PART II.

HIS HOME LIFE

[Illustration: SHAKESPEARE HOUSE, RESTORED]

THE DWELLING-HOUSES OF THE TIME

The house in Henley Street in which William Shakespeare was

probably born and spent his early years has undergone many changes;

but, as carefully restored in recent years and reverently preserved

for a national memorial of the poet, its appearance now is

doubtless not materially different from what it was in the latter

part of the 16th century.

There are a few houses of the same period and the same class still

standing in Stratford and its vicinity, which, according to the

highest antiquarian authority, are almost unaltered from their

original form and finish. Mr. Halliwell-Phillipps mentions one

in particular in the Rother Market, "the main features of which

are certainly in their original state," and the sketches of the

interior given by him closely resemble those of the Shakespeare

house.

These houses were usually of two stories, and were constructed of

wooden beams, forming a framework, the spaces between the beams

being filled with lath and plaster. The roofs were usually of

thatch, with dormer windows and steep gables. The door was shaded

by a porch or by a _pentice_, or _penthouse_, which was a narrow

sloping roof often extending along the the front of the lower story

over both door and windows, as in Shakespeare's birthplace on

Henley Street.

In the _Merchant of Venice_ (ii. 6. 1) Gratiano says:--

"This is the penthouse under which Lorenzo

Desired us to make stand."

In _Much Ado About Nothing_ (iii. 3. 110) Borachio says to Conrade:

"Stand thee close, then, under this penthouse, for it drizzles

rain." We find a figurative allusion to the penthouse in _Love's

Labour's Lost_ (iii. 1. 17): "with your hat penthouse-like o'er the

shop of your eyes"; and another in _Macbeth_ (i. 3. 20):--

"Sleep shall neither night nor day

Hang upon his penthouse lid";

the projecting eyebrow being compared to this part of the

Elizabethan dwelling.

[Illustration: ROOM IN WHICH SHAKESPEARE WAS BORN]

The better houses, like New Place, were of timber and brick,

instead of plaster, though sometimes entirely of stone. Shakespeare

appears to have rebuilt the greater part of New Place with stone.

The roofs of this class of dwellings were usually tiled, but

occasionally thatched. We read of one Walter Roche, who in 1582

replaced the tiles of his house in Chapel Street with thatch. The

wood-work in the front of some houses, as in a fine example still

to be seen in the High Street (page 59 below), was elaborately

carved with floral and other designs.

The gardens were bounded by walls constructed of clay or mud and

usually thatched at the top. Fruit-trees were common in these

gardens, and the orchard about the Guild buildings was noted for

its plums and apples. When the mulberry-tree was first introduced

into England, Shakespeare bought one and set it out in his grounds

at New Place, where it grew to great size. It survived for nearly

a century and a half after the death of the poet, but in 1758 was

cut down by the Rev. Francis Gastrell, who had bought the estate in

1756.

There was little of what we should regard as comfort in those

picturesque old English houses, with their great black beams

chequering the outer walls into squares and triangles, their small

many-paned windows, their low ceilings and rude interior wood-work,

their poor and scanty furnishings.

Chimneys had but just come into general use in England, and, though

John Shakespeare's house had one, the dwellings of many of his

neighbors were still unprovided with them. In 1582, when William

was eighteen years old, an order was passed by the town council

that "Walter Hill, dwelling in Rother Market, and all the other

inhabitants of the borough, shall, before St. James's Day, 30th

April, make sufficient chimneys," under pain of a fine of ten

shillings.

This was intended as a precaution against fires, the frequent

occurrence of which in former years had been mainly due to the

absence of chimneys.

William Harrison, in 1577, referring to things in England that

had been "marvellously changed within the memory of old people,"

includes among these "the multitude of chimneys lately erected,

whereas in their young days there were not above two or three, if

so many, in most uplandish towns of the realm (the religious houses

and manor places of their lords always excepted), but each one

made his fire against a reredos[1] in the hall, where he dined and

dressed his meat."

In another chapter Harrison says: "Now have we many chimneys; and

yet our tenderlings complain of rheums, catarrhs, and poses. Then

had we none but reredosses; and our heads did never ache. For as

the smoke in those days was supposed to be a sufficient hardening

for the timber of the house, so it was reported a far better

medicine to keep the goodman and his family from the quack or pose,

wherewith, as then, very few were acquainted."

THE HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE.

Of the furniture in these old houses we get an idea from

inventories of the period that have come down to us. We have, for

instance, such a list of the household equipment of Richard Arden,

Shakespeare's maternal grandfather, who was a wealthy farmer;

and another of such property belonging to Henry Field, tanner, a

neighbor of John Shakespeare, who was his chief executor.

From these and similar inventories we find that the only furniture

in the hall, or main room of the house--often occupying the whole

of the ground floor--and the parlor, or sitting-room, when there

was one, consisted of two or three chairs, a few joint-stools--that

is, stools made of wood jointed or fitted together, as distinguished

from those more rudely made--a table of the plainest construction,

and possibly one or more "painted cloths" hung on the walls.

These painted cloths were cheap substitutes for the tapestries

with which great mansions were adorned, and they were often found

in the cottages of the poor. The paintings were generally crude

representations of Biblical stories, together with maxims or

mottoes, which were sometimes on scrolls or "labels" proceeding

from the mouths of the characters.

Shakespeare refers to these cloths several times; for instance,

in _As You Like It_ (iii. 2. 291), where Jaques says to Orlando:

"You are full of pretty answers; have you not been acquainted

with goldsmiths' wives and conned them out of rings?"--referring

to the mottoes, or "posies," as they were called, often inscribed

in finger-rings. Orlando replies: "Not so; but I answer you right

painted cloth, from whence you have studied your questions."

Falstaff (_1 Henry IV._ iv. 2. 28) says that his recruits are

"ragged as Lazarus in the painted cloth."

In an anonymous play, _No Whipping nor Tripping_, printed in 1601,

we find this passage:--

"Read what is written on the painted cloth:

Do no man wrong; be good unto the poor;

Beware the mouse, the maggot, and the moth,

And ever have an eye unto the door," etc.

When carpets are mentioned in these inventories, they are coverings

for the tables, not for the floors, which, even in kings' palaces,

were strewn with rushes. Grumio, in _The Taming of the Shrew_

(iv. 1. 52) sees "the carpets laid" for supper on his master's

return home. A Stratford inventory of 1590 mentions "a carpet for

a table." Carpets were also used for window-seats, but were seldom

placed on the floor except to kneel upon, or for other special

purposes.

The bedroom furniture was equally rude and scanty, though better

than it had been when the old folk of the time were young. Harrison

says:--

"Our fathers and we ourselves have lien full oft upon straw pallets

covered only with a sheet, under coverlets made of dagswain or

hopharlots [coarse, rough cloths], and a good round log under their

heads instead of a bolster. If it were that our fathers or the good

man of the house had a mattress or flock-bed, and thereto a sack

of chaff to rest his head upon, he thought himself to be as well

lodged as the lord of the town, so well were they contented."

