NOTICE.

The traitor Honorato Quisunbin, who in an evil moment denied his

country, died yesterday.

To-day, one no less a traitor and renegade to his mother country,

has also died. He who has been the cause of so many husband-less

wives and fatherless children, has received a punishment for his

crimes which will prevent him from repeating them.

We will allot to-morrow, for the punishment of the remainder if

they do not change their conduct, but continue to follow the steps

of the above mentioned. For this reason, beloved compatriots now

that you have witnessed the punishment given to those who have left

the path marked by our authority which our government conferred on

us although we are unworthy of it, but as we have been appointed,

we have forcibly to obey all the decrees published, for the crimes

which are punishable by death and which are as follows:

1st. All those who have any public or private communication with

the enemy and serve them as guides;

2nd. All those who attack and rob in a band;

3rd. Violation or abuse;

4th. Incendiarism;

5th. All those who receive any position or employment in the

service of the enemy.

(Signed) THE COMPATRIOTS.

This race hatred is illustrated very clearly in the definition of

the Katipunan given by Romualdo Teodoro de J., when he said that its

aim was to kill all Spaniards and take possession of the islands. No

particular hatred was shown to any class; it was all Spaniards of

all classes and conditions who were to be assassinated. It is also

clearly depicted in the Act of Session of the Katipunan Sur already

quoted (See page 81; also foot-note page 80).

Note 76. What Sr. Diaz intends by Tagalog Katipunan is not quite

clear. The whole society was practically confined to the Tagalog

provinces and was insignificant in extent even beyond the city of

Manila and its suburbs. There was no other Katipunan.

In November 1895 the assembly of the Katipunan was composed of

ten individuals of the Supreme Council, and the presidents of the

popular sections who were entitled to assist in virtue of holding

some office therein.

In January of the following year of 1896, after the annual election,

the assembly was composed as follows:

President Andres Bonifacio.

Secretary Emilio Jacinto.

/ Vicente Molina.

Treasurer + Pantaleon Torres.

\ Hermenegildo Reyes.

/ Francisco Carreon.

| Jose Trinidad.

Councillors + Balbino Florentino.

\ Aguedo del Rosario.

Fiscal Pio Valenzuela.

Note 77. The question of the amount and the source of the supply of

arms possessed by the Katipunan has always been one of dispute. Some

suppose the rebels to have been well armed, whilst others reckon the

number of serviceable guns to have been very small.

Among the papers and documents belonging to the Katipunan Sur, seized

by the Spanish authorities, is the following:

"Commissioned for the purchase of arms:

D. Gabino \

D. Juan + Tantoko

D. Antonio |

D. Ezequiel /

D. Epifanio Ramos.

D. Victoriano Luis

for the distinct armories of Manila."

In a letter of the Secretary to the President D. Agustin Tantoko

(a native priest; see page 79):

"I believe we can obtain the dynamite by bribing some of the harbor

employees."

This letter has a foot-note which says: "When you have read this,

destroy it."

Numeriano Adriano testified (fols. 1,309-1,312) that Andres Bonifacio

had collected 10,000 pesos for the purchase, in Japan, of 4,000 rifles

with abundant ammunition.

He also stated that the arms had been purchased and were to be landed

near by the mountains of San Mateo and in the Batanes islands, from

whence they would be brought to Manila.

That "Andres Bonifacio went to San Mateo with men to receive and

arrange arms, whilst Deodato Arellano and Timoteo Paez were encharged

to send people to Batanes to the same end."

Also that "It is said that many of the insurgents in the province of

Cavite bear arms of different systems, and he supposed that they must

have been acquired by the rich and wealthy persons of that province,

such as Francisco Osario and others, who knowing perhaps of the

existence of the Liga of Manila, its form and object, had formed

their own also, in the said province, in order to unite to that of

Manila and make common cause therewith."

