Ven. Maes. Pres.
"Our very beloved bro. Dimas-Alang (Jose Rizal, see foot-note,
page 47), who for some time has been, as you know, expiating
in Dapitan, faults he has not committed [50], is authorized to
change his residence, under the condition that it be in some part
of Spain and not in the Archipelago."
"Together with this notice we have received another that the
said bro. lacks absolutely the resources for such a long voyage
... etc."
................................................................
"In virtue of this, I write to you that, bearing in mind what I
have explained, you may arrange to be collected from the members,
the pecuniary aid they wish and are able to contribute for the
meritorious work in question."
The Gr. Pres., Muza.
Jose Dison Matanza testified (fols. 1,132-1,138) that "the Secret
Camara of the Katipunan gathered together and decided upon another
plan, which was, as Bonifacio told the witness, to embark a large
number of people as passengers on a ship which was to go to Dapitan;
and these when they were upon the high seas, were to surprise the
crew and take possession of the ship; they should then steal away
Rizal from Dapitan and take him wherever they could."
Note 67. If elsewhere in the history of the workings of separatism
in the Philippines, proof were wanting of the cruel deceit practiced
by the filibuster leaders upon the ignorants who formed the mass of
the secret associations of masonic origin, here in this instance it
would be found in abundance. Taking the whole question of the part
played by Japan or by individual Japanese in the separatist movement
from beginning to end I am strongly of the opinion that the supposed
assistance, whether in the form of arms and ammunition, or in that of
financial or moral support was a deliberate imposture, and that those
credulous persons who contributed with their hard-earned money towards
the sums said to have been utilized for propaganda in Japan, were
defrauded, not only out of the money they gave to the funds, but also
of what they might legitimately hope for as a result of the expenditure
of the said funds. It is a well known fact that the hopes of the people
were kept up by many statements which were absolutely unfounded [51];
the assertions of Cortes, Ramos and others who performed the duties
of the embassy to Japan, were most probably of this nature.
The person who, during the trials of those accused of treason,
gave the most interesting testimony relative to this matter, was
Juan Castaneda. He affirmed that "on account of family troubles,
and for questions arising from losses at gambling, and in view of
his having robbed his mother, he decided to leave for Hong-Kong,
embarking on the SS. Esmeralda, on the 31st of July 1895" [52]. He
went on to describe how he there met his friend, the native ex-priest
Severo Buenaventura; how the said Buenaventura initiated him into
the secrets of freemasonry, and how this native ex-priest had
been himself initiated by Ambrosio Flores [53]. That they later
on decided to go to Japan sailing on the SS. Natal. That on their
arrival at Yokohama they lodged at the house of Jose Ramos, where
there also lived Artacho. "During the first days of their stay Ramos
and Artacho seemed to look upon them with want of confidence, and
hid from them their conversations." He affirmed also that among the
visitors to the house of Ramos were a Mr. Hirata, a professor of law,
intermediary between Ramos and Prince Konoy, resident in Tokyo, and
also, a Mr. Yosida, merchant. He stated also that "to excuse their
frequent absence, Ramos and Artacho assured him that they had been
to Tokyo to interview the dignitaries of the Empire, Prince Konoy,
General Yamagata and the count of Tokogana, one of the ministers who
had been Japanese ambassador to the court of Italy. Ramos assured them
that, with these Japanese politicians they were arranging the securing
of the independence of the Philippines, to which end the Japanese
offered to land here 100,000 rifles with their ammunition, the cost
of which should be paid for in a fixed number of years ... etc., etc."
Isabelo de los Reyes [54] says on this point:
"According to what is said, Ramos interviewed, on several occasions,
Prince Konoy, General Yamagata and the Count of Tokogana, who was
then a minister. These gentlemen, it seems, were sympathizers with the
idea of our independence under the protectorate of Japan, as in Korea,
and that they proposed, as a means of gaining it, the fomentation of
Japanese immigration in the Philippines, and that when once this was
attained, the seeking of a conflict with Spain."
Further on he states that: "Some days before the insurrection broke
out, Isabelo Artacho brought me a letter from Jose A. Ramos, in which
he gave me an account of the efforts they were exerting to influence
the leading politicians of Japan, to the end that they should aid us to
secure our independence. Artacho told me verbally the details and that
he knew that the liberal party of Japan, which then was the opposition,
sympathized with the idea, and proposed as a means of attaining it,
the seeking of a cause of conflict with Spain, introducing Japanese
emigrants to that end."