But feather beds had now come into use, with pillows, and "flaxen

sheets," and other comfortable appliances. Henry Field had "one

bed-covering of yellow and green" among his household goods.

Kitchen utensils and table-ware had likewise improved within the

memory of the old inhabitant, though still rude and simple enough.

Harrison notes "the exchange of treen [wooden] platters into

pewter, and wooden spoons into silver or tin."

He adds: "So common were all sorts of treen stuff in old time that

a man should hardly find four pieces of pewter (of which one was

peradventure a salt) in a good farmer's house"; but now they had

plenty of pewter, with perhaps a silver bowl and salt-cellar, and a

dozen silver spoons.

The table-linen was hempen for common use, but flaxen for special

occasions, and the napkins were of the same materials. These

napkins, or towels, as they were sometimes called, were for wiping

the hands after eating with the fingers, forks being as yet unknown

in England except as a curiosity.

Elizabeth is the first royal personage in the country who is known

to have had a fork, and it is doubtful whether she used it. It was

not until the middle of the 17th century that forks were used even

by the higher classes, and silver forks were not introduced until

about 1814.

Thomas Coryat, in his _Crudities_, published in 1611, only five

years before Shakespeare died, gives an account of the use of forks

in Italy, where they appear to have been invented in the 15th

century. He says:--

"The Italian and also most strangers do always at their meals use

a little fork when they do cut their meat. For while with their

knife, which they hold in one hand, they cut the meat out of the

dish, they fasten the fork, which they hold in their other hand,

upon the same dish; so that whosoever he be that, sitting in the

company of others at meals, should unadvisedly touch the dish of

meat with his fingers, from which all the table do cut, he will

give occasion of offence unto the company, as having transgressed

the laws of good manners."

Coryat adds that he himself "thought good to imitate the Italian

fashion by this forked cutting of meat," not only while he was in

Italy, but after he came home to England, where, however, he was

sometimes "quipped" for what his friends regarded as a foreign

affectation.

The dramatists of the time also refer contemptuously to "your

fork-carving traveller"; and one clergyman preached against the use

of forks "as being an insult to Providence not to touch one's meat

with one's fingers!"

Towels, except for table use, are rarely noticed in inventories of

the period, and when mentioned are specified as "washing towels."

Neither are wash-basins often referred to, except in lists of

articles used by barbers.

Bullein, in his _Government of Health_, published about 1558, says:

"Plain people in the country use seldom times to wash their hands,

as appeareth by their filthiness, and as very few times comb their

heads."

Their betters were none too particular in these matters, and in

personal cleanliness generally. Baths are seldom referred to in

writings of the time, except for the treatment of certain diseases.

[Illustration: INTERIOR OF ANNE HATHAWAY'S COTTAGE]

Reference has already been made to the use of rushes for covering

floors. It was thought to be a piece of unnecessary luxury on the

part of Wolsey when he caused the rushes at Hampton Court to be

changed every day. From a letter of Erasmus to Dr. Francis,

Wolsey's physician, it would appear that the lowest layer of

rushes--the top only being renewed--was sometimes unchanged

for years--the latter says "twenty years," which seems hardly

credible--becoming a receptacle for beer, grease, fragments of

victuals, and other organic matters.

Perfumes were used for neutralizing the foul odors that resulted

from this filthiness. Burton, in his _Anatomy of Melancholy_, 1621,

says: "The smoke of juniper is in great request with us at Oxford,

to sweeten our chambers." [See also page 25 above.]

From the correspondence of the Earl of Shrewsbury with Lord

Burleigh, during the confinement of Mary Queen of Scots at

Sheffield Castle, in 1572, we learn that she was to be removed

for five or six days "to cleanse her chamber, being kept very

uncleanly."

In a memoir written by Anne, Countess of Dorset, in 1603, we read:

"We all went to Tibbals to see the King, who used my mother and my

aunt very graciously; but we all saw a great change between the

fashion of the Court as it was now and of that in the Queen's, for

we were all lousy by sitting in Sir Thomas Erskine's chambers."

FOOD AND DRINK.

The food of the common people was better in some respects than

it is nowadays, and better than it was in Continental countries.

Harrison says that whereas what he calls "white meats"--milk,

butter, and cheese--were in old times the food of the upper

classes, they were in his time "only eaten by the poor," while all

other classes ate flesh, fish, and "wild and tame fowls."

Wheaten bread, however, was little known except to the rich, the

bread of the poor being made of rye or barley, and, in times of

scarcity, of beans, oats, and even acorns.

Tea and coffee had not yet been introduced into England, but wine

was abundant and cheap. It is rather surprising to learn that from

twenty to thirty thousand tuns of home-grown wine were then made in

the country.

Of foreign wines, thirty kinds of strong and fifty-six of light

were to be had in London. The price ranged from eightpence to a

shilling a gallon. The drink of the common people, however, was

beer, which was generally home-brewed and cheap withal.

Harrison, who was a country clergyman with forty pounds a year,

tells how his good wife brewed two hundred gallons at a cost of

twenty shillings, or less than three halfpence a gallon. When

nobody drank water, and the only substitute for malt liquors was

milk, the consumption of beer was of course enormous.

The meals were but two a day. Harrison says: "Heretofore there hath

been much more time spent in eating and drinking than commonly

is in these days, for whereas of old we had breakfasts in the

forenoon, beverages or nuntions [luncheons] after dinner, and

thereto rear-suppers [late or second suppers] generally when it

was time to go to rest, now these odd repasts--thanked be God--are

very well left, and each one in manner (except here and there some

young hungry stomach that cannot fast till dinner time) contenteth

himself with dinner and supper only."

[Illustration: OLD HOUSE IN HIGH STREET]

Of the times of meals he says: "With us the nobility, gentry,

and students do ordinarily go to dinner at eleven before noon,

and to supper at five, or between five and six at afternoon. The

merchants dine and sup seldom before twelve at noon and six at

night, especially in London. The husbandmen dine also at high noon,

as they call it, and sup at seven or eight; but out of the term in

our universities the scholars dine at ten. As for the poorest sort,

they generally dine and sup when they may, so that to talk of

their order of repast it were but needless matter."

Rising at four or five in the morning, as was the custom with the

common people, and going until ten or even noon without food must

have been hard for other than the "young hungry stomachs" of which

Harrison speaks so contemptuously.

THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN.

In the 16th century, children of the middle and upper classes were

strictly brought up. The "Books of Nurture," published at that

time, give minute directions for the behavior of boys like William

at home, at school, at church, and elsewhere. These manuals were

generally in doggerel verse, and several of them have been edited

by Dr. F. J. Furnivall for the Early English Text Society.