Domingo Franco declared (fols. 1,381-1,382), in answer to a question

during his trial, as to what he knew in reference to the purchase of

arms and ammunition, that "all he knew was that arms and ammunition

had been purchased, because at the end of 1895, or the beginning

of 1896, he saw Francisco L. Rojas in his office in Calle Jolo, and

the said Rojas told him that he had received a quantity of arms and

ammunition." He stated moreover, that he did not know the make or

number, nor where they had been landed.

Tomas Prieto of Nueva Caceres mentioned the receipt of 50 arms from

Bato. He also stated that Mariano Melgarejo, according to references

from Macario Valentin, received a load of arms in eleven cases from

Pasacao."

Pio Valenzuela affirmed that the arms borne by the rebels were for

the most part domestic bolos [71] and lances, and that the chiefs

were armed with revolvers." These revolvers were, he affirmed,

acquired from the Maestranzi de Artilleria.

Juan Castaneda declared that "the Japanese offered to land here 100,000

rifles with their ammunition, the expense of which should be paid in

a fixed number of years."

Numeriano Adriano also affirmed that it had been decided to purchase

arms in Japan and that one of the islands of the Archipelago should

be given to Japan in exchange for its aid.

Domingo Abella affirmed that he had visited Francisco Rojas in his

office for the purpose of finding out if the arms which the tailor

Luis Villareal had ordered for the society, had arrived; and that

although Francisco Rojas did not belong to the society, he was

encharged to portion out the arms and commissioned to bring them to

Manila. Francisco told him that he could not provide him with any as

they were all sold.

The net cost of the arms and ammunition necessary to carry out

the revolt was considerable, and as their introduction into the

country would have to be very carefully planned, and be carried out

with the greatest secrecy, the original cost would be considerably

increased. Large sums of money were therefore necessary to cover

expenses. Although the entrance fees and monthly subscriptions were

considerable they could not produce the amount necessary to provide

for the revolution, especially when there existed such a wide spread

tendency among those who handled the funds, to absorb them as a sponge

absorbs water. Castillo in his work concerning this association and

its funds says [72]:

"Undoubtedly it (the Katipunan) possessed large sums of money,

only the most insignificant part of which, according to report, was

discovered in the possession of Pio Valenzuela, preserved in gold and

amounting, we believe, to less than 30,000 pesos. These resources

could not cover the extraordinary expenses of the propaganda, that

of the Commissioners sent to Japan to treat with that power on the

question of a protectorate, and that of the coming war expenses which

were without doubt, very considerable.

"The Indian is not so selfish or so patriotic that he would, without

immediate advantage to himself permit himself the extravagance

of abandoning the sedentary life he usually leads, to launch out

into the field of adventures of doubtful result. Those who from the

headquarters of the revolution directed those torpid masses must

have realised this, and to make sure of the exit, caused money to be

distributed to all the affiliated and to their families, giving them

at the same time rice in abundance.

"On the morning of the events which took place at San Juan del Monte,

two women who live in the Santa Mesa road, were engaged in giving money

to the taos [73] who passed that way, advising them to unite themselves

with the insurrectos to the end of killing all the Spaniards....

................................................................

"This money set aside for distribution in San Juan del Monte, in

Pasig and in the pueblos on the banks of the river, must have come

from a well stocked treasury......................................

.................................................................."

A little further on, the author gives a very broad hint as to one

probable source of funds when he asks the question, where is the

million and a half pesos which constitute the default in the public

treasury of Manila?

"It would be a curious coincidence," says the author, "if part of

this amount perhaps the greater part should have served as funds from

which the expenses of the revolution and the war were paid."

Note 78. The initiations into the Katipunan were grotesque in the

extreme. The person introduced for initiation was placed in a room

draped in black, with its walls hung with mottoes in Tagalog dialect

such as: "If you have courage you may continue," "If you have been

brought here by your curiosity, retire." Upon a table was placed a

skull, a loaded revolver and a bolo. A paper upon which were written

three questions lay also upon the table. These questions were: "In

what state did the Spaniards find the Tagalog people at the time of

the conquest? In what state are they found now? What future can it

hope for?

