Manifesto; by Dimas-Alang (Jose Rizal.)

What the indian ought to know and understand; by Agapito Bagumbayan.

This latter article is a mirror in which the purpose of the paper is

reflected; it reads remarkably like a composition of Pedro Paterno,

the visionary who claims for the peoples of the Archipelago a glorious

pre-Spanish history and civilization. The following citations from

the article will give some idea of the whole publication.

"In these islands, which were previously cared for by our true

neighbors of Malaysia at a time when the Spaniards had not as yet set

foot upon the land, there existed a complete abundance and a state of

welfare. Our friends the neighboring kingdoms, and especially Japan,

brought commerce to our shores which formed the most abundant market,

and there was found everything necessary, wherefore it was the richest

country and its customs were all very good [80]. Everyone, youths and

advanced in years and even the women, could read and write according

to our manner of script."

The article goes on to say that upon the arrival of the Spaniards the

natives only made friends with them after that Legazpi had performed

the ceremonies of the pacto-de-Sangre [81] with one of the indio

petty sovereigns.

"The Spaniards," says the writer, "have perverted us with their bad

customs and have destroyed and obliged us to forget the noble and

beautiful customs of our country."

Noble and beautiful customs: Compulsory defloration of young girls,

as a result of the belief that a girl who died a virgin could not

enter heaven! Could anything be more noble and beautiful?

Kalayaan purported to be and was always considered as the soul of

the defunct Solidaridad (see note 24). It was printed in the Tagalog

dialect and died, as it was born and had lived--in shame.

Note 94. Pio Valenzuela testified (fols. 582-591) that on the 22nd

of August he was informed by Josefa Dizon that her son Jose together

with Bonifacio had fled from Manila. Valenzuela thereupon fled also,

following them, and reaching Caloocan about 8 p. m. There he found

Bonifacio with some twenty others. Andres informed them that they

must not separate as it was now time to commence the armed rebellion,

the plot of the Katipunan having been discovered. From Caloocan they

went to Balintauac arriving about 11 p. m. Here they met a certain

Laong with a group of men. They remained in the pueblo Sunday,

Monday and Tuesday preparing for the onslaught they were to make

upon the Spaniards, which was fixed for the 29th of the same month,

the plans being that they should advance in groups upon Manila,

killing the Spaniards and also the indians and Chinese who refused

to follow them, "dedicating themselves to the sacking of the city,

robbery and incendiarism and to the violation of women." Many Chinese

were murdered and their stores robbed.

Whilst in the fields of Balintauac distribution was made of bolos and

ten revolvers, the latter stolen from the Maestranza of Manila. On

Tuesday evening preparations were made to meet the attack of the

Spanish troops which had been sent out in persecution of the rebels,

and the first conflict took place. Valenzuela also stated that the

greater part of the people who formed the rebel forces were drawn,

catechised and initiated all in a moment by the fanatic Laong, who

was practically the active chief of the revolt, and who directed in

person the attack upon the Chinese stores.

About 5 pm. on the 29th five hundred men under a "leader of Pasig"

appeared on the scene at the waterworks. They at once took possession

of the building and of the persons of the workmen. Their first

intention was to stop the machinery so that no one need be left

in charge thereof when orders should be received for a start for

Manila. The engineer however, reminded the chief that if such a thing

was done their brethren in Manila would die of thirst. This excuse

carried the day and the chief decided to leave some workmen there under

the condition that the engineer and others who wore moustaches should

shave, and that all should dress like indians, and that the engineer's

wife should dress like a native woman and prepare food for his men. The

party finally set out on their way. They tried to avoid an encounter

with the troops composed of artillery and infantry, 65 men in all,

stationed at the powder works. In avoiding this handful of defenders

they fell afoul of other troops which gave them a good sharp reception.

As to those who, repenting, desired to return to a legal status, it

is difficult to form an opinion, on account of the contrary evidence

adduced in connection therewith. Isabelo de los Reyes already cited,

in a futile attempt to justify the acts of the Katipuneros, claims

that some of the chiefs opposed the plan of the armed resistance as

contained in the propositions of Bonifacio, claiming that it would

be a great and useless sacrifice, to say nothing of the imprudence of

such an act, to launch forth against an armed force without possessing

better arms than a few bolos and lances. He claims that Bonifacio

listened to the advice and was on the point of acting upon it, but

was compelled to take the step he did in declaring the revolt, by

the attitude of his 500 followers. The authority for this statement

was Pedro Nicodemus, who was the commander of the said group, a man

who was as ignorant as he was blood-thirsty.