Among them is one by Francis Seager, published in London in 1557,

entitled _The Schoole of Vertue, and booke of good Nourture for

Chyldren and youth to learne their dutie by_. Another is _The

Boke of Nurture, or Schoole of good maners for men, servants, and

children_, compiled by Hugh Rhodes, of which at least five editions

were printed between 1554 and 1577.

The _Schoole of Vertue_ begins thus[2] (the spelling being

modernized):--

"First in the morning when thou dost awake

To God for his grace thy petition then make;

This prayer following use daily to say,

Thy heart lifting up; thus begin to pray,"

A prayer of eighteen lines follows, with directions to repeat the

Lord's Prayer after it. Then come rules "how to order thyself when

thou risest, and in apparelling thy body."

The child is to rise early, dress carefully, washing his hands and

combing his head. When he goes down stairs he is to salute the

family:--

"Down from thy chamber when thou shalt go,

Thy parents salute thou, and the family also."

Elsewhere, politeness out of doors is enjoined:--

"Be free of cap [taking it off to his elders] and full of

courtesy."

At meals his first duty is to wait upon his parents, after saying

this grace:--

"Give thanks to God with one accord

For that shall be set on this board.

And be not careful what to eat,

To each thing living the Lord sends meat;

For food He will not see you perish,

But will you feed, foster, and cherish;

Take well in worth what He hath sent,

At this time be therewith content,

Praising God."

He is then to make low curtsy, saying "Much good may it do you!"

and, if he is big enough, he is to bring the food to the table.

In filling the dishes he must take care not to get them so full

as to spill anything on his parents' clothes. He is to have

spare trenchers and napkins ready for guests, to see that all

are supplied with "bread and drink," and that the "voiders"--the

baskets or vessels into which bones are thrown--are often emptied.

When the course of meat is over he is to clear the table, cover the

salt, put the dirty trenchers and napkins into a voider, sweep the

crumbs into another, place a clean trencher before each person,

and set on "cheese with fruit, with biscuits or caraways" [comfits

containing caraway seeds, which were considered favorable to

digestion, and, according to a writer on health, in 1595, "surely

very good for students"], also wine, "if any there were," or beer.

The meal ended, he is to remove the cloth, turning in each side

and folding it up carefully; "a clean towel then on the table to

spread," and bring basin and ewer for washing the hands. He now

clears the table again, and when the company rise, he must not

"forget his duty":--

"Before the table make thou low curtsy."

The boy can now eat his own dinner, and equally minute directions

are given as to his behavior while doing it. He is not to break his

bread, but "cut it fair," not to fill his spoon too full of soup,

nor his mouth too full of meat--

"Not smacking thy lips as commonly do hogs,

Nor gnawing the bones as it were dogs.

Such rudeness abhor, such beastliness fly,

At the table behave thyself mannerly."

He must keep his fingers clean with a napkin, wipe his mouth before

drinking, and be temperate in eating--"For 'measure is treasure,'

the proverb doth say."

The directions "how to behave thyself in talking with any man" are

very minute and specific:--

"If a man demand a question of thee,

In thine answer-making be not too hasty;

Weigh well his words, the case understand,

Ere an answer to make thou take in hand;

Else may he judge in thee little wit,

To answer to a thing and not hear it.

Suffer his tale whole out to be told,

Then speak thou mayst, and not be controlled;

Low obeisance making, looking him in the face,

Treatably speaking, thy words see thou place,

With countenance sober, thy body upright,

Thy feet just together, thy hands in like plight;

Cast not thine eyes on either side.

When thou art praised, therein take no pride.

In telling thy tale, neither laugh nor smile;

Such folly forsake thou, banish and exile.

In audible voice thy words do thou utter,

Not high nor low, but using a measure.

Thy words see that thou pronounce plaine,

And that they spoken be not in vain;

In uttering whereof keep thou an order,

Thy matter thereby thou shalt much forder [further];

Which order if thou do not observe,

From the purpose needs must thou swerve,

And hastiness of speed will cause thee to err,

Or will thee teach to stut or stammer.

To stut or stammer is a foul crime;

Learn then to leave it, take warning in time;

How evil a child it doth become,

Thyself being judge, having wisdom;

And sure it is taken by custom and ure [use],

While young you be there is help and cure.

This general rule yet take with thee,

In speaking to any man thy head uncovered be,

The common proverb remember ye ought,

'Better unfed than untaught.'"

Though this may be very poor poetry, it is very good advice; and

so is this which follows, on "how to order thyself being sent of

message":--

"If of message forth thou be sent,

Take heed to the same, give ear diligent;

Depart not away and being in doubt,

Know well thy message before thou pass out;

With possible speed then haste thee right soon,

If need shall require it so to be done.

After humble obeisance the message forth shew,

Thy words well placing, in uttering but few

As shall thy matter serve to declare.

Thine answer made, then home again repair,

And to thy master thereof make relation

As then the answer shall give thee occasion.

Neither add nor diminish anything to the same,

Lest after it prove to thy rebuke and shame,

But the same utter as near as thou can;

No fault they shall find to charge thee with than [then]."

[Illustration: ANNE HATHAWAY'S COTTAGE]

Similar counsel is added "against the horrible vice of swearing":

"In vain take not the name of God;

Swear not at all for fear of his rod.

* * * * *

Seneca doth counsel thee all swearing to refrain,

Although great profit by it thou might gain;

Pericles, whose words are manifest and plain,

From swearing admonisheth thee to abstain;

The law of God and commandment he gave

Swearing amongst us in no wise would have.

The counsel of philosophers I have here exprest,

Amongst whom swearing was utterly detest;

Much less among Christians ought it to be used,

But utterly of them clean to be refused."

There are also admonitions "against the vice of filthy talking" and

"against the vice of lying"; and a prayer follows, "to be said when

thou goest to bed."

The rules laid down in the _Boke of Nurture_ are similar and in the

same doggerel measure. It is interesting, by the bye, to compare

the alterations in successive editions as indicating changes in the

manners and customs of the time. A single illustration must suffice.

When the first edition appeared, handkerchiefs had not come into

general use; and how to blow the nose without one was evidently

a difficulty with the writer and other early authorities on

deportment. Even in 1577, when handkerchiefs began to be common,

Rhodes says:--

"Blow not your nose on the napkin

Where you should wipe your hand,

But cleanse it in your handkercher."[3]

The _Booke of Demeanor_, printed in 1619, says:--

"Nor imitate with Socrates

To wipe thy snivelled nose

Upon thy cap, as he would do,

Nor yet upon thy clothes:

But keep it clean with handkerchief,

Provided for the same,

Not with thy fingers or thy sleeve,

Therein thou art to blame."

The introduction of toothpicks, the gradual adoption of forks,

already referred to, and sundry other refinements, can be similarly

traced in these interesting hand-books.