The initiated previously instructed by his god-father, or by the

person who catechised him, was to reply that, at the time of the

arrival of the Spaniards, the Filipinos living on the coasts enjoyed

a certain amount of civilization, since they already had cannons and

silk dresses, that they enjoyed political liberty, sustained diplomatic

(sic) relations and commerce with the neighboring countries of Asia;

had their own religion and writing; in a word, lived happy with their

independence. A certain amount of civilization may be. Let us see

what that certain amount was:

"Barely clothed, and more often naked, revelling day and night in

drunkenness, given to the practice of infanticide, holding virginity

as a dishonor, having among them people who practiced defloration as a

profession, ignorant of the value and uses of money, making use of men,

women and children to pay debts, in continual warfare with one another

and enslaving their prisoners, practicing wholesale murder of slaves on

the death of a chief or important personage, adoring and sacrificing

to rocks, trees, crocodiles and idols of wood; lacking religion, but

having in its stead most bestial and absurd superstitions; without

temples, monuments or even literature, although they possessed a

species of written language. The only human ideas they possessed were

adopted from the Chinese, Japanese and Borneo Mohammedans whom they

imitated after the manner of apes. This, historians tell us, was the

condition of this people 340 years ago! when the missionaries planted

the Cross on Philippine soil, and brought to the benighted natives

the gospel." So much for the certain amount of civilization.

Cannons and silk dresses: of a kind; as to the cannons, where

did they all come from? Bought from or exchanged with the Borneo

moros probably. As to these and the silk dresses, the savages of the

south-sea islands enjoyed the use of such things and enjoyed them with

better knowledge of how to use them! They enjoyed political liberty;

let us see what Morga the historian who speaks most glowingly of the

ancient civilization of the Filipino peoples, has to say on this point.

He says: "In all these islands the people had neither kings nor lords

to dominate them as in other kingdoms and provinces. But in each

island were many chiefs from among the same natives, some greater

than others each one with his subjects, by groups and families, who

obeyed and respected them. Sometimes these chiefs were at peace with

one another and some times at war.... The superiority which these

chiefs had over the people of their group was such that they held

them as subjects, with power to treat them well or ill, disposing of

their persons, children and estates at their will, without resistance

or the necessity of giving account to anyone, and for very slight

offences they killed and wounded them and made slaves of them; and

if it happened that one of the chiefs were bathing in the river and a

native passed in front of him or looked upon him with want of respect,

and for other similar things, they made slaves of them for ever." This

is a good and practical kind of political liberty, just the kind of

liberty the country would enjoy if in the hands of the leaders of the

Federal Party, so anxious for liberties for themselves and coercion

for those who do not agree with their way of thinking.

Diplomatic relations and commerce with the neighboring countries of

Asia: As to the diplomatic relations the mere idea of such a thing is

preposterous. If we are to concede the use of diplomatic relations

to the ancient Tagalog people, then we must consider as diplomatic

relations such customs as the passing of the "peace pipe" practiced

by the indian of the United States, and the giving and accepting of

young women for sensual convenience practiced in many of the islands

of the Pacific up to the present day. As to their foreign commerce

let us listen once more to Morga. "Their contracts and negotiations

were as a rule illicit, each one considering the best way to come

off successful in his business."

Their own religion: For a religious system they worshiped their

ancestors and performed human sacrifices. The Spaniards found in

these islands less than a million inhabitants, who were divided

into innumerable tribes governed by rulers who had no more title of

sovereignty than that they were enabled to impose upon the people by

brute force and untold cruelties. The inhabitants formed a jumble of

inferior races some more or less pure in blood, others intermixed;

people speaking many dialects. They all lacked religion, in the proper

sense of the word; they lacked morals, in fact they were wanting in

everything that raises man above the level of the brute creation.

As to their own writing, certain it is that they possessed a crude and

very inefficient manner of writing, but what is very remarkable is,

that in spite of their possessing a system of script, not a single

piece of their literary work has yet been discovered nor even a written

tradition. This goes to prove that either the Filipinos were at that

time too deep in the savage ages to realise the importance of writing,

or that the form of script was useless for practical purposes.