Further on Isabelo states that "in the famous reunion of Balintauac,

in the solemn moment of the breaking forth of the revolt (August,

26th 1896) Andres Bonifacio as president of the Supreme Council of the

Katipunan, explained that the plot had been discovered, and that in

order to save those who were compromised and who had not up to that

time been arrested, it was necessary to launch forth to the fight,

although the arms with which they should fight had not yet arrived

from Japan."

Granted however the character of Bonifacio, his aims and the methods

he adopted to carry out his ideas, such an excuse as that of Reyes

argue but little in pro of the good judgement or better said the good

faith of its author. Bonifacio was anxious for the first blow of the

revolt to be struck that he might not lose the confidence of those

who had intrusted him with the undertaking and who had been fooled

into the idea that the Katipunan forces were so powerful that nothing

could resist their onward course once they had been started on their

way. And to suppose that Bonifacio was to be so easily influenced by

a few petty chiefs is to show a complete ignorance of the character

of the hero of the Katipunan. If the opposition of the said petty

chiefs really occurred it was probably inspired more by fear of

the consequences than by the true spirit of repentance, for if the

cruelties and abuses said to have been committed by the Spaniards

were the cause of the revolt, what need was there of such a repentance?

The prestige enjoyed by Bonifacio among the katipuneros was natural

enough, in as much as he was the father of the Katipunan, the

illegitimate offspring of filipino freemasonry, itself a legitimate

child of the Spanish family of universal freemasonry.

"The Katipunan," says the author of an exposition to Congress, dated

1900 and published at the printing office of the El Liberal, "the

worthy and legitimate [82] child of Andres Bonifacio, was founded in

his own house in calle Sagunto (Tondo) between six and seven in the

evening of the 7th of July 1892. Andres Bonifacio gathered together

his best friends, Teodoro Plata, Valentin Diaz, Ladislao Dina,

Deodato Arellano, and Ildefonso Laurel, to whom he proposed the

necessity of the creation of that Superior Association of the Sons

of the People, whose only aim should be that of the independence

of the people under a Spanish protectorate or in default of that,

of Japan. Those assembled took to the idea with great enthusiasm and

at once commenced the propaganda of the same.

Note 95. One thing which clearly demonstrates the state of fanaticism

and moral degradation to which the Katipunan fell, was the savage

manner in which they treated the Religious prisoners who fell into

their hands. Disrespect for all authority and especially that of

the clergy, was one of the chief fruits of the work of propaganda

carried on by Rizal and other of the separatist element, aided and

abetted by the Bible societies who gave moral as well as practical

assistance to their labors.

As fanaticism increased, this want of respect became more intense

and eventually led to a thirst for the blood of those whose greatest

crime was the excessive favor they had extended to the indian, to

whom such a thing as gratitude was unknown [83].

As we have seen, the intention of the Katipuneros was the annihilation

of the Spaniards, irrespective of class or condition. The parish

priest being the strongest support of the administration was the

target for the bitterest treatment at the hands of the rebels.

Among the number of those parish priests murdered by the Tagalog

rebels were P. Toribio Moreno; Recolet, parish priest of Silang;

P. Toribio Mateo, Recolet and parish priest of Perez Dasmarinas; and

the lay brothers: fray Luis Garbayo and Julian Umbon, these latter were

murdered in San Francisco de Malabon. Upon the Estate of Imus, then

property of the Recolet Corporation, now in the possession of a large

London Syndicate, were most brutally murdered the following Recolets:

P. Jose Ma. Learte, ex-Provincial and parish priest of Imus, P. Simeon

Marin, ex-Definitor and parish priest of Maragondon, P. Agipito

Echegoyen, parish priest of Amadeo, P. Faustino Lizasoain, parish

priest of Bailen, and the lay-brothers:

Roman Caballero, Jorge Zueco del Rosario, Damaso Goni, Bernardo Angos,

Victoriano Lopez.

It is affirmed by eye-witnesses that these victims to Tagalog

fanaticism were saturated with petroleum and burned alive.