Moises Salvador (fols. 1,138-1,143) stated that according to letters
received by Bonifacio Arevalo from Cortes and Ramos, these two had
been received by the Japanese minister of foreign affairs, to whom
they expounded the object of their journey; and as the minister asked
them what money they had to cover the expenses of the enterprise,
they replied that they would pay their way with the money they should
seize, pertaining to the Religions Orders and to the Treasury [55];
and being satisfied, the Japanese minister told them they might prepare
themselves, for he would send them arms in June or July, to the coast
of Luzon, to be disembarked near the island of Polillo...."
That the separatists hoped for, and aimed to secure the aid of Japan
is certain; many testified to the fact; but this testimony was more or
less hearsay. Certain leading separatists went to Japan to concoct the
scheme and were, no doubt, listened to by some more or less prominent
persons. This is all the more probable when we remember that the
credentials carried by the Commission took the form of a petition
signed by some 22,000 Filipinos, that is, it bore that number of
signatures. [56]
The work of propaganda carried on by certain Filipinos cannot be
called into question; but what is very uncertain is whether or not
the Japanese extended the wished and hoped for assistance. To be
received in interview, and to be heard with attention, are two very
different things. A father listens to the idle prattle of his child,
but the childish words leave no other impression on his mind than
their cuteness merits at the time. This is probably what occurred
between Cortes and Ramos and the so-called "official" element of Japan.
Notes 68 and 69. Pio Valenzuela testified (fols. 582-605) that "in
the month of May, a student of Law Daniel Aria y Tirona, came to his
house and invited him to go to salute the commander of the Japanese
cruiser the Kongo [57]. That at an hour fixed, there gathered at the
Bazar [58], with the witness, Andres Bonifacio, Emilio Jacinto, Jose
Dizon and others, who were received by the commander of the cruiser
with an air of indifference, and of apparent ridicule.... Bonifacio
saluted and welcomed him to the islands, offering his services. The
commander replied, thanking them and inviting them to take a voyage
to Japan to visit the towns of that country, and enjoy its beautiful
climate. Later on they directed a letter to the Commander, Jacinto
drawing it up and Bonifacio, Dizon and himself and others signing
it; its text was a salutation to the Emperor and Empress of Japan,
and a manifestation of a desire to form a part of the said Empire,
etc.... With the letter were presented twelve water-melons [59]
sent by Emilio Aguinaldo, capitan municipal of Cavite Viejo, and a
quantity of mangoes purchased by Cipriano Pacheco, and also a picture."
Jose Dizon Matanza questioned on the same subject, affirmed
(fols. 1,132-1,138) that he was invited to the "Bazar Japones," to
salute and welcome the commander of the cruiser (Kongo).... When he
arrived they gave him iced water.... About an hour afterwards there
arrived an officer of the ship who said he was the doctor, and soon
after the commander arrived; all saluted him.... On the evening of
the same day Bonifacio, Valenzuela and the witness went to Nagtajan
to the house where lived the Japanese who kept the Bazar.... Bonifacio
told them they had a letter to give them. Three or four days later on,
Valenzuela presented himself at the house of the witness with a letter
in Tagalo which read more or less as follows: (here follows what the
witness remembered of the letter.) Bonifacio signed it as president of
the Supreme Council of the Katipunan, Jacinto as secretary, Valenzuela
as Fiscal and the witness with the name of Jose Talin.... After the
departure of the Commander, the witness enquired of Bonifacio what
result the letter had obtained, Andres replying that the Commander
had taken a copy of it, returning the original, because the persons
signing it were not representative; but that the said officer was
very pleased with the pictures given in the name of the Katipunan,
and with the melons and mangoes sent from Cavite."
Isabelo de los Reyes affirms that: "When the Japanese cruiser Kongo
visited the port of Manila in May 1896, the Supreme Council of the
Katipunan went to salute its commander in the upstairs of the Bazar
Japones, situated in the plaza del Padre Moraga, and handed him a
manuscript setting forth their desire for the aid and assistance of
Japan towards the gaining of independence for the Philippines. They
also offered him a picture and some native fruits."
"The commander received them well and even regaled them with iced
drinks and coffee, but did not dare to accept the document, limiting
himself to the taking of a copy of it and promising to transmit their
desires to the Emperor; he also invited them to make a voyage to his
country. Nothing has since been heard of the commander."