To the second question the initiated replied that the friar

missionaries had done nothing to civilize the Filipinos, as they

considered the civilization and illustration of the country to be

incompatible with their interests [74].

To the third question the initiated was to reply that they had

faith, courage and constancy to aid them to remedy these evils in

the future. [75]

The master of ceremonies warned him that he was taking a very important

and very solemn step, and he was recommended to retire if he did not

feel courage enough to continue since he would uselessly expose his

life. If the initiated insisted in continuing with the mysteries of

the initiation he was presented to the reunion of the brethren to

be tried by the proofs assigned, which were very similar to those

adopted in universal masonry, but surrounded with more paganism,

if that be possible. He was blindfolded and made to discharge a

revolver against an imaginary enemy, a person he was made to believe

really was present and awaiting there the executionary bullet which

should make him pay the penalty of a treason. If he passed through

the proofs successfully he was introduced into the hall of oaths and

there with his own blood, drawn by means of an incision made in the

left arm between the shoulder and the elbow, he signed the oath.

Note 79. See note 50, pages 171, 173 and 174.

Note 80. The liberty of the Tagalog people; the chief aim which gave

rise to the revolt. The first thing the separatists desired was to

get rid of the Peninsular Spaniard; the next to go would have been the

insular Spaniard, then the Spanish mestizo, then the Chinee half-caste

and the Chinee; after which would come the gradual extinction of the

various tribes. In the mean time the country would suffer considerably

and at last...? See page 69, last four lines of the first paragraph.

It is well nigh impossible to imagine to what the liberty of the

Tagalog people would mean if it were put into practice. If the

South American states which are recognized as independent, are

unable to govern themselves in spite of the political superiority

of the people inhabiting them over the peoples of this archipelago,

without an unending series of revolutions, what might we expect from

the Philippines? Give the country independence with one of the native

"commissioners" as president of the republic and how long do you

suppose it would be before Pedro Paterno at the head of some 5 or

6,000 men would march into Manila to depose the president and proclaim

himself Emperor Pedro I? And before the new Emperor could install

himself in Malacanan he would have at his heels a thousand and one

petty chiefs, princes, kings and perhaps even a few ambitious queens!

It is over a half a century ago since the South American Republics

became independent, and at that time the rest of the world cared but

little for the consequences of such a step. But this indifference of

the nations can never exist here in the Orient at the commencement

of this XX Century. It would never suit the rest of the world to

see independence declared in the Philippines and especially if that

independence left the reins of government in the hands of the Tagalog

people.

The question of the expulsion from the country or the destruction of

the Spaniards has been spoken of under several notes; the idea was,

doubtless, a semi-savage interpretation of the preachings and teachings

spread abroad by the Bible societies in all parts and especially in

Spanish countries. And this becomes the more probable when we call

to mind what the El Imparcial of the 26th of August 1896 published

concerning this identical point. Speaking of the state of the country

in general as a result of the insurrection, it says:

"The minister of Foreign affairs received a telegram yesterday from

General Blanco manifesting that more arrests had been made.........

...................................................................

The conjuration had ramifications in various parts of the Archipelago,

and in it figured not only masonic societies but also Bible

societies..........................................................

...................................................................

The propaganda of filibusterism is encharged to the colporteurs

of evangelical books, who wander all over the Archipelago selling

protestant publications."

Note 81. These three native priests were among the prime movers of

the rebellion of 1872, a revolt which was planned out in the houses

of Joaquin Pardo de Tavera and Jacinto Zamora. The three priests were

executed by the garrote together with Francisco Saldua. Gomez left

the sum of 200,000 pesos to his natural son, born to him before he

entered the priesthood. In his will he strongly counselled his son to

be ever faithful to the Spanish authorities. I had intended to give a

brief outline of the revolt of '72 but space will not permit. Taking

it as a whole, it differed little from the revolt of '96 with the

exception that it was directly brought about by the propagators of

revolutionary ideas then rampant in Spain, and by the emissaries of

the revolutionary government then established.