Fear was entertained for the safety of of several Dominican Fathers

who held parishes near by, and therefore P. Buenaventura Campa,

P. Francisco Cabenas and fray Natalio Esparza immediately set

out in search for them. Regardless of the great risk they ran in

falling into the hands of the bloodthirsty Katipuneros, these three

heroic Dominicans casting aside all thought for self and all care

for their own welfare [84] set out for Naic in the steam launch

Mariposa. Difficulties were encountered from the start. The native

captain and engineer conspired to prevent the carrying out of the

attempted rescue. P. Buenaventura calling up the refractory captain

told him that he and his companions were firm in their purpose and

that progress must be made. The captain pleaded inability for want of

coal. Then hoist the sails, said P. Campa. There are none replied the

captain. Then take my habit and those of my companions and make sails

of them, thundered the Padre. The captain gave in and the journey was

continued. Naic was reached; they failed to find their companions but

were in time to save the unfortunate wife and children of Lieut. Perez

Herrero; they discovered them barefooted and wellnigh mad with terror,

dressed in native clothes and hidden in a nipa shack. P. Galo Minguez,

parish priest of Naic, Padres Nicolas Pena and Jose Digne and the

laybrothers Saturnino Garcia and Jose Pedida had succeeded in escaping

from the clutches of the rebellious Tagalogs, having fled to Labay

from whence they made their way to Corregidor, meeting there those

who had come to seek them in the Mariposa.

The Augustinian Father P. Piernavieja was another victim to

fanaticism. This Father has been termed medio loco [85] and in

all truth he was so if the possession of a presence of mind such

as that shown by P. Piernavieja is to be termed craziness. True

it is that he was at times gifted with a strange turn of mind. He

had, during the many years he administered the parish, established

therein a christian communism. When the revolt broke out he was

held as a prisoner and obliged to invest himself with the authority

of an Archbishop. Had the revolt prospered and P. Piernavieja lived,

undoubtedly he would have been made Archbishop of Manila by the Tagalog

discontents. P. Piernavieja was shrewd enough to take well to his new

office. He was once called upon to anoint the chiefs and rulers, as the

kings and emperors of olden time were anointed by the Church. Padre

Piernavieja told them that olive oil was not suitable for such a

purpose and therefore proceeded to anoint them with cocoanut oil such

as is used by the natives for their lamps! Under pretext of his office

of Bishop this strange old man claimed liberty to make his pastoral

visits and when he succeeded in securing this liberty which was readily

granted to him, he overran all that part of the province in the hands

of the insurgents, secretly collecting all kinds of information, which

he immediately sent his superiors in Manila. This information reached

the military authorities and would have become of utility to them for

the carrying out of the campaign had it been prosecuted as a military

campaign should have been. But the Padre's messenger was eventually

captured with messages in his possession. When questioned as to the

source of the information, and where he was taking it, he told all,

and as a result Padre Piernavieja was condemned to death as a traitor

to a cause to which he had never held allegiance. As a punishment he

was tied to a tree exposed to the burning rays of the tropical sun,

and thus left to the mercy of the voracious birds and insects, dying

of hunger, thirst and of terror in the midst of inconceivable torments.

Padre David Veras, Dominican, was another of the many victims of

the Katipuneros. He was the parish priest of the pueblo of Hermosa

in the province of Bataan. When the insurgents attacked the pueblo

they captured P. David, and after cutting off both his hands, dragged

him to the most distant of the ten barrios of that pueblo, and there

hacked him to death with bolos and hatchets mutilating his body in

a horrible manner, and throwing the corpse on to a dung heap.

In the early dawn of the 25th of December 1896, in Morong province

of Bataan, Padre Domingo Cabrejas, Recolet, was murdered at the altar

while offering up the holy sacrifice of the Mass, his blood staining

the sacred linen and the steps of the altar. The katipunero murderers

hurriedly hid the body in the church and fled.

Padre Jose Sanjuan, also Recolet and parish priest of Bagac was

another victim. To name all those who suffered barbarous treatment at

the merciful hands of the insurgents would be a well-nigh impossible

task. Recalling the acts of those fanaticised sectarians, one might

almost recall the barbarities and brutalities of the diabolical

Nero. Certainly the ancient Chinese and Japanese were scarcely

more excessive in their treatment of the unfortunate missionaries

they tortured in their attempt to stamp out the christian faith;

and even the Chinese boxers of our days could have taken lessons

from the disciples of Filipino freemasonry. Many, many are the

unfortunate missionaries whose blood cries to heaven for vengeance

and this vengeance of the God of Justice will one day fall upon this

people. Even in our own days we cannot shut our eyes to the fact of the

existence of the well marked track of the hand of Divine Justice as it

passes here and there throughout the land, calling now upon this one,

now upon that, to pay his debt even to the last farthing. The track

of the finger of God has been remarkably distinct in this archipelago

and many are the cases in which that finger moving slowly and silently

along has pointed out the unfruitful tree which the scythe of death

shall cut down.