It would appear that this _Schoole of Vertue_, or some other book

with the same title, was used in schools for boys. John Brinsley,

in his _Grammar Schoole_ of 1612 (quoted by Dr. Furnivall),

enumerates the "Bookes to be first learned of children." After

mentioning the Primer, the Psalms in metre--"because children

will learne that booke with most readinesse and delight through

the running of the metre"--and the Testament, he adds: "If any

require any other little booke meet to enter children, the

_Schoole of Vertue_ is one of the principall, and easiest for the

first enterers, being full of precepts of civilitie, and such as

children will soone learne and take a delight in, thorow [through]

the roundnesse of the metre, as was sayde before of the singing

Psalmes: and after it the _Schoole of good manners_, called _the

new Schoole of Vertue_, leading the childe as by the hand, in the

way of all good manners."

INDOOR AMUSEMENTS.

Of the indoor amusements of country people we get an idea from

Vincent's _Dialogue with an English Courtier_, published in 1586.

He says: "In foul weather we send for some honest neighbors, if

haply we be with our wives alone at home (as seldom we are) and

with them we play at Dice and Cards, sorting ourselves according

to the number of players and their skill; ... sometimes we fall to

Slide-Thrift, to Penny Prick, and in winter nights we use certain

Christmas games very proper, and of much agility; we want not also

pleasant mad-headed knaves, that be properly learned, and will read

in divers pleasant books and good authors; as Sir Guy of Warwick,

the Four Sons of Aymon, the Ship of Fools, the Hundred Merry Tales,

the Book of Riddles, and many other excellent writers both witty

and pleasant. These pretty and pithy matters do sometimes recreate

our minds, chiefly after long sitting and loss of money."

"Slide-thrift," called also "slip-groat" and "shove-groat," is

a game frequently mentioned by writers of the 16th and 17th

centuries. Strutt, in his _Sports and Pastimes of England_,

describes it thus:--

"It requires a parallelogram to be made with chalk, or by lines

cut upon the middle of a table, about twelve or fourteen inches

in breadth, and three or four feet in length: which is divided,

latitudinally, into nine sections, in every one of which is placed

a figure, in regular succession from one to nine. Each of the

players provides himself with a smooth halfpenny, which he places

upon the edge of the table, and, striking it with the palm of his

hand, drives it towards the marks; and according to the value of

the figure affixed to the partition wherein the halfpenny rests,

his game is reckoned; which generally is stated at thirty-one,

and must be made precisely: if it be exceeded, the player goes

again for nine, which must also be brought exactly or the turn is

forfeited; and if the halfpenny rests upon any of the marks that

separate the partitions, or over-passes the external boundaries,

the go is void. It is also to be observed that the players toss

up to determine which shall go first, which is certainly a great

advantage."

[Illustration: SHILLING OF EDWARD VI]

Shovel-board, or shuffle-board, which some writers confound with

slide-thrift, was also played upon a table with coins or flat

pieces of metal; but the board was longer and the rules of the game

were different.

In _2 Henry IV._ (ii. 4. 206), when Falstaff wants Pistol put out

of the room, he says to Bardolph: "Quoit him down, Bardolph, like a

shove-groat shilling."

In _The Merry Wives of Windsor_ (i. 1. 159), Slender, when asked

if Pistol had picked his purse, replies: "Ay, by these gloves,

did he ... of seven groats in mill-sixpences and two Edward

shovel-boards, that cost me two shillings and twopence apiece."

"Edward shovel-boards" were the broad shillings of Edward VI. which

were generally used in playing the game. It has been suggested

that Slender was a fool to pay two shillings and twopence for a

shilling worn smooth; but it is possible that these old coins

commanded a premium on account of being in demand for this game.

The silver groat (fourpence) was originally used for the purpose,

but the shilling, especially of this particular coinage, came to

be preferred by players. Taylor the Water Poet makes one of these

coins say:--

"You see my face is beardless, smooth, and plain,

Because my sovereign was a child 't is known,

When as he did put on the English crown;

But had my stamp been bearded, as with hair,

Long before this it had been worn out bare;

For why, with me the unthrifts every day,

With my face downward, do at shove-board play."

"Penny-prick" is described as "a game consisting of casting oblong

pieces of iron at a mark." Another writer explains it as "throwing

at halfpence placed on sticks which are called hobs." It was a

common game as early as the fifteenth century, and is reproved by a

religious writer of that period, probably because it was used for

gambling.

Card-playing had become so general in the time of Henry VIII. that

a statute was enacted forbidding apprentices to use cards except

in the Christmas holidays, and then only in their masters' houses.

Many different games with cards are mentioned by writers of the

time, but few of them are described minutely enough to make it

clear how they were played.

Backgammon, or "tables," as it was called, was popular in

Shakespeare's time. He refers to it in _Love's Labour's Lost_ (v.

2. 326), where Biron, ridiculing Boyet, says:--

"This is the ape of form, monsieur the nice,

That, when he plays at tables, chides the dice

In honourable terms."

"Tick-tack" was a kind of backgammon; alluded to, figuratively, in

_Measure for Measure_ (i. 2. 196): "thus foolishly lost at a game

of tick-tack."

"Tray-trip" was a game of dice, in which success depended upon

throwing a "tray" (the French _trois_, or three); mentioned

in _Twelfth Night_ (ii. 5. 207): "Shall I play my freedom at

tray-trip, and become thy bond-slave?"

"Troll-my-dames" was a game resembling the modern bagatelle. The

name is a corruption of the French _trou-madame_. It was also

known as "pigeon-holes." Dr. John Jones, in his _Ancient Baths of

Buckstone_ (1572) refers to it thus: "The ladies, gentlewomen,

wives and maids, may in one of the galleries walk; and if the

weather be not agreeable to their expectation, they may have in the

end of a bench eleven holes made, into the which to troll pummets,

or bowls of lead, big, little, or mean, or also of copper, tin,

wood, either violent or soft, after their own discretion: the

pastime _troule-in-madame_ is called."

In _The Tempest_ (v. 1. 172) Ferdinand and Miranda are represented

as playing chess; but there is no other clear allusion to the game

in Shakespeare's works. It was introduced into England before the

Norman Conquest, and became a favorite pastime with the upper

classes, but appears to have been little known among the common

people.

POPULAR BOOKS.

Of books there were probably very few at the house in Henley

Street. Some of those mentioned by Vincent were popular with all

classes. The story of Guy of Warwick had been told repeatedly in

prose and verse from the twelfth century down to Shakespeare's

day, and some of the books and ballads would be likely to be well

known in Stratford, which, as we have seen, was in the immediate

vicinity of the hero's legendary exploits. The _Four Sons of Aymon_

was the translation of a French prose romance, the earliest form of

which dated back to songs or ballads of the 13th century. Aymon,

or Aimon, a prince of Ardennes whose history was partly imaginary,

and his sons figure in the works of Tasso and Ariosto, and other

Italian and French poets and romancers.

