to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more
immediately to your interest. Here, every portion of our country finds
the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the
union of the whole. . . . .
. . . While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate and
particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to
find in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength,
greater resource, proportionably greater security from external
danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign
nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from
union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves,
which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries not tied together
by the same government; which their own rivalships alone would be
sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances,
attachments, and intrigues, would stimulate and imbitter. Hence,
likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military
establishments, which under any form of government are inauspicious to
liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to
republican liberty. In this sense it is, that your union ought to be
considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the
one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. . . . .
_Party Spirit._--I have already intimated to you the danger of parties
in the State, with particular references to the founding them on
geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive
view, and warn you in the most solemn manner, against the baleful
effects of the spirit of party generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its
root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under
different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled,
or repressed; but in those of the popular form, it is seen in its
greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the
spirit of revenge natural to party dissensions, which in different
ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is
itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more
formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which
result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose
in the absolute power of an individual; and, sooner or later, the
chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his
competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own
elevation on the ruins of public liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which
nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and
continual mischiefs of the spirit of party, are sufficient to make it
the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain
it. . . . .
There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks
upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the
spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is probably true; and,
in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with
indulgence, if not with favour, upon the spirit of party. But in those
of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a
spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is
certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary
purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought
to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire
not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent it
bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.
_Religion and Morality._--Of all the dispositions and habits which
lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable
supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who
should labour to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these
firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician,
equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A
volume could not trace all their connections with private and public
felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property,
for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation
_desert_ the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in
courts of justice?
And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be
maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence
of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and
experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can
prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary
spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or
less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere
friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the
foundation of the fabrick? . . . .
Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace
and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and
can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be
worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great
nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a
people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can
doubt but, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan
would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a
steady adherence to it; can it be that Providence has not connected
the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at
least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature.
PATRICK HENRY.
~1736=1799.~
This great orator was born at Studley, Hanover County, Virginia; and,
while his early education in books was not extensive, he studied man
and nature from life very deeply and thoroughly. He attempted farming
and merchandising for some years, then read law and at the age of
twenty-four was admitted to the bar where his splendid powers had full
scope. In 1765 he was elected to the State Legislature, or House of
Burgesses, as it was then called.
In the words of Thomas Jefferson, "Mr. Henry certainly gave the first
impulse to the ball of the Revolution." During the war, he served at
first in the field, and later in the Legislature, and as governor,
being elected three times. He retired from public life in 1791 and
devoted himself to his law practice, by which he gained wealth.
[Illustration: ~Old St. John's Church, Richmond, Va.~]
His most famous speech was delivered before the Convention sitting in
council in the old St. John's Church, Richmond, 1775, after the House
of Burgesses had been dissolved by the royal governor. An extract from
this speech, as given in Wirt's "Life of Henry," follows. No
faithfully exact copy of his speeches is preserved, for he never
wrote them out, and his eloquence was so overmastering that no one
could listen and report at the same time. He takes his place among the
great orators of the world.
WORKS.
Speeches, legal and political, (as they have been gathered from
traditionary reports).
See his Life by _Wirt_, _Tyler_, and _W. W. Henry_, his grandson.
REMARK ON SLAVERY.
Slavery is detested. We feel its fatal effects. We deplore it with all
the pity of humanity.
NOT BOUND BY STATE LINES, (from the opening speech of the first
Continental Congress, 1774.)
I am not a Virginian. I am an American.
IF THIS BE TREASON, (Speech in House of Burgesses, 1765.)
Cæsar had his Brutus--Charles the First, his Cromwell,--and George the
Third--("Treason!" cried the Speaker)--_may profit by their example_.
If _this_ be treason, make the most of it.
THE FAMOUS REVOLUTION SPEECH, 1775.
(_From Wirt's Life of Henry._)
"Mr. President," said he, "it is natural to man to indulge in the
illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful
truth--and listen to the song of that siren, till she transforms us
into beasts. Is this," he asked, "the part of wise men, engaged in a
great and arduous struggle for liberty? Were we disposed to be of the
number of those, who having eyes see not, and having ears hear not,
the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For his
part, whatever anguish of spirit it might cost, _he_ was willing to
know the whole truth; to know the worst, and provide for it."
"He had," he said, "but one lamp by which his feet were guided; and
that was the lamp of experience. He knew of no way of judging of the
future but by the past. And judging by the past, he wished to know
what there had been in the conduct of the British ministry for the
last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentlemen had been
pleased to solace themselves and the house? Is it that insidious smile
with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir;
it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be
betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of
our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our
waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work
of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be
reconciled, that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us
not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and
subjugation,--the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask
gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not
to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible
motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy in this quarter of the
world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No,
sir, she has none. They are meant for us; they can be meant for no
other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which
the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we [to]
oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that
for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the
subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which
it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to
entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find, which have
not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive
ourselves longer. Sir, we have done everything that could be done, to
avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned--we have
remonstrated--we have supplicated--we have prostrated ourselves before
the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the
tyrannical hands of the ministry and parliament. Our petitions have
been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and
insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been
spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne. In vain, after
these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and
reconciliation. _There is no longer any room for hope._ If we wish to
be free--if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges
for which we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to
abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and
which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon, until the glorious
object of our contest shall be obtained--we must fight!--I repeat it,
sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts, is all
that is left us!"