"For I the Lord thy God am a jealous God; visiting the sins of the

fathers upon the children until the third and fourth generation."

Note 96. Some there are who see in every event which takes place,

the protecting or avenging hand of Providence. Others there are who

laugh to scorn the idea that Providence should concern itself in

such matters.

The hand of Providence surely has manifested itself of late in this

archipelago, here protecting the one from a cruel torture, there

permitting the sacrifice of a martyr to the faith or a martyr to duty

and honor, and the integrity of the Spanish nation. Here giving one

over to a just punishment, there pointing out another as an object

for Divine vengeance.

Is proof needed perhaps that the finger of the avenging hand of Divine

justice has left its well-marked path in the Philippines? Then we

have a notable case before us. A few months ago, a steamer, the Rio

de Janeiro, left the Orient bound for the port of San Francisco,

Cal. Within sight of the city, almost within sight of the crowds

who stood upon the wharf in expectation of the ship's arrival,

the good vessel, by the will of God who rules over all things,

went to the bottom, carrying with her, among other passengers,

a man who was morally and physically responsible for the greater

part of the barbarities practiced upon the long suffering Spanish

prisoners, Religious, Civil and Military, at the hands of the Tagalog

revolutionists. With that man disappeared from the land of the living

his whole family, together with state and private papers of unknown

value. How often before in the past history of the world has the God

of Justice obliterated whole families and even whole nations!

And who shall say that the hand of Divine Justice has not protected

as well as avenged. For many months the katipuneros had woven a

fine-meshed net around the Spanish population of the Philippines,

a labor the more easily accomplished in the same degree as the

scandalous carelessness of the Blanco administration became more and

more marked. Blanco himself was a freemason [86] and was always, like

our present civil administration, surrounded by friends of his own

choice, people who at no time suffered from an excess of patriotism;

and the few honorable exceptions which did exist were, unfortunately,

persons whose good moral influence was powerless to better a situation

which day by day became worse [87].

This net already woven was set, and it needed but the given signal

for its string to be tightly drawn and the unsuspecting prey would

immediately fall into its folds, to be redeemed only by a barbarous,

cruel death. But providence is merciful as well as just, and in her own

time opened up a way of escape for the coveted prize of the katipunero

savages. This opening was no other than Teodoro Patino, himself a

member of the diabolical society, the plot of which he was to reveal.

Patino was one of the many compositors in the printing establishment of

the Diario de Manila. He was an indian of but little importance both

as regards his abilities as a workman or as a katipunero: he was one

of the thousands of unknowns from which have sprung so many of those

sadly famous ignorantes and others of our own days. But he was destined

to act an important part in the society to which he belonged: a part

however not in the programme of proceedings drawn up by the society.

A discussion took place one day as to the subscription the said

Patino should pay into the common funds of the society, and heated

words passed between him and his companions on the subject. From words

they came to blows; and as Patino was one against many he came out of

the tussle second best, having received a good sound thrashing for

daring to differ from the majority. To satisfy his injured feelings

he looked around him for some one from whom he could expect sympathy,

and he bethought himself of his sister who was a pupil of the College

of Mandaloya, under the care of the Augustinian Nuns. To his sister

he repaired and to her he told his tale of woe, making mention at the

same time of a certain society to which he and his assailants belonged.

The sister startled by what her brother related, questioned him

closely, as only a woman can question when she wishes to get to

the bottom of anything. Having been a pupil of the Augustinian Nuns

for a considerable time and preserving in her heart sentiments of

gratitude little known among the peoples of the Archipelago, she was

much hurt to hear of the plans mapped out by the Katipunan for the

brutal destruction of those who had always been so good and kind to

her and her brother. And before Patino could tell all his tale, his

sister had bidden him good-bye and gone off in search of the Mother

Superior of the College, to whom she immediately told all she knew

of the affair. The two women trembling with fear for the safety of

the lives of so many hundreds of innocent victims, hurriedly sought

the presence of the Rev. Padre Mariano Gil, Augustinian, and parish

priest of Tondo. This Rev. Father, realizing the enormity of the

Katipunan plot, advised them to send Patino to him without delay.