So much for the testimony given concerning the Kongo and its commander.
Information I have obtained from Japanese semi-official sources on this
point, shows that the Kongo steamed into Manila bay in 1896 in the same
manner as it did recently, on a non-official visit. As was customary,
the Japanese Commander and other officers visited the Japanese Bazaar
in Plaza Moraga as well as other Japanese business houses. The Bazar
Japones was a center to which friends and acquaintances gathered to
salute the visiting officers. Upstairs were prepared iced drinks,
etc. for those who cared to take them. Bonifacio and others,
uninvited, walked in and presented themselves and their petition and
offerings. The latter the commander accepted; the petition he did not
accept: in this he showed good sense. As to the supposed copy which
he promised to take, evidence goes to show that it was not taken,
but that the said commander merely made a few notes of it on a scrap
of paper. The proprietors of the Bazar ridicule the idea that the
commander favored the petition or received the so-called commission
with pleasure; their opinion is that to which any investigator of the
affair would come, that the Commander was a gentleman and did not
wish to hurt the feelings, by his refusal, of even such ignorantes
as those who at that time forced themselves upon him.
Note 70. The idea that the Liga was but an introduction to the
Katipunan is not borne out by the facts of the case. The Liga
Filipina was a foundation of Rizal, whilst the Katipunan was a
conception of Pilar who, finding Rizal was carrying all before him,
determined not to be out-done by his former companion. The very fact
of the enmity existing between the two leaders is proof enough that
the two societies were not one and the same thing, although after
their foundation they walked arm in arm. The Liga, as an association,
was eventually dissolved, and from it was formed the Compromisarios
(see note 63) and this body continued its functions till the outbreak
of the revolt. The vicissitudes of the Liga did not lessen Rizal's
influence. Ever ready to tell a lie or act one if it were to his own
advantage, Rizal permitted the free use of his name in connection
with the Katipunan also. To the vast majority of the oath-bound,
the Katipunan was but the Liga under another form; and in order that
the people should not know of the rivalry existing between himself
and Pilar, Rizal gave no signs of disfavor towards the foundation of
the new society; in fact he rather favored it, seeing that under the
circumstances it would make him figure as its "hero," and he would thus
be enabled to take the wind out of Pilar's sails. The only objection
raised by Rizal to the work of the Katipunan, was that which he made
to Valenzuela: that the time had not yet come for armed rebellion.
As long as he held supreme influence Rizal was satisfied; but as the
separatist element was becoming weary at the long absence of its
"Moses" and had begun to worship the "calf" (not a golden one, by
the way) "Moses" got angry and threw down, in disgust, the "tables
of the law."
In its beginning, Rizal was the idol of the Katipunan, in the same
way as Morayta (note 13) was the idol of the rebellious Filipinos
in Madrid, and others parts of the Peninsular. Isabelo de los Reyes
[60] would have us believe that the foundation of the Katipunan
was a result of the indignation of the people, consequent upon the
deportation of Rizal. This, in the face of facts, is a very poor
argument and demonstrates either the ignorance or the bad faith of
Reyes. And he himself contradicts it a few lines further on by saying
"that without knowing Rizal, the Katipunan acclaimed him its honorary
President." This latter they certainly did but not "without knowing"
him. They did so because they knew nothing of his disagreement with
Pilar, the real founder of their society, and because the aim of the
two societies was practically one.
Note 71. The similarity of character between the Liga and the Katipunan
has always been a matter of discussion. Some writers would draw a hard
and fast line between the two, considering them as oil and water, two
bodies enemies one of the other; others looking upon them as two oils,
the one vegetable and the other mineral which, although differing in
nature, mix together thoroughly.
Reyes, in his oft-quoted "Memoria" to the then Gov. General, Primo
de Rivera, in a mad attempt to prove that the insurrection was owing
to the "friars" and that they attempted to invent the Katipunan plot
to cover up their treason, says:
"Above all, the friars committed the criminal and suicidal infamy
of calumniously including in the Katipunan the millionaire and
aristocratic element, and the middle classes, the fact being that
they had nothing in common with the plebeian association which they
not only despised for its low condition, but which the few who knew of
its existence must have hated, if not for egotism, for the socialistic
tendencies of the said group."