"They tell us, sir," continued Mr. Henry, "that we are weak--unable to
cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger?
Will it be the next week or the next year? Will it be when we are
totally disarmed and when a British guard shall be stationed in every
house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we
acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our
backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies
shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak, if we make a
proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our
power. Three millions of people armed in the holy cause of liberty
and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any
force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not
fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the
destinies of nations and who will raise up friends to fight our
battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to
the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no
election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to
retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and
slavery! Our chains are forged. Their clanking may be heard on the
plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come!! I repeat
it, sir, let it come!!!
"It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry,
peace, peace,--but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The
next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash
of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand
we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is
life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of
chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God--I know not what course
others may take; but as for me," cried he, with both his arms extended
aloft, his brows knit, every feature marked with the resolute purpose
of his soul, and his voice swelled to its boldest note of
exclamation,--"give me liberty, or give me death!" See also under
_Wirt_.
WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON.
~1742=1779.~
[Illustration: ~Fort Moultrie, S. C. Fort Sumter in the Distance.~]
WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON was born at "Drayton Hall," on the Ashley River,
South Carolina, and was sent in 1753 to England to be educated. He
went in the care of Chief-Justice Charles Pinckney, who was taking
his two sons, Charles Cotesworth and Thomas, for the same purpose. He
returned home in 1764, studied law, and in 1771 was appointed by the
king privy-councillor for South Carolina. He espoused, however, the
cause of the Revolution, with ardor, and was chosen president of the
Council of Safety and of the Provincial Congress. As Chief-Justice of
the State, he declared that the king "had abdicated the government and
had no more authority over the people of South Carolina." He also
dealt with the Indians and exercised a wholesome influence over them
in behalf of the State.
He left in manuscript valuable state papers and a narrative of the
early part of the Revolution, which his son, Governor John Drayton,
edited and published, and from which the extract is taken. His style
is clear, simple, and flowing.
GEORGE III.'s ABDICATION OF POWER IN AMERICA.
[_From the Charge to the Grand Jury of Charleston District, 1776._]
Thus, as I have on the foot of the best authorities made it evident,
that George III. King of Britain, has endeavoured to subvert the
constitution of this country, by breaking the original contract
between king and people; by the advice of wicked persons has violated
the fundamental laws; and has withdrawn himself by withdrawing the
constitutional benefits of the kingly office, and his protection out
of this country; from such a result of injuries, from such a
conjuncture of circumstances--the law of the land authorizes me to
declare, and it is my duty boldly to declare the law, that George III.
King of Britain, has abdicated the government, and that the throne is
thereby vacant; that is, _he has no authority over us, and we owe no
obedience to him_. . . The new constitution is wisely adapted to
enable us to trade with foreign nations, and thereby, to supply our
wants in the _cheapest_ markets in the universe; to extend our trade
infinitely beyond what it has ever been known; to encourage
manufactures among us; and it is peculiarly formed, to promote the
happiness of the people, from among whom, by virtue and merit, _the
poorest_ man may arrive at _the highest dignity_.--Oh, Carolinians!
happy would you be under this new constitution, if you knew your happy
state.
Possessed of a constitution of government, founded upon so generous,
equal, and natural a principle,--a government expressly calculated to
make the people rich, powerful, virtuous, and happy, who can wish to
change it, to return under a Royal government; the vital principles of
which, are the reverse in every particular! It was my duty to lay this
happy constitution before you, in its genuine light--it is your duty
to understand--to instruct others--and to defend it. . . . .
I think it my duty to declare in the awful seat of justice and before
Almighty God, that in my opinion, the Americans can have no safety but
by the Divine Favour, their own virtue, and their being so prudent, as
_not to leave it in the power of the British rulers to injure them_.
Indeed the ruinous and deadly injuries received on our side; and the
jealousies entertained, and which, in the nature of things, must daily
increase against us on the other; demonstrate to a mind, in the least
given to reflection upon the rise and fall of empires, that true
reconcilement never can exist between Great Britain and America, the
latter being in subjection to the former.
The Almighty created America to be independent of Britain; let us
beware of the impiety of being backward to act as instruments in the
Almighty Hand, now extended to accomplish his purpose; and by the
completion of which alone, America, in the nature of human affairs,
can be secure against the craft and insidious designs of _her enemies
who think her prosperity and power already by far too great_. In a
word, our piety and political safety are so blended, that to refuse
our labours in this divine work, is to refuse to be a great, a free, a
pious, and a happy people!
And now having left the important alternative, political happiness or
wretchedness, under God, in a great degree in your own hands; I pray
the supreme Arbiter of the affairs of men, so to direct your judgment,
as that you may act agreeable to what seems to be his will, revealed
in his miraculous works in behalf of America, bleeding at the altar of
liberty!
THOMAS JEFFERSON.