Patino presented himself at the convento and underwent a close

examination at the hands of Padre Mariano. At first little progress

was made, as Patino feared both the anger of the authorities and

that of his fellow katipuneros, who would doubtless take revenge upon

him according to the laws of the society, for his tale-telling. And

in spite of the fact that he tried at every turn to avoid telling

the naked truth, and to escape here and there by professions of

ignorance, he eventually manifested to P. Mariano Gil all he knew

of the society, of its plans and of its resources. After a long and

tedious conversation, the patriotic Augustinian was gratified with

the knowledge of where to lay his hands upon hidden documents etc.,

which would throw much light upon the purposes of the society of

cut-throats. P. Gil immediately set to work to disclose the hidden

secrets.

"Without losing a moment," writes P. Mariano Gil, to a friend who

had asked of him the true story of what took place on that memorable

occasion, "I sent notice to the Lieut. of the Veterana of this

sub-division, D. Jose Cortes, to whom in the presence of the denouncer,

Patino, I communicated the most necessary data, giving him at the same

time the names of all those persons in the printing establishment who

were compromised, commencing with the two who signed the receipts,

Policarpo Tarla and Braulio Rivera, indicating to him the manner of

procedure for the detention of all those complicated.

...................................................................

... "I decided, confiding in God, to go alone to the printing

establishment, at a time when none of the workmen should be present."

The writer goes on to explain how he made known his mission to D. Ramon

Montes and two other Spaniards who, astonished at the news, aided in

the search for the documents, stones etc. After a half hour's search

the lithographic stone was discovered, and like a tiger springing

upon its prey, the zealous son of St. Augustine pounced upon it, as

though he feared that the very roof of the building should fall in

upon it and bury it beneath its rubbish out of reach of his hands. A

proof was taken from the said stone, of the Katipunero receipts,

and P. Gil immediately set off in the direction of the Veterana of

Tondo where he met Patino, who recognized the receipt as authentic,

and two hours later the Patriotic Augustinian saw his efforts crowned

with the confession of guilt of the delinquents, the two previously

named, figuring at the head of the list. Having performed this, P. Gil

humbly wended his way back to his parochial dwelling, satisfied to

have been an instrument of divine Providence for the unravelling of

one of the most bloodthirsty plots ever invented by the perverse mind

of embruted mankind.

At midnight was discovered in the locker of Policarpo Tarla, in the

same place, a dagger, the regulations of the Katipunan and several

documents having connection with the said society, all of which,

together with the famous lithographic stone, were handed over by

Sr. Montes to the Veterana.

On the following day P. Gil discovered in the house of one of his

parishioners a dagger identical to the one mentioned, also several

receipts in Tagalog with the key of the symbolic language in which

they were printed.

"This", affirms P. Gil, "is the truth of the discovery."

There can be little doubt that Patino was directly inspired more by the

thrashing he received than by providence, although it is not possible

to deny that the thrashing and the consequent divulging of the secrets

of the Katipunan were providential. And as regards to his repentance,

I doubt judging from the character of the average indian, whether he

really felt repentant till the enormity of the crime to which he was

an abettor was brought home to him by P. Mariano Gil. Be that as it

may. The ways of Providence are hidden from us and we can seldom see,

with our human eyes, more than the actions of the human reason. Yet

the truth remains, that whether directly or indirectly inspired by

providence it was Patino's action which saved Spain "from an unending

series of bitter experiences."

Note 97. What has, up to this present, been written concerning these

stirring events has been taken chiefly from the reports made by

Gen. Blanco to Sr. Canovas. Whether from ignorance or from malice,

these reports contained about as many errors as words. From these

Sr. Diaz evidently took the statement that the sister of Patino was a

pupil in the College of Looban, whereas P. Mariano Gil himself states

that it was that known as the Orphan Asylum for Girls at Mandaloya.