The _Hundred Merry Tales_ was a popular jest-book of Shakespeare's

time, to which he alludes in _Much Ado About Nothing_ (ii. 1. 134),

where Beatrice refers to what Benedick had said about her: "That

I was disdainful, and that I had my wit out of the Hundred Merry

Tales."

The _Book of Riddles_ was another book mentioned by Shakespeare

in _The Merry Wives of Windsor_ (i. 1. 205), in connection with a

volume of verse which was equally popular in the Elizabethan age:--

"_Slender._ I had rather than forty shillings, I had my book of

Songs and Sonnets here.--

_Enter_ Simple.

How now, Simple! Where have you been? I must wait on myself, must

I? You have not the Book of Riddles about you, have you?

_Simple._ Book of Riddles? why, did you not lend it to Alice

Shortcake upon Allhallowmas last, a fortnight afore Michaelmas?"

The title-page of one edition reads thus: "The Booke of Merry

Riddles. Together with proper Questions, and witty Proverbs to make

pleasant pastime. No lesse usefull than behoovefull for any yong

man or child, to know if he bee quick-witted, or no."

A few of the shortest riddles may be quoted as samples:--

"_The_ li. _Riddle_.--My lovers will

I am content for to fulfill;

Within this rime his name is framed;

Tell me then how he is named?

_Solution._--His name is William; for in the first line is

_will_, and in the beginning of the second line is _I am_, and

then put them both together, and it maketh _William_.

_The_ liv. _Riddle_.--How many calves tailes will reach to the

skye? _Solution._--One, if it be long enough.

_The_ lxv. _Riddle_.--What is that, round as a ball,

Longer than Pauls steeple,

weather-cocke, and all?

_Solution._--It is a round bottome of thred when it is unwound.

_The_ lxvii. _Riddle_.--What is that, that goeth thorow the wood,

and toucheth never a twig? _Solution._--It is the blast of a

horne, or any other noyse."

A _bottom_ of thread was a ball of it. The word occurs in _The

Taming of the Shrew_ (iv. 3. 138), where Grumio says, in the

dialogue with the Tailor: "Master, if ever I said loose-bodied

gown, sew me in the skirts of it, and beat me to death with a

bottom of brown thread; I said a gown." The verb is used in _The

Two Gentlemen of Verona_ (iii. 2. 53):--

"Therefore, as you unwind her love from him,

Lest it should ravel and be good to none,

You must provide to bottom it on me."

This old meaning of _bottom_ doubtless suggested the name of Bottom

the Weaver in the _Midsummer-Night's Dream_.

STORY-TELLING.

If books were scarce in the homes of the common people when

Shakespeare was a boy, there was no lack of oral tales, legends,

and folk-lore for the entertainment of the family of a winter

evening. The store of this unwritten history and fiction was

inexhaustible.

In Milton's _L'Allegro_ we have a pleasant picture of a rustic

group listening to fairy stories round the evening fire:--

"Then to the spicy nut-brown ale,

With stories told of many a feat,

How fairy Mab the junkets eat.

She was pinch'd and pull'd, she said,

And he, by Friar's lantern led,

Tells how the drudging goblin sweat

To earn his cream-bowl duly set,

When in one night, ere glimpse of morn,

His shadowy flail hath thresh'd the corn

That ten day-laborers could not end;

Then lies him down the lubber fiend,

And, stretch'd out all the chimney's length,

Basks at the fire his hairy strength,

And crop-full out of doors he flings

Ere the first cock his matin rings.

Thus done the tales, to bed they creep,

By whispering winds soon lull'd asleep."

Of "fairy Mab" we have a graphic description from the merry

Mercutio in _Romeo and Juliet_ (i. 4. 53-94); and the "drudging

goblin," or Robin Goodfellow, is the Puck of the _Midsummer-Night's

Dream_, to whom the Fairy says (ii. 1. 40):--

"Those that Hobgoblin call you and sweet Puck,

You do their work, and they shall have good luck."

In the same scene Puck himself tells of the practical jokes he

plays upon "the wisest aunt telling the saddest tale" to a fireside

group, and of many another sportive trick with which he "frights

the maidens" and vexes the housewives.

The children had their stories to tell, like their elders; and

Shakespeare has pictured a home scene in _The Winter's Tale_ (ii.

1. 21) which may have been suggested by his own experience as a

boy. As Mr. Charles Knight asks, "may we not read for Hermione,

Mary Shakespeare, and for Mamillius, William?"

"_Hermione._ What wisdom stirs amongst you? Come, sir, now

I am for you again; pray you, sit by us,

And tell 's a tale.

_Mamillius._ Merry, or sad shall 't be?

_Hermione._ As merry as you will.

_Mamillius._ A sad tale 's best for winter. I have one

Of sprites and goblins.

_Hermione._ Let's have that, good sir.

Come on, sit down; come on, and do your best

To fright me with your sprites; you're powerful at it.

_Mamillius._ There was a man--

_Hermione._ Nay, come, sit down; then on.

_Mamillius._ Dwelt by a churchyard:--I will tell it softly;

Yond crickets shall not hear it.

_Hermione._ Come on, then,

And give 't me in mine ear."

Just then his father, Leontes, comes in, and the tale is

interrupted, never to be resumed.

Mr. Knight assumes, with a good degree of probability, that William

had access to some of the books from which he drew material for the

story of his plays later in life, and that he may have told these

tales, whether "merry or sad," to his brothers and sisters at home.

"He had," says this genial biographer, "a copy, well thumbed from

his first reading days, of 'The Palace of Pleasure, beautified,

adorned, and well furnished with pleasant histories and excellent

novelles, selected out of divers good and commendable authors; by

William Painter, Clarke of the Ordinaunce and Armarie.' In this

book, according to the dedication of the translator to Ambrose Earl

of Warwick, was set forth 'the great valiance of noble gentlemen,

the terrible combats of courageous personages, the virtuous minds

of noble dames, the chaste hearts of constant ladies, the wonderful

patience of puissant princes, the mild sufferance of well-disposed

gentlewomen, and, in divers, the quiet bearing of adverse fortune.'