Note 82.--See note 20.

Note 83. The oath taken by the katipuneros was as follows:

K. K. K.

N. M. A. N. B.

Section....

I declare that on account of my entrance into the K. K. K. of

the A. N. B. I have sworn a solemn oath in my native pueblo and

in the presence of a superior of the Junta of the Katipunan,

to do away with everything that is possible and even with that

which is to me most near and dear and appreciated in this life,

and to defend the cause to victory or to death. And in truth of

this I swear also to be obedient in everything and to follow in

the fight wherever I am led.

And in proof of what I have said I place my true name with the

blood of my veins at the foot of this declaration."

Note 84. Pio Valenzuela, who gave some of the most interesting and

reliable information concerning the inner life of the Katipunan,

testified (fols. 1,663-1,673) that on the 30th of November 1895,

the birthday of Bonifacio, a meeting was held in Caloocan, in

a house situated in the rice fields, some thirty five or forty

individuals assisting thereat, among them being the witness. This

meeting continued all day and all night till the following day, the

first of December. At this meeting they pronounced the death sentence

upon the tailor Guzman for publishing the secrets of the Katipunan;

this sentence was signed by all present including the witness, after

he had made many observations against it, observations the rest would

not listen to. One of the lighter punishments meted out was the public

exposition in the lodge rooms of the picture of the person punished,

with the word traitor written over or under it.

Note 85. The Katipunan enjoyed a peculiar and special organization,

which was given to it in order to avoid surprises and treachery. The

assemblies were always held in secluded places and under the cover

of the greatest secrecy. Sometimes they were held at midnight in the

open cornfields so as not to attract the attention of those indians

who were not members of the society. Valenzuela relates how a secret

meeting was held in the pueblo of Pasig at midnight, on one occasion

to arrange the matter of the annexation of the Islands to Japan in

case that nation did not care to declare a protectorate over them.

The Council of Ministers of the Supreme popular Council was as follows:

President Andres Bonifacio.

War Teodoro Plata.

State Emilio Jacinto.

Interior Aguedo del Rosario.

Justice Birecio Pantas.

Finance Enrique Pacheco.

Note 86. Pio Valenzuela mentioned one occasion upon which such a

meeting of the society was held, he himself assisting thereat, in

the house of Andres Bonifacio. It was a supper given in honor of the

baptism of a child to which the said Valenzuela was god-father. After

the supper, which served as a shield under the which the work of the

lodge was to be done, an election was held for the Supreme and the

Popular Councils, and the sections. Some thirty members were present.

Another case he mentioned was that of a meeting held on the birthday

of Bonifacio 30th of November 1895.

The Katipunan moreover had its own festivals. This is how Valenzuela

describes them:

"The Katipunan held its festival, according as Andres Bonifacio had

told the witness, on the 7th of July, anniversary of the foundation

of the society; it also celebrated another anniversary on the 28th

of February, the date of the execution of the three native priests,

Burgos, Gomez and Zamora (see note 81). On that day a catafalque draped

with black cloth, was erected in each one of the popular Councils,

having four hachones [76], one in each of its four angles, adorned

with crowns made with plants named Macabuhay [77]. All the members

filed before the funeral pile, reciting prayers for the dead and

swearing to avenge the death of the three priests.

Note 87. Roman Baza, who was one of the many who suffered the death

penalty for his treason, undertook to educate in ultra-democratic

ideas, (as Isabelo de los Reyes is doing in our days), all he came

in contact with. He printed and spread abroad the "rights of man"

of the French revolution.

He was at one time president of the Katipunan (see p. 44) but being

a man little suited to carry out to a successful issue the set

plans of the society, Bonifacio determined to remove him, by what

Sr. Diaz terms a coup-d'etat, but more properly called an underhand

trick. Bonifacio, at that time treasurer, forced a conflict on the

subject of the financial conditions of the society, being denounced

as an exploiter for his pains. The quarrel was settled by an election,

Bonifacio by his unholy influence carrying all before him.