Such assertions scarcely deserve comment, for from beginning to end,
the proceedings against the separatists were in the hands of the civil
authorities, the members of the Religious Orders having no influence
whatever in the matter, although it was they who, by their watchfulness
over the interests of the country had detected symptoms which they,
as true patriots, made known to the civil authorities. True it is also
that a friar, Padre Mariano Gil, made known, at a critical moment,
the plot of the diabolical society, in time to prevent the bloodthirsty
fiends rising in a night and cutting the throats of those who had been
their benefactors; but the "friar" was never a secret service agent of
the Government. What he did was what every patriotic Spaniard would
have done under the circumstances. It was the civil authorities who,
upon the discovery of the plot, caused the arrest of those complicated,
and who tried and passed judgement upon the guilty. If millionaires
and others were counted among the members of the Katipunan it was
because they were guilty of the same treason as the katipuneros and
not because they were "included" by the "friar".
"... Association which they not only despised for its low
condition, but which the few who knew of its existence must have
hated, if not for egotism, for the socialistic tendencies of the
said group."
So says Isabelo de los Reyes, the founder of the late Filipino
Democratic Party, and the Workman's Democratic Union, the most
socialist movement in the history of the Philippines. So much for
the Liberty, Equality and Fraternity which they all professed.
Another writer, C. de Valdez, a nom-de-plume under which I recognize
as hidden one whose knowledge on this subject was very extensive,
who for the study of the question had at his disposition innumerable
documents of vital importance, gives as his opinion: "It has been
said that the Liga was a society into the which there entered only
elements of a certain culture, and the people of money; whilst
the Katipunan was formed for the poor and laboring classes. If by
this it is intended to signify that they were two close societies,
the one which should comprehend what we might call the aristocracy
and the other the common people, we cannot agree with the opinion,
because it is in contradiction with the facts. There existed a free
communication between both societies and the prominent personages of
the Liga mixed with the humble ones of the Katipunan, taking active
part in the labors and forming part of the reunions and assemblies
[61]; in the same way the individuals of common class entered the files
of the Liga without any distinction of class being drawn between them."
The writer goes on to show that the three main things needed for the
Revolution were 1st: an active propaganda of separatist ideas; 2nd:
funds to cover expenses and to purchase arms, and 3rd: a considerable
number of persons ready to take up arms in the field. The first two
of these main things were to be attended to by the Liga and the third
by the Katipunan.
"In the greatest utility in attaining the ultimate end of the
initiators and directors of the conspiracy, must be sought the
distinction between the Liga and the Katipunan, and the difference
which the one or the other society enjoyed."
"In all other things, both societies, or both organisms of the same
society, co-exist, and display their activity jointly, the campaign of
the Katipunan or that of the Liga being the most active; according as
the necessities with which the one or the other were preferentially
encharged to satisfy the final triumph of the revolt, might be of
the greatest urgency or immediate utility."
The fact is that the Liga and the Katipunan were the distinct
foundations of two personal enemies, both of whom wished to hold for
himself the position of supreme chief of the movement. (See note 70).
D. Manuel Luengo, Civil Governor of Manila, in a report to the Minister
of Foreign affairs, speaking on the subject of the Katipunan, says:
"To carry to a head their fearful and criminal idea, they found it
necessary to recruit many people of all classes and from all the
provinces, seeking a useful means to facilitate the conjuration. And
the indian being by reason of his ignorance and his barbarianism,
like all peoples of his kind, easily fanaticised, they set to work to
fanaticise the masses, these hordes of childish people, these ignorant
laborers; and they fanaticised them by means of the pacto-de-sangre,
making them swear war to the death to Spaniards, practicing an incision
in the left arm, and with the blood which flowed from the wound made
them sign their frightful oath."
"The masonic attributes discovered, and the "apron" [62] upon which
appeared the head of a Spaniard suspended by the hair, by the hand
of a criminal indian, whilst with the other hand a dagger was plunged
into the throat, evidenced, in a notorious manner, that this Society
was found well provided with masonic rites."
Note 72. Deodato Arellano, Bonifacio, Dina and Plata, it will be
remembered, were energetic workers of the Liga. They had entered into
the scheme of Rizal's association before Pilar's idea of a similar
society had become known. Two months or so after the foundation of
the Liga, at the time when its founder was deported to Dapitan, it
was decided to take up Pilar's project and see what could be done
towards carrying it to a successful issue.