Note 98. The following sketch of P. Mariano Gil is taken from the

Heraldo de Madrid which in its number of the 6th October 1896, said:

"P. Gil was born in Carreon de los Condes (Palencia) on the 2nd of

July 1849. Whilst still young he entered the Augustinian College of

Valladolid. His studies concluded, he passed to the Philippines where

he filled the duties of parish priest in several Tagalog pueblos. Till

recently he has been holding the position of parish priest of Tondo,

a suburb of Manila. He was fortunate enough to discover the plot

of the insurrection on the 19th of August last, denouncing it at an

opportune moment. The Spaniards gathered in manifestation to the palace

of the Governor General; Sr. Blanco did not condescend to receive them

and they therefore went at once to pay their respects to P. Gil and

the Archbishop, both of whom congratulated them for their patriotic

attitude. A newspaper of Manila, El Espanol, published the picture

of the parish priest of Tondo; but scarcely had the first copies

of the paper appeared on the street, than General Blanco ordered

their suppression, commanding that a new edition be printed omitting

the said picture and the laudatory phrases which the El Espanol had

dedicated to the eminent Augustinian, from this time a note-worthy

patriot to whom the public did a justice which General Blanco either

did not know how, or did not wish to do him."

Speaking of this patriotic Padre, Sr. Castillo y Jimenez [88] says:

"His character is gruff; he asks nothing, he demands; he does not

beseech, he asks; and what he demands and asks is just and lawful,

because it bears in its essence the benefit of mankind, aiding the

unfortunate, warding off their dangers, delivering them from the

attacks which envy and vengeance might deal out to pacific and humble

people. He is inflexible with the reprobate and disloyal, magnanimous

with those who have been deceived; proud with the haughty and humble

with the weak, and in his generous life has wiped away many tears,

distributed much bread to the poor, and many times proportioned

assistance to the needy that they should not fall into want."

The good work done in the discovery of the diabolical plot of the

Katipunan, has very naturally been the object of a great amount

of bitter criticism at the hands of the separatist element, which

has never pardoned the valiant Augustinian for springing their

carefully laid traps. He was denounced in the lodge rooms of Filipino

freemasonry, from one of which was despatched a letter directed to

him and bearing his picture, as will be seen in the accompanying

illustration. His discovery was depreciated and belittled, and made

to appear a farce. His patriotism was called into question and his

very life was placed in imminent danger.

However the torrents of lies that have poured forth against him have

not, and can not obliterate the truth.

Isabelo de los Reyes to belittle the labors of discovery of P. Gil,

affirms that Antonio Luna notified Blanco of the existence of the

association previous to the discovery of P. Gil. Be that as it may;

the secret police had also notified Blanco of what was going on. Three

times did the Archbishop of Manila do the same, and so also did

the other prelates of Manila and Prior of the Convent of Guadalupe,

and Lieut. Sityer [89]. But this does not lessen the value of Padre

Gil's discovery, but rather adds to its importance. For whilst Blanco

was sufficiently posted on the matter to be able to judge of the

necessity of taking immediate proceedings, there was wanting that

healthy stimulus which was given by P. Gil. A stubborn carbuncle

often needs the aid of the lance: P. Gil's discovery was the lance

which brought to the surface the putrid matter which nature could

not, of herself, eject. This putrid matter extending itself, would

have brought about the mortification of the whole body, had not the

surgeon applied his lance in good time. And although the lance of

the surgeon brought pain to the patient it saved her for the time,

giving back to her a state of relative health.

Note 99. The first executions which took place were those of four

rebels captured in flagrante in San Juan del Monte. These were Sancho

Valenzuela, Eugenio Silvestre, Modesto Sarmiento and Ramon Peralta. Of

these Valenzuela was the only one of any importance. Sarmiento was

a cabeza de barangay [90] of Santa Ana where he owned a small nipa

house which he rented out, performing at the same time the office of

cook and house boy to the tenant. On the way to execution he met his

tenant-master and, in a nonchalant manner, greeted him with as pleasant

a Buenos dias Senor, as if he were on the way to some joyous function

or a grand "meet" at the cock-pit. Before his execution Valenzuela

also showed a spirit of coolness and serenity, signing his last will

and testament with a firm hand, and smiling. Both showed the spirit

of men thoroughly fascinated by some superior power, neither realizing

the crime they had committed nor the punishment they were to undergo.