Pleasant little apothegms and short fables were there in the book;

which the brothers and sisters of William Shakespeare had heard

him tell with marvellous spirit, and they abided therefore in

their memories. There was Æsop's fable of the old lark and her

young ones, wherein 'he prettily and aptly doth premonish that

hope and confidence of things attempted by man ought to be fixed

and trusted in none other but himself.' There was the story, most

delightful to a child, of the bondman at Rome, who was brought into

the open place upon which a great multitude looked, to fight with

a lion of a marvellous bigness; and the fierce lion, when he saw

him, 'suddenly stood still, and afterwards by little and little,

in gentle sort, he came unto the man as though he had known him,'

and licked his hands and legs; and the bondman told that he had

healed in former time the wounded foot of the lion, and the beast

became his friend. These were for the younger children; but William

had now a new tale, out of the same storehouse, upon which he had

often pondered, the subject of which had shaped itself in his mind

into dialogue that almost sounded like verse in his graceful and

earnest recitation. It was a tale which Painter translated from

the French of Pierre Boisteau.... It was 'The goodly history of

the true and constant love between Romeo and Julietta.' ... From

the same collection of tales had the youth before half dramatized

the story of 'Giletta of Narbonne,' who cured the King of France

of a painful malady, and the king gave her in marriage to the

Count Beltramo, with whom she had been brought up, and her husband

despised and forsook her, but at last they were united, and lived

in great honor and felicity.

"There was another collection, too, which that youth had diligently

read,--the 'Gesta Romanorum,' translated by R. Robinson in

1577,--old legends, come down to those latter days from monkish

historians, who had embodied in their narratives all the wild

traditions of the ancient and modern world. He could tell the story

of the rich heiress who chose a husband by the machinery of a gold,

a silver, and a leaden casket; and another story of the merchant

whose inexorable creditor required the fulfilment of his bond in

cutting a pound of flesh, nearest the merchant's heart, and by the

skilful interpretation of the bond the cruel creditor was defeated.

"There was the story, too, in these legends, of the Emperor

Theodosius, who had three daughters; and those two daughters who

said they loved him more than themselves were unkind to him, but

the youngest, who only said she loved him as much as he was worthy,

succoured him in his need, and was his true daughter....

"Stories such as these, preserved amidst the wreck of time, were

to that youth like the seeds that are found in the tombs of ruined

cities, lying with the bones of forgotten generations, but which

the genial influence of nature will call into life, and they shall

become flowers, and trees, and food for man.

"But, beyond all these, our Mamillius had many a tale 'of sprites

and goblins'.... Such appearances were above nature, but the

commonest movements of the natural world had them in subjection:--

"'I have heard,

The cock, that is the trumpet to the morn,

Doth with his lofty and shrill-sounding throat

Awake the god of day; and at his warning,

Whether in sea or fire, in earth or air,

The extravagant and erring spirit hies

To his confine.'

"Powerful they were, but yet powerless. They came for benevolent

purposes: to warn the guilty; to discover the guilt. The belief in

them was not a debasing thing. It was associated with the enduring

confidence that rested upon a world beyond this material world.

Love hoped for such visitations; it had its dreams of such--where

the loved one looked smilingly, and spoke of regions where change

and separation were not. They might be talked of, even among

children then, without terror. They lived in that corner of the

soul which had trust in angel protections, which believed in

celestial hierarchies, which listened to hear the stars moving in

harmonious music....

"William Shakespeare could also tell to his greedy listeners, how

in the old days of King Arthur

"'The elf-queene, with her jolly compagnie,

Danced full oft in many a grene mede.'

"Here was something in his favorite old poet for the youth to work

out into beautiful visions of a pleasant race of supernatural

beings; who lived by day in the acorn cups of Arden, and by

moonlight held their revels on the greensward of Avon-side, the

ringlets of their dance being duly seen, 'whereof the ewe not

bites'; who tasted the honey-bag of the bee, and held counsel by

the light of the glowworm; who kept the cankers from the rosebuds,

and silenced the hootings of the owl.... Some day would William

make a little play of Fairies, and Joan should be their Queen, and

he would be the King; for he had talked with the Fairies, and he

knew their language and their manners, and they were 'good people,'

and would not mind a boy's sport with them.

"But when the youth began to speak of witches there was fear and

silence. For did not his mother recollect that in the year she was

married Bishop Jewell had told the Queen that her subjects pined

away, even unto the death, and that their affliction was owing to

the increase of witches and sorcerers? Was it not known how there

were three sorts of witches,--those that can hurt and not help,

those that can help and not hurt, and those that can both help and

hurt? It was unsafe even to talk of them.

"But the youth had met with the history of the murder of Duncan

King of Scotland, in a chronicler older than Holinshed; and he told

softly, so that 'yon crickets shall not hear it,' that, as Macbeth

and Banquo journeyed from Forres, sporting by the way together,

when the warriors came in the midst of a laund, three weird sisters

suddenly appeared to them, in strange and wild apparel, resembling

creatures of an elder world, and prophesied that Macbeth should be

King of Scotland; and Macbeth from that hour desired to be king,

and so killed the good king his liege lord.

"And then the story-teller would pass on to safer matters--to

the calculations of learned men who could read the fates of

mankind in the aspects of the stars; and of those more deeply

learned, clothed in garments of white linen, who had command over

the spirits of the earth, of the water, and of the air. Some of

the children said that a horseshoe over the door, and vervain

and dill, would preserve them, as they had been told, from the

devices of sorcery. But their mother called to their mind that

there was security far more to be relied on than charms of herb or

horseshoe--that there was a Power that would preserve them from

all evil, seen or unseen, if such were His gracious will, and if

they humbly sought Him, and offered up their hearts to Him in all

love and trust. And to that Power this household then addressed

themselves; and the night was without fear, and their sleep was

pleasant."

CHRISTENINGS.

In the olden time the christening of a child was an occasion of

feasting and gift-giving. It was an ancient custom for the sponsors

to make a present of silver or gilt spoons to the infant. These

were called "apostle spoons," because the end of the handle was

formed into the figure of one of the apostles. The rich or generous

gave the whole twelve; those less wealthy or liberal limited

themselves to the four evangelists; while the poor contented

themselves with the gift of a single spoon.

There is an allusion to this custom in _Henry VIII._ (v. 3.

168), where the King replies to Cranmer, who has professed to be

unworthy of being a sponsor to the baby Elizabeth, "Come, come, my

lord, you'd spare your spoons,"--a playful insinuation that the

archbishop wants to escape making a present to the child.

[Illustration: ANCIENT FONT AT STRATFORD]

It is related that Shakespeare was godfather to one of Ben Jonson's

children, and said to his friend after the christening, "I' faith,

Ben, I'll e'en give him a dozen good Latin spoons, and thou shalt

translate them." That is, as Mr. Thoms explains it, "Shakespeare,

willing to show his wit, if not his wealth, gave a dozen spoons,

not of silver, but of _latten_, a name formerly used to signify a

mixed metal resembling brass, as being the most appropriate gift to

the child of a father so learned."

After baptism at the church a piece of white linen was put

upon the head of the child. This was called the "chrisom" or

"chrisom-cloth," and originally was worn seven days; but after the

Reformation it was kept on until the churching of the mother. If

the child died before the churching, it was buried with the chrisom

upon it. In parish registers such infants are often referred to

as "chrisoms." In _Henry V._ (ii. 3. 12), Dame Quickly says of

Falstaff, "A' made a finer end, and went away an it had been any

christom child"; that is, his death was like that of a young

infant. "Christom" is the old woman's blunder for "chrisom."