Jose Dizon y Matanza (fols. 1,129-1,131) testified that "on the
same day in which General Despujols ordered the publication in the
Gaceta of the deportation of Rizal, there gathered in a house in
calle Ilaya, Bonifacio, Arellano, Valentin Diaz, Teodoro Plata, Dina
and the witness; and they agreed to form a society to be known as the
Katipunan, the object and ends of which were to be filibusterism, or,
in other words, the liberty of the country from Spanish rule; the six
persons present immediately proceeded to perform upon themselves the
incision of the pacto-de-sangre, signing with their own blood a blank
paper, placing after the signature, the symbolic name each chose
for himself. They then drew up the programme of the Society. This
programme was composed of 6 articles, viz.: 1st: to constitute a
secret society known as the Katipunan; 2nd: that the organization
was to be by triangles, to the end that no more than three members
should know one another; 3rd: that the initiated should pay one real
entrance fee, and a half real as a monthly subscription; 4th: that
as the number of the members increased they should found one or more
balangay in each district; 5th: to try to gather funds to carry out
the purposes of the society; 6th: that when the opportunity occurred
they should reform these articles.
They also agreed upon the form of oath which should be taken by the
initiated, which was to promise to shed even the last drop of blood
for the liberty of the Philippines.
The Katipunan was founded upon masonic usage adapted to the character
of the association. Its formation was one of triangles, each new
Katipunero being bound to attract to the association, two others to
occupy the opposite angles. This formation was eventually changed on
account of the extent to which the society extended, its management
becoming very difficult. The particular triangles were broken up
and the association formed in three degrees. The first degree was
composed of the recently initiated members. These each possessed a
mask and some form of arm, either fire-arm or bolo, the cost of which
was borne by the member possessing it. The members who enjoyed the
second degree also possessed masks and wore as a regalia a ribbon
to which was attached a medal bearing a letter (equivalent to K)
of the old-time form of script of the pre-Spanish filipino; also a
sword and banner crossed.
The third degree members possessed red masks, the color being
distinctive of the degree, in the same way as the color of the
second degree was green, and that of first, black. These colors
were symbolic: green signified hope, and red, war. Black was but a
general color common to bandits all the world over. The masks of the
third degree bore a triangle with three K's in the upper part, in the
ancient Filipino script, and at the base the letters Z. Ll. B. (see
at commencement of book). The inferior inscription signified "sons
of the people."
Each degree had its pass words and the members only knew those of
their own degree.
This was the latter form of the Katipunan in which it differed somewhat
from the Liga.
Pilar's plan was revolutionary; Bonifacio's truly anarchistic.
Among the "chosen people" who testified before the Schurman Commission
were two of the three native members of the present U. S. Commission,
Tavera and Legarda. Both of these, among many other statements
which will not hold water, had something to say on the subject of
the Katipunan.
Legarda stated that: (see Report of the Philippine Commission, 1900;
vol. II page 377.)
"This Society of Filipinos (the separatist element) united itself to
the masonic society in Spain, and they established branches here;
and this masonic society which was a true masonic society with all
the characteristics of Masonry, converted itself afterwards into the
Katipunan society. This society, the Katipunan, made great progress
here in the Philippines, for they had to do greatly with the common
people; they never had anything to do, or mixed at at all, with the
higher class of people here in the Philippines [63]. As a result of
this the society gained much credit and power, and undermined the
forces which were in existence, especially the native regiments of
Tagalogs. This was in 1896; the Revolution broke out at San Juan del
Monte in August. A curious fact that must be noted was that a friar,
who was the priest of Tondo, was the cause of its breaking out; for
Gen. Blanco knew of this movement of the people and what was going
on [64], and was in favor of making concessions to the people. This
friar denounced the society, for he had a very intimate friend who
was a filipino, and he caused this friend to be introduced into
the Katipunan society [65], and this friend afterwards became the
leader of the revolution himself. This Filipino was named Andres
Bonifacio, and later on he was chief of the revolution and chief of
the Katipunan society. He took refuge in Cavite, and all that province
rose up. Aguinaldo who was Municipal Captain in Cavite Viejo that
time, was also a member of the Katipunan. When he heard that the
Civil Guard was going to arrest him, he revolted too. He met a man
who was his superior in the society--that is, Bonifacio--and as his
ambition was his moving spirit, he caused Bonifacio to be shot."