The second execution took place in Cavite, thirteen rebels being

shot. These were Francisco Osorio, Maximo Inocencio, Luis Aguado,

Victoriano Luciano, Hugo Perez, Jose Lallana, Antonio San Agustin,

Agapito Conchu, Feliciano Cabuco, Mariano Gregorio, Eugenio Cabezas and

two constables of the public prison of the province. These constables

had pressed into their traitorous service a number of the muchachos of

the prison. Francisco Osorio was a very wealthy Chinese half-caste. He

had been honored by Spain with several honors, among them the Grand

Cross of Carlos III. He was very intimate with the authorities in

Cavite. His father, a wealthy Chinee, and his cousin, a doctor,

both denounced him at the moment of his execution.

"After the reading of the sentence," says an eye-witness, "in front

of the square which we formed, he commenced to cry, asking pardon of

the General and of all Spaniards; he affirmed that he was a Spaniard

and that he would never conspire again against the country in which

he had been educated, and he cursed the freemasons who in Madrid had

initiated him into the hatred of religion and the fatherland. The

doctor his cousin, turning to him, said: Silence Osorio! don't cry so;

what will the Spaniards benefit from your repentance; but the miserable

fellow paid no attention to him, and asked to be allowed to kiss the

Spanish flag before he died. This permission was not granted."

Maximo Inocencio was the proprietor of a large store and was a

contractor to the Arsenal. He had been previously arrested for

implication in the revolt in Cavite in 1872. At that time he escaped

but was afterwards pardoned; the signal rocket was to be fired from

his storehouse in Cavite.

Luis Aguado was also a contractor for the Arsenal.

Victoriano Luciano, a chemist, was a wealthy half-caste who had not

lived long in Cavite.

Hugo Perez, was an indio. He was the venerable of the masonic lodge. In

his house were discovered two large photographs in which the majority

of the thirteen persons executed were photographed in the form of

a triangle; a book with a triangle and other masonic insignia on

its front page, and four important letters of anti-Spanish masonic

propaganda.

Lallana was a tailor, and some say a peninsular Spaniard. For a while

he was chief of police of Cavite and had been a corporal of Marines.

Antonio San Agustin was an indian, a petty merchant and a man who

could scarcely bear the sight of a Spaniard.

Agapito Conchu was a master of a primary school, and a half-caste. He

had once been detained in the time of Despujols but granted his

liberty. Apart from his school, he gave lessons to some of the children

of the Spanish families of the town, including the daughter of the

Governor of Cavite.

Cabuco was an escribiente [91] of the administration of State; and

Eugenio Cabezas a watch-tinker.

These executions were followed by that of a member of the Guardia

Civil, Mariano Magno, in Nueva Ecija. Magno had always been noted for

his lack of obedience to his superiors, his hatred of discipline and

ill-feeling in general towards Spaniards. Fifteen others were shot in

Iligan on the 28th of October of the same year. Many others suffered

the like penalty in different parts of the Archipelago.

Note 100. Those sentenced to deportation were, for the most part, sent

to Jolo, Puerta Princesa, Balabac and to the penitentiary colonies.

To the first named place were sent 69 persons of all kinds and

conditions, trades and occupations. Among them was a Juan Cuadra,

a chemist in Ermita. To Puerta Princesa went 53, and to Balabac 56

both lots well assorted. Those most compromised in the insurrection

were sent to Fernando Poo, these numbering some 200. Three hundred

more were sent to Mindanao. Among the 200 sent to Fernando Poo were

merchants, compositors, silversmiths, book-binders, carriage painters,

laundrymen, escribientes, a clerk of the Puerta del Sol on the Escolta,

hat-makers, tailors, laborers, students, lawyers and among them the

irrepressible jack-in-the-box, Thomas William of the Rosary (Tomas

G. del Rosario); telephone operators, school-teachers and three members

of the secret police; among the rag and tag of the good-for-nothings,

and as chief of them, was the famous translator of the scriptures,

Pascual H. Poblete [92].

Note 101. Apolinario Mabini was born in the pueblo of Tanauan,

province of Batangas, and was the son of parents of the poorer and

lower classes. He came to Manila as a lad and received his secondary

education in the College of San Juan de Letran at the hands of

the Dominican Fathers, taking the degree of professor. Later on he

was employed in the Intendencia and by careful saving and by steady

application he continued his studies for law and concluded his course

at the University of Santo Tomas also at the hands of the Dominicans

who spared no efforts on behalf of his success. From the University

he received the title of Licentiate of Law in 1895.