It was during the presidency of Baza that the Katipunan society for

women was founded, "the object of which was mutual succor (!). The

institution serving at the same time to dissimulate the meetings of

the male Katipuneros. Whilst the latter were holding their sessions

in a retired room, the women were in the salon with some young men

dancing, singing or eating. The presidentess of this society of mutual

succorers was Mariana Dizon.

To secure admission it was necessary to be a daughter or sister of

one of the male members. Mariana Dizon later on married Jose Turiano

Santiago, and as a result, the female Katipunan, as an organization

was broken up, the late members however continuing to shield as before,

the labors of the Katipunan reunions.

Note 88. See notes 74, 75 and 93. Part of the local and provincial

Spanish press has not failed to give the public a rehash from time to

time, of the greater part of the inventions of the separatists. It is

needless to say, however, that in this it has failed to receive the

support of representative Spaniards who look upon such an action as

little to the honor of the good name of Spain. As to the corresponding

English-speaking press in this connection, the less said the better

for the good name of American journalism.

Note 89. Jose Dizon Matanza stated during his trial (fols. 1,132-1,138)

"that Pio Valenzuela sought money from the wealthy, and as he (the

prisoner) understood, from a statement of Bonifacio, had collected

over a thousand pesos for the object of covering the expenses of the

trip which he made to Dapitan to confer with Rizal; and in order to

fool the authorities he took with him a blind individual with his

guide, that Rizal might perform a cure or some operation upon the

blind man. The motive of the conference was the proposition to Rizal

of the armed rebellion, etc., etc."

Valenzuela himself spoke of this trip to Dapitan (see note 16, p. 133)

as follows:--

"In the month of May of that year 1896, a reunion was held in

Pasig and there it was agreed to send a commission to Japan ... and

it was agreed also to commence the armed rebellion, settling the

manner in which it should be carried out, but it was decided that,

previous to taking action it would be wise to consult with Rizal,

the witness being chosen as emissary. The schoolmaster of Cavite

Viejo, by name Santos, proposed that a blind man named Raymundo Mata

should accompany Valenzuela that Rizal might cure him. The witness

embarked on the S. S. Venus at the end of May, meeting on board,

one of Rizal's sisters, and his (Rizal's) querida, an American or

English woman named Josefina; and arriving at Dapitan, the witness

went ashore with the two women and a servant that accompanied them,

making their way to the house of Rizal, etc., etc."

According to a statement of Isabelo de los Reyes, "Rizal, as has

been clearly proved at the trials (of traitors) advised them to wait

another two years, as they lacked arms."

I wonder if Rizal foresaw the war to break out two years later between

Spain and the United States! His intense desire to go to Cuba would

give one that idea.

Note 90. Negotiations indeed! Who can imagine the circumspect and

formal little nation of Japan admitting negotiations with a warehouse

porter, a man who was representative only of the worst of the lowest

classes! Sr. Diaz probably made this statement from hearsay por boca de

ganso as they say in Spanish. If any negotiations took place between

Bonifacio and the Japanese Government they were on a par with those

between the late U. S. Consuls of Singapore and Hong-Kong, and a few

other irresponsible people, and Aguinaldo, the leader of the Katipunan.

Note 91. As has been seen in the foregoing notes, it was the

intention of the separatists to make purchases of arms and their

necessary ammunition in Japan. Those wealthy Filipinos who were

owners of steamships were looked to as the chief assistance in the

transportation and landing of the said arms, etc.

The date of the arrival of the arms, according as appeared from

evidence given during the trial of Francisco L. Roxas, was to have

been the 31st of December 1896. Lorenzo de la Paz, however, stated

that it was the 1st of September of the said year. Others claimed

it to be the 13th of September or the 30th of November. As may be

easily seen, there was no lack of disagreement among the chiefs

of the revolt, and perhaps, as far as the majority were concerned,

still more exploitation.