The "bearing-cloth" was the mantle which covered the child when

it was carried to the font. In the _Winter's Tale_ (iii. 3. 119),

the Shepherd, when he finds the infant Perdita abandoned on the

sea-shore, says to his son: "Here's a sight for thee; look thee, a

bearing-cloth for a squire's child! Look thee here; take up, take

up, boy; open 't." John Stow, writing in the closing years of the

16th century, says that at that time it was not customary "for

godfathers and godmothers generally to give plate at the baptism of

children, but only to give 'christening shirts,' with little bands

and cuffs, wrought either with silk or blue thread. The best of

them, for chief persons, were edged with a small lace of black silk

and gold, the highest price of which, for great men's children,

was seldom above a noble [a gold coin worth 6_s._ 8_d._], and the

common sort, two, three, or four, and six shillings apiece."

The "gossips' feast" (or sponsors' feast) held in honor of those

who were associated in the christening, was an ancient English

custom often mentioned by dramatists and other writers of the

Elizabethan age. In the _Comedy of Errors_ (v. 1. 405) the Abbess,

when she finds that the twin brothers Antipholus are her long-lost

sons, says to the company present:--

"Thirty-three years have I but gone in travail

Of you, my sons; and till this present hour

My heavy burthen ne'er delivered.--

The duke, my husband, and my children both,

And you the calendars of their nativity,

Go to a gossip's feast, and go with me;

After so long grief, such nativity!"

And the Duke replies, "With all my heart I'll gossip at this feast."

In the _Bachelor's Banquet_ (1603) we find an allusion to these

feasts: "What cost and trouble will it be to have all things

fine against the Christening Day; what store of sugar, biscuits,

comfets, and caraways, marmalet, and marchpane, with all kinds of

sweet-suckers and superfluous banqueting stuff, with a hundred

other odd and needless trifles, which at that time must fill the

pockets of dainty dames." It would appear from this that the women

at the feast not only ate what they pleased, but carried off some

of the good things in their pockets.

A writer in 1666, alluding to this and the falling-off in the

custom of giving presents at christenings, says:--

"Especially since gossips now

Eat more at christenings than bestow.

Formerly when they used to trowl

Gilt bowls of sack, they gave the bowl--

Two spoons at least; an use ill kept:

'T is well now if our own be left."

He insinuates that some of the guests were as likely to steal

spoons from the table as to give gilt bowls or "apostle spoons" to

the infant.

The boy Shakespeare must have often seen this ceremony of

christening. His sister Joan was baptized when he was five years

old; his sister Anna when he was eight; his brother Richard when he

was ten; and Edmund when he was sixteen.

SUPERSTITIONS CONNECTED WITH BIRTH AND BAPTISM.

In the time of Shakespeare babies were supposed to be exposed to

other risks and dangers than the infantile disorders to which they

are subject. Mary Shakespeare, as she watched the cradle of the

infant William, may have been troubled by fears and anxieties that

never occur to a fond mother now.

Witches and fairies were supposed to be given to stealing beautiful

and promising children, and substituting their own ugly and

mischievous offspring. Shakespeare alludes to these "changelings,"

as they were called, in the _Midsummer-Night's Dream_ (ii. 1. 23),

where Puck says that Oberon is angry with Titania

"Because that she as her attendant hath

A lovely boy, stolen from an Indian king;

She never had so sweet a changeling."

This "changeling boy" is alluded to several times afterwards in the

play.

In the _Winter's Tale_ (iii. 3. 122), when the Shepherd finds

Perdita, he says: "It was told me I should be rich by the fairies;

this is some changeling"; and the money left with the infant he

believes to be "fairy gold." As the child is beautiful he does not

take it to be one of the ugly elves left in exchange for a stolen

babe, but a human changeling which the fairy thieves have for some

reason abandoned. If it were not for the gold left with it, he

might suppose that the stolen infant had been temporarily hidden

there. We have an allusion to such behavior on the part of the

fairies in Spenser's _Faerie Queene_ (i. 10. 65):--

"For well I wote thou springst from ancient race

Of Saxon kinges, that have with mightie hand,

And many bloody battailes fought in face,

High reard their royall throne in Britans land,

And vanquisht them, unable to withstand:

From thence a Faery thee unweeting reft,

There as thou slepst in tender swadling band,

And her base Elfin brood there for thee left:

Such men do Chaungelings call, so chaung'd by Faeries theft.

Thence she thee brought into this Faery lond [land],

And in a heaped furrow did thee hyde;

Where thee a Ploughman all unweeting fond [found],

As he his toylesome teme that way did guyde,

And brought thee up in a ploughmans state to byde."

In _1 Henry IV._ (i. 1. 87), the King, contrasting the gallant

Hotspur with his own profligate son, exclaims:

"O that it could be proved

That some night-tripping fairy had exchang'd

In cradle-clothes our children where they lay,

And call'd mine Percy, his Plantagenet!

Then would I have his Harry, and he mine."

The belief in the "evil eye" was another superstition prevalent

in Shakespeare's day, as it had been from the earliest times.

It dates back to old Greek and Roman days, being mentioned by

Theocritus, Virgil, and other classical writers. In Turkey passages

from the Koran used to be painted on the outside of houses as a

protection against this malignant influence of witches, who were

supposed to cause serious injury to human beings and animals by

merely looking at them.

Thomas Lupton, in his _Book of Notable Things_ (1586) says: "The

eyes be not only instruments of enchantment, but also the voice and

evil tongues of certain persons." Bacon, in one of his minor works,

remarks: "It seems some have been so curious as to note that the

times when the stroke or percussion of an envious eye does most

hurt are particularly when the party envied is beheld in glory and

triumph."

Robert Heron, writing in 1793 of his travels in Scotland, says:

"Cattle are subject to be injured by what is called an _evil

eye_, for some persons are supposed to have naturally a blasting

power in their eyes, with which they injure whatever offends or

is hopelessly desired by them. Witches and warlocks are also much

disposed to wreak their malignity on cattle.... It is common to

bind into a cow's tail a small piece of mountain-ash wood, as a

charm against witchcraft."

As recently as August, 1839, a London newspaper reports a case in

which a woman was suspected of the evil eye by a fellow-lodger

merely because she squinted.

In this case, as in many others, the possession of the evil eye

may not have been supposed due to any evil purpose or character.

Good people might be born with this baleful influence, and might

exert it against their will or even unconsciously. It is said that

Pius IX., soon after his election as Pope, when he was perhaps

the best loved man in Italy, happened while passing through the

streets in his carriage to glance upward at an open window at which

a nurse was standing with a child. A few minutes afterward the

nurse let the child drop and it was killed. Nobody thought that the

Pope wished this, but the fancy that he had the evil eye became

universal and lasted till his death.