He entered the office of the notary Numeriano Adriano to practice

law, and whilst there employed, was drawn by Adriano into the net of

masonry, joining the lodge Balagtas which was one of those founded

from the overflow of the original Filipino lodge Nilad. Adriano was

the venerable of the said lodge. When the Liga Filipina was formed

and had gotten well into working order Mabini was named a councillor

of the superior Council (see page 28). According to the testimony

of Moises Salvador (see page 296) Mabini was also secretary of the

Association of Compromisarios.

He was arrested as one of the chief instigators of the revolt and

after due trial was sentenced to death. The Spanish authorities

however, took compassion upon him because of his pitiful condition,

he being paralysed in the lower parts of the body [93]; so instead

of including his name in the list of those who expiated their treason

on the field of Bagumbayan, they foolishly gave him his liberty.

Once more free, Mabini left Manila for his own pueblo of Tanauan

where he lived quietly till Aguinaldo was brought over in 1898 by

Admiral Dewey to serve as a bush-beater to the American forces. Mabini

was thereupon carried from Tanauan to Cavite where he joined the

faithless Magdalo.

In Cavite he drew up a project of a constitutional law for the

Philippines. In the first page of this he affirmed that the precepts

of the Ten Commandments were an invention of the friars! And yet Mabini

was the Filipino Solomon. He instructed the people that they ought not

to believe in the said decalogue or practice what it commanded, but

that they should only practice the precepts of the Verdadero Decalogo

which he prepared and gave to the public as their spiritual guide.

Mabini very soon became radical and decidedly anti-American in his

ideas, and succeeded in attaining such moral ascendancy over Aguinaldo

that the latter ceased to be the leader of the people and the true

dictator of the Filipino republic, becoming a toy in the hands of a

man who could twist and turn him here and there at his will.

Mabini refused to take the oath of allegiance and was, on the 7th

of January 1901 deported under General Order No. 4 to the island of

Guam, as one of the persons "whose acts clearly demonstrate them to

be favorers or sympathizers with the insurrection."

Note 102. The advanced political ideas held and propagated by the

separatists were not bad in themselves; no particular objection can be

raised against them as political ideas. But when we consider by whom

and for whom these "reforms" were asked, we begin to appreciate the

necessity to which the indian was put of endeavoring to attain them

by armed struggle. Taking away the revolutionary basis upon which the

plans of the Liga were raised, nothing remains but the empty walls of

a roofless building. These walls or ideas are contained in the plans of

reforms drawn up by almost every jackanapes in the Liga who could write

down his thoughts with any amount of clearness. These plans agreed upon

certain points, chiefly representation in the Spanish parliament and

the expulsion of the Religious Orders. These two points appear to have

been the essence of the direct aims of the separatists (see p. 69).

Others called for the Spanish constitution with its consequences:

the liberty of the press and the liberty of associations. Liberty of

the press was ever an unknown quantity in the Philippines. The idea of

the liberty of the press is very beautiful when its liberties are not

abused; it was the abuse of what little liberty the press enjoyed,

in the latter days of Spanish rule, that induced the authorities

to impose such a close censure upon it as they did. Whatever may

be said in its favor, press censorship and such sedition laws as we

enjoy to-day in this nondescript piece of the world's surface, are

more proper of absolute monarchies than of territory of the U. S. of

America, although in our particular case we might as well be under the

despotic, ever deteriorating rule of Aguinaldo, as that of a body of

men whose intentions however good and sincere they may be, fall short,

when put into practice, of the proverbial ingenuity in governing,

of the famous Sancho Panza in his island of Barataria. Freedom of

the press is at times a blessing, and at others a curse. From 1888

to 1896 it would have been more of the latter than of the former;

for giving such a liberty to the separatists who asked it, would be

arming the enemy with the best arms.

As to liberty of associations. People in the Temperance world often ask

themselves, does prohibition prohibit? Some make themselves believe

that it does; but practice has shown what common sense tells each

and every one of us, that it does not; for if a man (and I do not

wish to be so ungallant as to exclude the ladies) cannot get what

he wants legally, he as a rule sees that he gets it somehow. And so

with the Filipinos who, denied the liberty of association, defied the

authorities and held their gatherings in secret and secluded places.

All these various political ideas were decidedly advanced in as much as

they had relation to a people in no way prepared to receive them. No

father would put a loaded revolver or an open razor into the hands

of his child; but those were the very things the separatists were

howling for.

The Katipunan; or, The Rise and Fall of the Filipino Commune · 第 18 / 28 题