~1743=1826.~
THOMAS JEFFERSON, the "Sage of Monticello," and founder of the
University of Virginia, was born at Shadwell, Albemarle County,
Virginia. He was educated at William and Mary College, and early
developed a rare taste for study, music, and general culture. His is
one of the greatest and most interesting figures in our history. He
received and adorned all the positions in the gift of his
fellow-citizens, from that of member of the State Legislature to that
of President of the United States, which office he twice filled. He is
considered the founder of the present Democratic party in politics;
and he gained imperishable fame as the author of the Declaration of
Independence. He spent five years in France, succeeding Benjamin
Franklin as minister to that country, and he introduced into the
United States the decimal system of currency.
[Illustration: ~Monticello, the Home of Thomas Jefferson, Albemarle
County, Va.~]
His love for country life induced him to retire to Monticello, his
place in Albemarle County, where he spent his declining years in
planning and establishing the University of Virginia. His love of
freedom in every possible form is shown in his plan for the
University, which was, unlike most colleges of the times, to be under
the patronage of no church, and the students were to be controlled
like any community of citizens. He was also opposed to slavery. (_See
his Notes on Virginia._)
He died at Monticello, July 4, 1826, on the same day with John Adams,
just fifty years after the great event of their lives, the declaration
of independence of the United States.
The following inscription was at his own request put upon his
tombstone:
THOMAS JEFFERSON,
Author of the Declaration of Independence, of the Statute of
Virginia for Religious Freedom and Father
of the University of Virginia.
WORKS.
Autobiography, Essays, Treatises, Letters, Reports, Messages, and
Addresses, (9 volumes).
Jefferson's style as a political writer is considered a model: and
every citizen of the United States should be well acquainted with the
Declaration of Independence, which has been called by competent
critics the most remarkable paper of its kind in existence.
His writings show a well trained mind, accustomed to observe closely
and to delight in thought and truth and freedom. _See under George
Tucker._ Consult also his Life, by Tucker, by Morse, by Sarah N.
Randolph, his great-grand-daughter, Memoirs by Thos. J. Randolph
(1830).
POLITICAL MAXIMS.
Government has nothing to do with opinion.
Resistance to tyrants is obedience to God. (_Motto on his seal._)
Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion,
religious or political; peace, commerce, and honest friendship with
all nations, entangling alliances with none.
RELIGIOUS OPINIONS AT THE AGE OF TWENTY.
(_From a letter to John Page._)
Perfect happiness, I believe, was never intended by the Deity to be
the lot of one of his creatures in this world; but that he has very
much put in our power the nearness of our approaches to it, is what I
have steadfastly believed. The most fortunate of us, in our journey
through life, frequently meet with calamities and misfortunes, which
may greatly afflict us; and, to fortify our minds against the attacks
of these calamities and misfortunes, should be one of the principal
studies and endeavors of our lives. The only method of doing this is
to assume a perfect resignation to the Divine will, to consider
whatever does happen must happen; and that by our uneasiness, we
cannot prevent the blow before it does fall, but we may add to its
force after it has fallen. These considerations, and others such as
these, may enable us in some measure to surmount the difficulties
thrown in our way; to bear up with a tolerable degree of patience
under this burthen of life; and to proceed with a pious and unshaken
resignation, till we arrive at our journey's end, when we may deliver
up our trust into the hands of him who gave it, and receive such
reward as to him shall seem proportioned to our merit. Such, dear
Page, will be the language of the man who considers his situation in
this life, and such should be the language of every man who would
wish to render that situation as easy as the nature of it will admit.
Few things will disturb him at all; nothing will disturb him much.
SCENERY AT HARPER'S FERRY AND AT THE NATURAL BRIDGE.
(_From Notes on Virginia, written in 1781, published in 1801._)
[Illustration: ~Harper's Ferry.~]
The passage of the Patowmac through the Blue Ridge is perhaps one of
the most stupendous scenes in nature. You stand on a very high point
of land. On your right comes up the Shenandoah, having ranged along
the foot of the mountain an hundred miles to seek a vent. On your left
approaches the Patowmac, in quest of a passage also. In the moment of
their junction they rush together against the mountain, rend it
asunder, and pass off to the sea. The first glance of this scene
hurries our senses into the opinion, that this earth has been created
in time, that the mountains were formed first, that the rivers began
to flow afterwards, that in this place particularly they have been
damned up by the Blue ridge of mountains, and have formed an ocean
which filled the whole valley; that continuing to rise they have at
length broken over at this spot, and have torn the mountain down from
its summit to its base. The piles of rock on each hand, but
particularly on the Shenandoah, the evident marks of their disrupture
and avulsion from their beds by the most powerful agents of nature,
corroborate the impression. But the distant finishing which nature has
given to the picture, is of a very different character. It is a true
contrast to the foreground. It is as placid and delightful, as that is
wild and tremendous. For the mountain being cloven asunder, she
presents to your eye, through the cleft, a small catch of smoothe
blue horizon, at an infinite distance in the plain country, inviting
you, as it were, from the riot and tumult roaring around, to pass
through the breach and participate of the calm below. . . . . . . . .