Tavera gave his opinion as follows: (see same Report, page 399. Vol
II).
"The conviction was strong among the Filipinos that they would not
succeed in attaining anything by any other means than force. This
being the case, the idea occurred to some Filipinos to found a system
of masonry here. There were some lodges of the masonic order here,
and the idea presented itself to form a sort of political masonry,
which was created and called the Katipunan. This Katipunan society
was naturally a secret society and had, I think, about 400,000
members, principally in the Tagalog provinces and of the people of
the valley of the Pasig River. I think in Manila and in the valley
of the Pasig there were 80,000, naturally, as there were so many,
and as they were so strong, the idea of a revolution was a natural
consequence. The principal agitator of all this movement was a
man named Andres Bonifacio, who stirred up and directed it. The
political movement in the Philippines was started, as was natural,
by the aristocracy of wealth and of intelligence, but the Katipunan
society was formed entirely of the elements from the lowest class of
society. Bonifacio was a man without education. He was employed in
one of the business houses at a small salary, of perhaps $30 or $40
(Mexican) a month. They went on arranging their affairs very quietly
and very secretly, awaiting a proper moment for action, which they
believed would be the time of General Blanco's departure from the
Philippines. Gen. Blanco was a man who was well thought of here
[66], for he had a great deal of tolerance for the people [67]. He
did tolerate masonry, and they believed that he also tolerated the
existence of the Katipunan society. One day the priest of Tondo,
Padre Gil, through the confession of a woman [68], learned of the
existence of the Katipunan society, for the woman's husband was a
member [69]. This Father Gil informed the General, so the Katipunan
society was discovered.
As the reader can easily see for himself there is considerable
difference between the statements of these two persons; a comparison
of these with the real facts of the case will show how easy it is for
a certain element to distort truth when it serves its purpose. I have
quoted these two "chosen" people, not that their statements may go
down to posterity as history (which has been distorted sufficiently),
but because both Tavera and Legarda formed part of Aguinaldo's mock
government--the Filipino Commune; and therefore both of them had
plenty of occasion to know the real facts of the case, facts they
evidently desired, for some reason, to distort.
Note 73. See notes 70 and 71.
Note 74. Herein the katipuneros showed their madness. So fanaticised
did they become that nothing of a nature or character Spanish was
allowed to remain. They carried this anti-Espanolism to the utmost
extreme. Those of the native clergy who sympathised with the Katipunan
frequently tore down the images of the saints in the churches, merely
because the said saints were Spanish or painted them black in order
to work the easier upon the imagination of the people.
It was this hatred for things Spanish that gave rise to the bitterness
demonstrated against the Religious Orders. The friar was a Spaniard,
the most Spanish, as a general rule, of all the Spaniards in the
Archipelago, and as such became the principal target.
(See page 148).
Note 75. The revolution ever showed unmistakable signs of a bitter race
hatred. When the revolt first broke forth this race hatred was confined
to Spaniards; and it was not until the breaking out of the insurrection
against the lawful authority of the U. S. that it became general. Till
then anyone but a Spaniard could go from end to end of the Archipelago
without molestation; but when the promises of independence and other
things of a like nature, made by the American Consuls of Hong-Kong and
Singapore, and other irresponsible persons, failed to materialize, the
self-asserted leaders of the people lost confidence in the white man
and race hatred commenced to include all white people. When Aguinaldo's
hordes of semi-savages commenced their attack upon the American forces,
the effects of this race-hatred were felt more than ever before in the
history of the country. Not only was the white man to be destroyed,
but all those who sympathised with him--the Filipinos determined to
"stagger humanity." And how they were going to do it is demonstrated
in a document signed by Aguinaldo, captured by the American forces and
published by the War Department of the U. S. on the 5th of September
1900. The following are a few extracts from it:
"Malolos, Jan. 9, 1899--Instructions to the Brave Soldiers of
Sandtahan of Manila.
"Article 1. All Filipinos should observe our fellow-countrymen
in order to see whether they are American sympathizers. They
shall take care to work with them in order to inspire them
with confidence of the strength of the holy cause of their
country. Whenever they are assured of the loyalty of the converts
they shall instruct them to continue in the character of an
American sympathizer in order that they may receive good pay,
but without prejudicing the cause of our country. In this way
they can serve themselves, and at the same time serve the public
by communicating to the committee of chiefs, and of our army,
whatever news of importance they may have [70].