In the _Merry Wives of Windsor_ (v. 5. 87) Pistol says to Falstaff:

"Vile worm, thou wast o'erlook'd even in thy birth." In the

_Merchant of Venice_ (iii. 2. 15) Portia playfully refers to the

same superstition in talking with Bassanio:--

"Beshrew your eyes,

They have o'erlook'd me and divided me;

One half of me is yours, the other half yours."

CHARMS AND AMULETS.

Against these dangers, and many like them which it would take

an entire volume to enumerate, protection was sought by charms

and amulets. These were also supposed to prevent or cure certain

diseases. Magicians and witches employed charms to accomplish their

evil purposes; and other charms were used to thwart these purposes

by those who feared mischief from them.

In _Othello_ (i. 2. 62) Brabantio, the father of Desdemona,

suspects that the Moor has won his daughter's love by charms. He

says to Othello:--

"O thou foul thief, where hast thou stow'd my daughter?

Damn'd as thou art, thou hast enchanted her."

In the preceding scene, talking with Roderigo, he asks:--

"Is there not charms

By which the property of youth and maidhood

May be abused? Have you not heard, Roderigo,

Of some such thing?"

And Roderigo replies: "Yes, sir, I have indeed." When Othello

afterward tells how he had gained the maiden's love, he says in

conclusion:--

"She loved me for the dangers I had pass'd,

And I loved her that she did pity them.

This only is the witchcraft I have used."

In the _Midsummer-Night's Dream_ (i. 1. 27) Egeus accuses Lysander

of wooing Hermia by magic arts: "This man hath bewitch'd the bosom

of my child."

In _Much Ado About Nothing_ (iii. 2. 72) Benedick, when his friends

banter him for pretending to have the toothache, replies: "Yet this

is no charm for the toothache."

John Melton, in his _Astrologaster_ (1620), says it is vulgarly

believed that "toothaches, agues, cramps, and fevers, and many

other diseases may be healed by mumbling a few strange words over

the head of the diseased."

[Illustration: PORCH, STRATFORD CHURCH]

Written charms in prose or verse--or neither, being nonsensical

combinations of words, letters, or signs--were in great favor then,

as before and since. The unmeaning word _abracadabra_ was much used

in incantations, and worn as an amulet was supposed to cure

or prevent certain ailments. It was necessary to write it in the

following form, if one would secure its full potency:--

A B R A C A D A B R A

A B R A C A D A B R

A B R A C A D A B

A B R A C A D A

A B R A C A D

A B R A C A

A B R A C

A B R A

A B R

A B

A

A manuscript in the British Museum contains this note: "Mr.

Banester saith that he healed 200 in one year of an ague by hanging

_abracadabra_ about their necks."

Thomas Lodge, in his _Incarnate Divels_ (1596) refers to written

charms thus: "Bring him but a table [tablet] of lead, with crosses

(and 'Adonai' or 'Elohim' written in it), he thinks it will heal

the ague."

Certain trees, like the elder and the ash, were supposed to furnish

valuable material for charms and amulets. A writer in 1651 says:

"The common people keep as a great secret the leaves of the elder

which they have gathered the last day of April; which to disappoint

the charms of witches they affix to their doors and windows." An

amulet against erysipelas was made of "elder on which the sun

never shined," a "piece betwixt two knots" being hung about the

patient's neck.

In a book published in 1599 it is asserted that "if one eat three

small pomegranate-flowers, they say for a whole year he shall be

safe from all manner of eye sore." According to the same authority,

"it hath been and yet is a thing which superstition hath believed,

that the body anointed with the juice of chicory is very available

to obtain the favor of great persons."

Wearing a bay-leaf was a charm against lightning. Robert Greene,

_Penelope's Web_ (1601), says: "He which weareth the bay leaf is

privileged from the prejudice of thunder." In Webster's _White

Devil_ (1612) Cornelia says:--

"Reach the bays:

I'll tie a garland here about his head;

'T will keep my boy from lightning."

Burton, in his _Anatomy of Melancholy_ (1621), remarks: "Amulets,

and things to be borne about, I find prescribed, taxed [condemned]

by some, approved by others.... I say with Renodeus, they are not

altogether to be rejected."

Reginald Scot, in his _Discoverie of Witchcraft_, published in

1584, in which he exposed and ridiculed the pretensions of witches,

magicians, and astrologers, tells an amusing story of an old woman

who cured diseases by muttering a certain form of words over the

person afflicted; for which service she always received a penny and

a loaf of bread. At length, terrified by threats of being burned as

a witch, she owned that her whole conjuration consisted in these

lines, which she repeated in a low voice near the head of the

patient:--

"Thy loaf in my hand,

And thy penny in my purse,

Thou art never the better,

And I--am never the worse."

Scot was one of the few men of that age who dared to assail the

general belief in witchcraft and magic; and James I. ordered his

book to be burned by the common hangman. That monarch also wrote

his _Demonology_, as he tells us, "chiefly against the damnable

opinions of Wierus and Scot; the latter of whom is not ashamed in

public print to deny there can be such a thing as witchcraft."

Eminent divines and scientific writers joined in the attempt to

refute this bold attack upon the ignorance and superstition of the

time.

We infer, from certain passages in the plays, that Shakespeare had

read Scot's book; and we have good reason to believe that, like

Scot, he was far enough in advance of his age to see the absurdity

of the popular faith in magic and witchcraft. In his boyhood we

may suppose that he believed in them, as his parents and everybody

in Stratford doubtless did; but when he became a man he appears

to have regarded them only as curious old folk-lore from which he

could now and then draw material for use in his plays and poems.

The illustrations here given of the vulgar superstitions of

Shakespeare's time are merely a few out of thousands equally

interesting to be found in books on the subject, or scattered

through the dramatic and other literature of the period.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] A _reredos_ was a kind of open hearth or brazier. _Pose_,

just below, means a cold in the head, and _quack_ a hoarseness or

croaking caused by a cold in the throat.

[2] In the original each of these lines is divided into two, thus:

"First in the mornynge

when thou dost awake

To God for his grace

thy peticion then make;" etc.

To save space, I arrange the lines as Dr. Furnivall does.

[3] The spelling _handkercher_, common in these old books, and in

the early editions of Shakespeare, indicates the pronunciation

of the time. In _As You Like It_, _The Taming of the Shrew_,

_Hamlet_, _Othello_, and other plays, _napkin_ is equivalent to

_handkerchief_. This, indeed, is the only meaning of the word in

Shakespeare, as often in other writers of the period.

Shakespeare the Boy With Sketches of the Home and School Life, Games and Sports, Manners, Customs and Folk-lore of the Time · 第 2 / 6 章