Note 92. Pio Valenzuela y Alejandrino was a licentiate of Medicine,

and one of the members of the inferior Supreme Council of the

Katipunan. According to his own story he entered the files of the

society under compulsion at the hands of Andres Bonifacio, who on

the strength of a love affair, gave him the alternative of death or

membership in the Katipunan (see p. 132). In his declaration during

his trial (fol. 142-147) on the 6th of September 1896, he recorded

how on the 30 day of November, S. Andrew's day of the year 1895,

he was presented by Andres Bonifacio to various Katipuneros as

"brother" Medico (Doctor), Bonifacio stating that from that time he

(Valenzuela) would be the doctor of the society. He also stated how,

in the following month of January and in another meeting, he was

nominated Fiscal, and official doctor with a salary of thirty pesos

monthly, a salary he had no little difficulty in collecting. He was

commissioned in May 1896 to go to Dapitan to hold a conference with

Rizal concerning armed rising against the supreme authority of Spain

in the Archipelago; but Rizal was shrewder and more far-sighted than

the others and would not consent to the carrying out of the scheme as

proposed by Bonifacio. On the return of Valenzuela Bonifacio imposed

upon him a strict silence concerning the outcome of the conference;

but being pressed by certain members of the society, among whom were

Emilio Jacinto, Secretary of the Supreme Council, and capita Ramon

of Pandacan, he revealed the secret of Rizal's opposition to a plan

he feared would be abortive. When once the cat was out of the bag the

facts soon became public among the principal members, with the result

that many who had promised funds for the purchase of arms etc. in

Japan, refused to pay the amounts promised. Among these was a colonel

of Malabon who had promised 500 pesos for the said object. This breach

of confidence on the part of Valenzuela brought about the separation

of himself and Bonifacio, and the former presented his resignation

as doctor and fiscal of the society. Bonifacio opposed the idea of

his resignation but it was finally accepted, and the former friends

parted company each to work in his own sphere.

Valenzuela was in fact one of the chief movers of the rebellion;

this was confessed by Domingo Franco, the late president of the then

defunct Liga Filipina. "The rebellion," says he, "was produced by a

foolish child, whose name it would dirty the tongue to pronounce,

because after being the author of all (this however is somewhat

inexact) has given himself up to the authorities to denounce those

he has succeeded in misleading."

During his trial in the Bilibid prison, before Col. Francisco Olive

y Garcia on the 2nd of September 1896, he gave some of the most

interesting and reliable information that has yet been gathered

concerning the interior workings and doings of the Katipunan.

When the Guardia Civil set out from Manila to break up Bonifacio's

party in Caloocan, several of those forming the leadership fled,

and among them Valenzuela. He entered Manila by way of Sampaloc,

passing through Quiapo to the Escolta and down the Pasaje de Perez,

embarking there on one of the lake steamers. On arrival at Binang he

went to the house of the co-adjutor D. Silvino Manaol (native priest),

to whom he recounted what had taken place. The co-adjutor asked of

the parish priest the proclamation of the Governor General conceding

pardon to those who should present themselves [78]. Having read it

with care and under the advice of the co-adjutor, he set out for the

capital disembarking at the Ayala bridge from whence he took a quiles

and went immediately to the palace of the Governor to present himself

to him. The Governor General was not at home so Valenzuela at once

started for the offices of the Military Government.

Speaking of this giving up of himself of Valenzuela, Sr. Jose

M. del Castillo y Jimenez says: "The forty-eight hours conceded by

the proclamation of the Governor Blanco were about to close when

there reached the palace of Sta. Potenciana, worn out, bathed in

perspiration, and almost in a period of agony, Pio Valenzuela, an

important person of revolution he being in such a condition that it

was necessary to assist him previous to his passing into the presence

of Gov. Blanco. When he had come to himself and was in a condition

to make an explicit and ample confession he had two hours conference

with the Governor, giving information of as such as he knew."

...................................................................

"Valenzuela and Rosario were of great utility in clarifying the facts

and especially in the explanation of the cipher documents discovered

in the house of Villaruel and others."

The Katipunan; or, The Rise and Fall of the Filipino Commune · 第 16 / 28 题