the cracks left in the wall where the logs did not fit close

together."

According to Mrs. McDaniel all the serious illnesses were handled by a

doctor who was called in at such times. At other times Mr. or Mrs. Hale

gave them either castor oil or salts. Sometimes they were given a type

of oil called "lobelia oil." At the beginning of the spring season they

drank various teas made out of the roots that they gathered in the

surrounding woods. The only one that Mrs. McDaniel remembers is that

which was made from sassafras roots. "This was good to clean the

system," says Mrs. McDaniel. Whenever they were sick they did not have

to report to the master's house each day as was the case on some of the

other plantations. There were never any pretended illnesses to avoid

work as far as Mrs. McDaniel knows.

On Sunday all of the slaves on the Hale plantation were permitted to

dress in their Sunday clothes and go to the white church in town. During

the morning services they sat in the back of the church where they

listened to the white pastor deliver the sermon. In the afternoon they

listened to a sermon that was preached by a colored minister. Mrs.

McDaniel hasn't the slightest idea of what these sermons were about.

She remembers how marriages were performed, however, although the only

one that she ever witnessed took place on one of the neighboring

plantations. After a broom was placed on the ground a white minister

read the scriptures and then the couple in the process of being married

jumped over this broom. They were then considered as man and wife.

Whippings were very uncommon the the Hale plantation. Sometimes Mr. Hale

had to resort to this form of punishment for disobedience on the part of

some of the servants. Mrs. McDaniel says that she was whipped many times

but only once with the cowhide. Nearly every time that she was whipped a

switch was used. She has seen her mother as well as some of the others

punished but they were never beaten unmercifully. Neither she or any of

the other slaves on the Hale plantation ever came in contact with the

"Paddie-Rollers," whom they knew as a group of white men who went around

whipping slaves who were caught away from their respective homes without

passes from their masters. When asked about the buying and the selling

of slaves Mrs. McDaniel said that she had never witnessed an auction at

which slaves were being sold and that the only thing she knew about this

was what she had been told by her mother who had been separated from her

husband and sold in Georgia. Mr. Hale never had the occasion to sell any

of those slaves that he held.

Mrs. McDaniel remembers nothing of the talk that transpired between the

slaves or her owners at the beginning of the war. She says: "I was a

little girl, and like the other children then, I didn't have as much

sense as the children of today who are of the age that I was then. I do

remember that my master moved somewhere near Macon, Georgia after

General Wheeler marched through. I believe that he did more damage than

the Yanks did when they came through. When my master moved us along with

his family we had to go out of the way a great deal because General

Wheeler had destroyed all of the bridges. Besides this he damaged a

great deal of the property that he passed." Continuing, Mrs. McDaniel

said: "I didn't see any of the fighting but I did hear the firing of the

cannons. I also saw any number of Confederate soldiers pass by our

place." Mr. Hale didn't join the army although his oldest son did.

At the time that the slaves were freed it meant nothing in particular to

Mrs. McDaniel, who says that she was too young to pay much attention to

what was happening. She never saw her father after they moved away from

Watsonville. At any rate she and her mother remained in the service of

Mr. Hale for a number of years after the war. In the course of this time

Mr. Hale grew to be a wealthy man. He continued to be good to those

servants who remained with him. After she was a grown woman Mrs.

McDaniel left Mr. Hale as she was then married.

Mrs. McDaniel says that she has reached such an old age because she has

always taken care of herself, which is more than the young people of

today are doing, she added as an after thought.

Dist. 7

Ex. Slave #74

TOM McGRUDER, 102 years old

Ex-Slave

By Elizabeth Watson, Hawkinsville, Georgia

[Date Stamp: MAY 8 1937]

Tom McGruder, one of the oldest living ex-slaves in Pulaski County, was

sitting on the porch of his son's home when we went in to see him. His

grizzled old head began to nod a "Good morning" and his brown face

became wreathed in smiles when he saw us.

He looked very small as he sat in a low straight chair by the door. His

shirt and overalls were ragged but spotlessly clean. On his feet were

heavy shoes that were kept free from dirt. His complexion was not black

as some of the other members of his race but was a light brown. There

were very few wrinkles in his face considering the fact that he was one

hundred and two years old in June. He spoke in a quiet voice though

somewhat falteringly as he suffers greatly from asthma.

"Were you born in this county, Uncle Tom?" we asked.

"No mam, Missus," he replied. "Me and my mother and sister wuz brought

from Virginia to this state by the speculators and sold here. I was only

about eighteen or twenty and I was sold for $1250. My mother was given

to one of Old Marster's married chillun.

"You see, Missus," he spoke again after a long pause. "We wuz put on the

block just like cattle and sold to one man today and another tomorrow. I

wuz sold three times after coming to this state."

Tom could tell us very little about his life on the large plantations

because his feeble old mind would only be clear at intervals. He would

begin relating some incident but would suddenly break off with, "I'd

better leave that alone 'cause I done forgot." He remembered, however,

that he trained dogs for his "whie folks," trained them to be good

hunters as that was one of the favorite sports of the day.

The last man to whom Tom was sold was Mr. Jim McGruder, of Emanuel

County. He was living in a small cabin belonging to Mr. McGruder, when

he married. "I 'members", said Tom, "That Old Marster and Missus fixed

up a lunch and they and their chillun brought it to my cabin. Then they

said, 'Nigger, jump the broom' and we wuz married, 'cause you see we

didn't know nothing 'bout no cer'mony."

It was with Mr. McGruder that Tom entered the army, working for him as

his valet.

"I wuz in the army for 'bout four years," Tom said. "I fought in the

battles at Petersburg, Virginia and Chattanooga, Tennessee. I looked

after Old Marster's shoes and clothes. Old Marster, what he done he done

well. He was kind to me and I guess better to me sometimes than I

deserved but I had to do what he told me."

"Do you remember any of the old songs you used to sing?" we asked.

"Missus, I can't sing no mo'," he replied. But pausing for a few minutes

he raised his head and sang in a quiet voice, the words and melody

perfectly clear;

"Why do you wait, dear brother,

Oh, why do you tarry so long?

Your Saviour is waiting to give you

A place in His sanctified throng."

Slave Narratives: A Folk History of Slavery in the United States from Interviews with Former Slaves, Volume IV, Georgia Narratives, Part 3 · 第 12 / 28 题